Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1997869
Udi Sommer, Or Rappel-Kroyzer
ABSTRACT We examine how internet media outlets in key Anglo-American democracies differed under a similar external shock: the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. COVID-19 posed a special challenge to democracy, juxtaposing it with alternative forms of government, which may be better positioned to deal with such a crisis. The online media, as the watchdog of democracy, played a key role. As the pandemic started to spread worldwide, three democracies – the USA, Canada, and New Zealand – were of particular interest. The USA had the highest number of cases and deaths, considerably more than its neighbor to the north. NZ was the democracy that most effectively dealt with the pandemic. We comprehensively study the coverage of the outbreak on the internet website of a newspaper of record in each. Data were harvested for the universe of 27,089 articles published online between mid-February and early May on the websites of the New York Times, New Zealand Herald, and the Globe and Mail. Natural learning processing and dependency parsing are the methods used to analyze the data. We find meaningful differences between the outlets in timing, structure, and content. Compared with their US counterpart, the online watchdogs of democracy in Canada and NZ – where COVID-19 politics were far more effective – barked louder, clearer and 2 weeks earlier.
{"title":"Online coverage of the COVID-19 outbreak in Anglo-American democracies: internet news coverage and pandemic politics in the USA, Canada, and New Zealand","authors":"Udi Sommer, Or Rappel-Kroyzer","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1997869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1997869","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We examine how internet media outlets in key Anglo-American democracies differed under a similar external shock: the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. COVID-19 posed a special challenge to democracy, juxtaposing it with alternative forms of government, which may be better positioned to deal with such a crisis. The online media, as the watchdog of democracy, played a key role. As the pandemic started to spread worldwide, three democracies – the USA, Canada, and New Zealand – were of particular interest. The USA had the highest number of cases and deaths, considerably more than its neighbor to the north. NZ was the democracy that most effectively dealt with the pandemic. We comprehensively study the coverage of the outbreak on the internet website of a newspaper of record in each. Data were harvested for the universe of 27,089 articles published online between mid-February and early May on the websites of the New York Times, New Zealand Herald, and the Globe and Mail. Natural learning processing and dependency parsing are the methods used to analyze the data. We find meaningful differences between the outlets in timing, structure, and content. Compared with their US counterpart, the online watchdogs of democracy in Canada and NZ – where COVID-19 politics were far more effective – barked louder, clearer and 2 weeks earlier.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"393 - 410"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41491752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-15DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1985031
D. Lane, K. Do, Nancy Molina-Rogers
ABSTRACT While a growing number of studies have examined political expression in the context of social media, fundamental questions remain about the communicative processes under study and the transformative role played by social media technologies. Accordingly, this paper undertakes a systematic review of quantitative studies that explicitly examine political expression on social media (N = 66) in order to clarify how past scholarship has conceptualized and measured political expression. In addition to identifying biases toward survey methodology (86.4% of studies) and the United States context (50% of studies), results indicate that political expression is often under-conceptualized and inconsistently measured. Yet the review highlights several ways in which this burgeoning literature provides opportunities to sharpen political expression as a distinctly useful concept for studying political communication in the digital age. To this end, we offer several recommendations for better theorization and measurement in this area of research.
{"title":"What is political expression on social media anyway?: A systematic review","authors":"D. Lane, K. Do, Nancy Molina-Rogers","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1985031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1985031","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While a growing number of studies have examined political expression in the context of social media, fundamental questions remain about the communicative processes under study and the transformative role played by social media technologies. Accordingly, this paper undertakes a systematic review of quantitative studies that explicitly examine political expression on social media (N = 66) in order to clarify how past scholarship has conceptualized and measured political expression. In addition to identifying biases toward survey methodology (86.4% of studies) and the United States context (50% of studies), results indicate that political expression is often under-conceptualized and inconsistently measured. Yet the review highlights several ways in which this burgeoning literature provides opportunities to sharpen political expression as a distinctly useful concept for studying political communication in the digital age. To this end, we offer several recommendations for better theorization and measurement in this area of research.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"331 - 345"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45231259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-20DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1977757
Xiao Wang, Yang Yu
ABSTRACT Given the sizable viewership of the U.S. presidential debates and the importance of moral sentiments in human behavior, this present investigation examined the relationship between moral framing in the U.S. presidential debates and the changes of moral words and self-transcendent emotions in tweets. For each presidential debate in 2016, we collected tweets on the day of the debate and the day after the debate. A total of 991,835 tweets were coded using the “bag-of-words” approach and supervised machine learning. The results showed that Clinton’s moral framing during the 2016 presidential debates was generally associated with harm/care and fairness in the tweets, whereas Trump’s moral framing was associated with ingroup loyalty and authority in the tweets. Interrupted time series analyses indicated that the effects of the debates on the moral words and self-transcendent emotions in the tweets were limited. Political candidates should aim to induce and then sustain moral sentiments in voters.
{"title":"The impact of moral framing in the 2016 U.S. presidential debates on moral judgments and self-transcendent emotions in tweets","authors":"Xiao Wang, Yang Yu","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1977757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1977757","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Given the sizable viewership of the U.S. presidential debates and the importance of moral sentiments in human behavior, this present investigation examined the relationship between moral framing in the U.S. presidential debates and the changes of moral words and self-transcendent emotions in tweets. For each presidential debate in 2016, we collected tweets on the day of the debate and the day after the debate. A total of 991,835 tweets were coded using the “bag-of-words” approach and supervised machine learning. The results showed that Clinton’s moral framing during the 2016 presidential debates was generally associated with harm/care and fairness in the tweets, whereas Trump’s moral framing was associated with ingroup loyalty and authority in the tweets. Interrupted time series analyses indicated that the effects of the debates on the moral words and self-transcendent emotions in the tweets were limited. Political candidates should aim to induce and then sustain moral sentiments in voters.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"316 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46248402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-19DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1972893
Chris J. Vargo
ABSTRACT Using Gallup survey data and online news from 2015 to 2020, this study explored the degree to which audiences “meld” agendas from a wide array of news sources for the five most popular issues in the U.S.: the government and politicians, immigration, the economy, race relations, and healthcare. Overall, audiences of varying ideology had agendas that were congruent. Media agendas also appeared congruent, except on the issue of the economy. Conservative news media had a strong influence on audience issue salience. Horizontal (all partisan) and vertical (nonpartisan) media were in a virtual tie for influence among audiences. Despite an erosion in media trust, conservatives were receptive to issue salience from news media of all types, including liberal media. Liberals did not mirror elite media issue saliences, but were influenced by all other types of media, including conservative media. Moderates were influenced by the entire media landscape, to a somewhat even degree. Four out of the five issues studied here showed varying news media influence with no one media group nor ideology owning the agendas of an issue. The exception observed here was the issue of healthcare, which was influenced exclusively by liberal media for all three ideological groups.
{"title":"Public “agendamelding” in the United States: assessing the relative influence of different types of online news on partisan agendas from 2015 to 2020","authors":"Chris J. Vargo","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1972893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1972893","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using Gallup survey data and online news from 2015 to 2020, this study explored the degree to which audiences “meld” agendas from a wide array of news sources for the five most popular issues in the U.S.: the government and politicians, immigration, the economy, race relations, and healthcare. Overall, audiences of varying ideology had agendas that were congruent. Media agendas also appeared congruent, except on the issue of the economy. Conservative news media had a strong influence on audience issue salience. Horizontal (all partisan) and vertical (nonpartisan) media were in a virtual tie for influence among audiences. Despite an erosion in media trust, conservatives were receptive to issue salience from news media of all types, including liberal media. Liberals did not mirror elite media issue saliences, but were influenced by all other types of media, including conservative media. Moderates were influenced by the entire media landscape, to a somewhat even degree. Four out of the five issues studied here showed varying news media influence with no one media group nor ideology owning the agendas of an issue. The exception observed here was the issue of healthcare, which was influenced exclusively by liberal media for all three ideological groups.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"284 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45086616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1973643
Gunther Vanden Eynde, Bart Maddens
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the investment in digital tools and the allocation of communication expenses in a Global South country with an uneven digital penetration rate. Data were collected for 2,563 candidates in the 2018 legislative election in Colombia, based on the official campaign finance disclosure documents. A multivariate analysis shows that particularly challengers invest in social media tools, which is a strong indication in favor of the equalization model. That such an effect is not found for radio and television expenses confirms this interpretation. Candidates on open lists are more inclined to spend on both digital and radio and television tools than candidates on closed lists. At the district level, the odds of spending on digital media increase with the digital media use, but so does the odds of spending on radio and television ads.
{"title":"Explaining digital campaign expenses: The case of the 2018 legislative elections in Colombia","authors":"Gunther Vanden Eynde, Bart Maddens","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1973643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1973643","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper analyses the investment in digital tools and the allocation of communication expenses in a Global South country with an uneven digital penetration rate. Data were collected for 2,563 candidates in the 2018 legislative election in Colombia, based on the official campaign finance disclosure documents. A multivariate analysis shows that particularly challengers invest in social media tools, which is a strong indication in favor of the equalization model. That such an effect is not found for radio and television expenses confirms this interpretation. Candidates on open lists are more inclined to spend on both digital and radio and television tools than candidates on closed lists. At the district level, the odds of spending on digital media increase with the digital media use, but so does the odds of spending on radio and television ads.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"302 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46175869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-25DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1969611
M. Yamamoto, Fan Yang
ABSTRACT This study examines traditional and social media news use in relation to political knowledge from the perspective of the Dunning-Kruger effect. Data from a two-wave panel survey show that social media use for news is positively related to knowledge miscalibration, or a mismatch between subjective and factual political knowledge. That is, respondents who use social media for news often tend to overestimate their levels of knowledge. In contrast, traditional news use is negatively associated with knowledge miscalibration. These results seem attributable to the role of social media news use in fostering subjective political knowledge and traditional news use in facilitating factual learning. Implications are discussed for the role of news consumption in the political process.
{"title":"Does news help us become knowledgeable or think we are knowledgeable? Examining a linkage of traditional and social media use with political knowledge","authors":"M. Yamamoto, Fan Yang","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1969611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1969611","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines traditional and social media news use in relation to political knowledge from the perspective of the Dunning-Kruger effect. Data from a two-wave panel survey show that social media use for news is positively related to knowledge miscalibration, or a mismatch between subjective and factual political knowledge. That is, respondents who use social media for news often tend to overestimate their levels of knowledge. In contrast, traditional news use is negatively associated with knowledge miscalibration. These results seem attributable to the role of social media news use in fostering subjective political knowledge and traditional news use in facilitating factual learning. Implications are discussed for the role of news consumption in the political process.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"269 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43296295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-22DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1949658
A. Russell
ABSTRACT Twitter is changing strategic messaging in the U.S. Senate. Senators are using Twitter to frame their political brand for constituents, fostering a new digital dialog with constituents. I propose a constituent-driven theory of strategic messaging where senators curate a reputation on Twitter that matches their perceived expectations of their primary constituency. Representation on social media challenges what we know about senators’ institutionally and politically constrained behavior by analyzing them in a new media climate where individual discretion is high and the costs are low. Using a unique dataset of more than 180,000 hand-coded tweets by senators, I show that senators develop two types of digital constituent relationships – an issue-oriented, national reputation versus traditional outreach to geographic constituents. Senators with issue-based constituencies prioritize policy, conveying an issue-driven style of representation; however, senators with tepid electoral futures pair their policy rhetoric with state-based issues or local concerns. These findings expand the scope of existing theories on congressional communication and link the technological shifts in Congress to information senators use to build relationships with voters.
{"title":"Constituent connections: senators’ reputation building in the age of social media","authors":"A. Russell","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1949658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1949658","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Twitter is changing strategic messaging in the U.S. Senate. Senators are using Twitter to frame their political brand for constituents, fostering a new digital dialog with constituents. I propose a constituent-driven theory of strategic messaging where senators curate a reputation on Twitter that matches their perceived expectations of their primary constituency. Representation on social media challenges what we know about senators’ institutionally and politically constrained behavior by analyzing them in a new media climate where individual discretion is high and the costs are low. Using a unique dataset of more than 180,000 hand-coded tweets by senators, I show that senators develop two types of digital constituent relationships – an issue-oriented, national reputation versus traditional outreach to geographic constituents. Senators with issue-based constituencies prioritize policy, conveying an issue-driven style of representation; however, senators with tepid electoral futures pair their policy rhetoric with state-based issues or local concerns. These findings expand the scope of existing theories on congressional communication and link the technological shifts in Congress to information senators use to build relationships with voters.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"180 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42969546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-12DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1962778
Toby Hopp
ABSTRACT This study explored the concept of self-efficacy in the context of fake news identification and sharing on Facebook. The results indicated that those scoring high on a measure of Facebook-based fake news self-efficacy (i.e., confidence in one’s ability to identify factually incorrect current events information on Facebook) performed increasingly well on a fake news identification and classification task. For its part, the ability to identify and properly classify fake news was shown to be negatively related to the self-reported likelihood of sharing of fake news on Facebook.
{"title":"Fake news self-efficacy, fake news identification, and content sharing on Facebook","authors":"Toby Hopp","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1962778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1962778","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study explored the concept of self-efficacy in the context of fake news identification and sharing on Facebook. The results indicated that those scoring high on a measure of Facebook-based fake news self-efficacy (i.e., confidence in one’s ability to identify factually incorrect current events information on Facebook) performed increasingly well on a fake news identification and classification task. For its part, the ability to identify and properly classify fake news was shown to be negatively related to the self-reported likelihood of sharing of fake news on Facebook.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"229 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48701930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-09DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1962779
Viktor Chagas, Isabele Mitozo, Samuel Barros, João Guilherme Santos, Dilvan Azevedo
ABSTRACT Mobile Instant Messaging Services (MIMS) were first used for political campaigning in the 2018 Brazilian elections; they were also used for engaging people in public consultations. This article aims to analyze the specifics of the call to action used on WhatsApp for consultations on the Brazilian Senate’s e-Cidadania Portal during the 2018 electoral campaign. Moreover, our research aims to understand the extent to which the calls to action were used in the campaign during a time of strong political polarization in the country. The methodology consists of a content analysis aimed at understanding the message content of the consultations, how that content was shared, and similarities between this call to action and the electoral campaign strategies. The results show that this call to action caused a participatory distortion on that particular Portal, the topics covered were part of the elected candidate’s campaign platform, and the strategy was maintained after elections.
{"title":"The ‘new age’ of political participation? WhatsApp and call to action on the Brazilian senate’s consultations on the e-cidadania portal","authors":"Viktor Chagas, Isabele Mitozo, Samuel Barros, João Guilherme Santos, Dilvan Azevedo","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1962779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1962779","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mobile Instant Messaging Services (MIMS) were first used for political campaigning in the 2018 Brazilian elections; they were also used for engaging people in public consultations. This article aims to analyze the specifics of the call to action used on WhatsApp for consultations on the Brazilian Senate’s e-Cidadania Portal during the 2018 electoral campaign. Moreover, our research aims to understand the extent to which the calls to action were used in the campaign during a time of strong political polarization in the country. The methodology consists of a content analysis aimed at understanding the message content of the consultations, how that content was shared, and similarities between this call to action and the electoral campaign strategies. The results show that this call to action caused a participatory distortion on that particular Portal, the topics covered were part of the elected candidate’s campaign platform, and the strategy was maintained after elections.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"253 - 268"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47553027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-21DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2021.1950096
Yu Sun, Todd Graham, M. Broersma
ABSTRACT Based on a comparative content analysis of political talk in three popular Chinese online forums (government-run, commercial-lifestyle, and commercial-topical), this paper investigates how the private and public spheres are connected thru everyday talk about childcare concerns. Compared to the government-run (party-state) forum, the nonpolitical (lifestyle and topical) forums created open and inclusive ‘third spaces’ for citizens to engage in child welfare politics. In such spaces, the reason, rule-based deliberation was not the dominant communicative practice. Rather, political (narrative) acts of complaining and sharing personal concerns – grounded in citizens’ life experiences – were the norm, capturing and recognizing public problems in the private sphere. We argue that to understand the nature of political talk in Chinese third spaces, communicative acts that have not been considered central to deliberative reasoning, such as complaining and sharing personal concerns should be given more normative importance.
{"title":"Complaining and sharing personal concerns as political acts: how everyday talk about childcare and parenting on online forums increases public deliberation and civic engagement in China","authors":"Yu Sun, Todd Graham, M. Broersma","doi":"10.1080/19331681.2021.1950096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2021.1950096","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on a comparative content analysis of political talk in three popular Chinese online forums (government-run, commercial-lifestyle, and commercial-topical), this paper investigates how the private and public spheres are connected thru everyday talk about childcare concerns. Compared to the government-run (party-state) forum, the nonpolitical (lifestyle and topical) forums created open and inclusive ‘third spaces’ for citizens to engage in child welfare politics. In such spaces, the reason, rule-based deliberation was not the dominant communicative practice. Rather, political (narrative) acts of complaining and sharing personal concerns – grounded in citizens’ life experiences – were the norm, capturing and recognizing public problems in the private sphere. We argue that to understand the nature of political talk in Chinese third spaces, communicative acts that have not been considered central to deliberative reasoning, such as complaining and sharing personal concerns should be given more normative importance.","PeriodicalId":47047,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Information Technology & Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"214 - 228"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19331681.2021.1950096","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47274773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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