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No evidence for hedonic shifts to bring about more moral hypocrisy: A comment on Lindenberg et al. (2018) 没有证据表明享乐主义的转变会带来更多的道德虚伪:对Lindenberg等人的评论(2018)
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-07-12 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119863061
W. Przepiorka
Lindenberg et al. report experimental evidence for the effect of hedonic shifts on subjects’ propensity to engage in moral hypocrisy. Hedonic shifts are changes in individuals’ cognitive states that can be triggered by cues in these individuals’ environments such as ambient smells. Individuals in a hedonic cognitive state aim at doing what makes them feel good. Hence, the authors hypothesize that (1) individuals who are in a bad mood and are put in a hedonic cognitive state will more often take a moral stance and (2) when asked to act morally refuse to do so, (3) especially when the costs for acting morally are high, and (4) even if the moral issue upon which they are asked to act is unrelated to the issue pertaining to the moral stance they took. The authors test these four hypotheses in two laboratory experiments and conclude that their results support these hypotheses. In this comment, I highlight design, measurement, and data analysis issues arising with the two studies that challenge this conclusion. Throughout my comment, I give some indications as to how a laboratory experiment testing these four hypotheses could be designed and conducted.
Lindenberg等人报告了享乐主义转变对受试者道德虚伪倾向影响的实验证据。Hedonic转变是个体认知状态的变化,可以由这些个体环境中的线索(如环境气味)触发。处于享乐认知状态的人的目标是做让自己感觉良好的事情。因此,作者假设(1)情绪不好并处于享乐认知状态的人会更经常地采取道德立场,(2)当被要求道德行为时,他们拒绝这样做,(3)尤其是当道德行为的成本很高时,(4)即使他们被要求采取行动的道德问题与他们所采取的道德立场无关。作者在两个实验室实验中测试了这四个假设,并得出结论,他们的结果支持这些假设。在这篇评论中,我强调了两项研究中出现的设计、测量和数据分析问题,这两项研究对这一结论提出了质疑。在我的评论中,我给出了一些关于如何设计和进行测试这四个假设的实验室实验的指示。
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引用次数: 3
Gender effects and cooperation in collective action: A laboratory experiment 集体行动中的性别效应与合作:一项实验室实验
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119858788
A. Peshkovskaya, Tatiana S Babkina, M. Myagkov
Numerous researches have indicated that men’s and women’s cooperation varied from no differences to significant differences under the influence of different contextual characteristics. In this study, we investigated how social factors together with a gender composition of a group affected gender differences in cooperation. We found that mixed-sex groups were the most effective in cooperation. At the same time, cooperation level in same-sex groups varied significantly. Besides, in same-sex groups, men demonstrated a higher level of trust and gratitude than women. Among women, in same-sex groups, a tendency toward mutual distrust and competition was revealed more often than among men.
大量研究表明,在不同情境特征的影响下,男性和女性的合作从无差异到显著差异。在这项研究中,我们调查了社会因素和群体的性别构成如何影响合作中的性别差异。我们发现混合性别的群体在合作中是最有效的。同时,同性群体的合作水平也存在显著差异。此外,在同性群体中,男性比女性表现出更高水平的信任和感激。在同性群体中,女性比男性更容易表现出相互不信任和竞争的倾向。
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引用次数: 14
Should we study political behaviour as rituals? Towards a general micro theory of politics in everyday life 我们应该把政治行为作为仪式来研究吗?走向日常生活中的一般微观政治理论
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-06-12 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119853543
P. Marx
Political behaviour research is divided into several explanatory approaches. They have in common that they disregard, to varying extents, the social bases of their explanatory concepts. To fill this void, the present article explores the theoretical advantages of applying Randal Collins’s ritual theory to political behaviour. The central claim is that any cognitive factor, such as interests, values, norms or identities has to be infused with emotional resonance in concrete social interaction in order to become a relevant motivation for political behaviour. Based on this argument, the article develops four testable propositions and discusses how they relate to existing approaches. The article concludes that ritual-based emotions are a unified motivational basis for political behaviour, which help understand which cognitive factor becomes politically relevant in a specific situation. The theoretical discussion is complemented with suggestions of how to study political rituals empirically.
政治行为研究分为几种解释方法。它们的共同之处在于,它们在不同程度上忽视了其解释性概念的社会基础。为了填补这一空白,本文探讨了将兰德尔·柯林斯的仪式理论应用于政治行为的理论优势。其核心主张是,任何认知因素,如利益、价值观、规范或身份,都必须在具体的社会互动中注入情感共鸣,才能成为政治行为的相关动机。基于这一论点,本文提出了四个可测试的命题,并讨论了它们与现有方法的关系。文章的结论是,基于仪式的情感是政治行为的统一动机基础,这有助于理解哪种认知因素在特定情况下具有政治相关性。理论讨论补充了如何实证研究政治仪式的建议。
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引用次数: 6
Improving nursing students' experience of clinical placements. 改善护理专业学生的临床实习体验。
4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-06-10 DOI: 10.7748/ns.2019.e11328
Bob Price

Clinical placements can present a significant challenge for nursing students, since the learning environment differs from that of the classroom, involving potential risks and complicated interpersonal and interprofessional relationships. The array of decisions required on clinical placements can be confusing for nursing students, which can cause them to doubt their skills and knowledge. This article describes the challenges involved in clinical placements, and discusses the importance of person-centred care and techniques such as reasoning and reflection that can improve nursing students' learning in practice. It uses two case studies to illustrate how clinical supervisors and mentors can design clinical placements that enable nursing students to develop their skills, knowledge and self-confidence.

临床实习对护理专业学生来说是一项重大挑战,因为学习环境不同于课堂,涉及潜在的风险以及复杂的人际和专业间关系。临床实习中需要做出的一系列决定可能会让护理专业学生感到困惑,从而对自己的技能和知识产生怀疑。本文介绍了临床实习所面临的挑战,并讨论了以人为本的护理以及推理和反思等技术的重要性,这些技术可以提高护理专业学生的实践学习能力。文章通过两个案例研究,说明临床督导和导师如何设计临床实习,以帮助护理专业学生发展技能、知识和自信心。
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引用次数: 0
The influence of prescriptive norms and negative externalities on bribery decisions in the lab 规范性规范和负外部性对实验室贿赂决策的影响
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119853893
Carlos Maximiliano Senci, Hipólito Hasrun, Rodrigo Moro, E. Freidin
In most bribery games in the literature, there is no mention of rights and duties associated to participants’ roles. Authors have hitherto relied on loaded frames, negative externalities, and the possibility of sanctions to implicitly signal prescriptive norms. We argue that participants’ interpretation of these factors may not be univocal. In this study, a participant in the role of a common citizen either did or did not acquire the right to obtain a monetary benefit and could offer a bribe to an associated participant in the role of public official. This participant, in turn, had an explicit duty of providing the benefit only if the citizen acquired the right to it. Conditions with/without the acquisition of the right were crossed with the presence/absence of negative externalities associated with transgressions of the official’s duty. One last (fifth) condition mimicked other bribery games in the literature which rely on loaded frames and negative externalities but no information on rights and duties. We found that both the presence of externalities and information about rights were effective bribery deterrents, and that bribe offers and acceptances were most discouraged with their synergic effect. Interestingly, officials followed prescriptive information even when it was inefficient to do so (when there were no externalities), and implied choosing against their material self-interest (by rejecting a bribe), and not reciprocating bribe offers. We conclude by highlighting the limits of making generalizations from results without explicit normative information and the relevance of present findings as anti-corruption behavioral insights.
在文献中的大多数贿赂游戏中,没有提到与参与者角色相关的权利和义务。迄今为止,作者们一直依赖于加载框架、负外部性和制裁的可能性来暗示规范性规范。我们认为,参与者对这些因素的解释可能不是单一的。在这项研究中,扮演普通公民角色的参与者要么获得或没有获得获得金钱利益的权利,要么可以向扮演公职人员角色的相关参与者行贿。反过来,这个参与者有明确的义务,只有当公民获得获得利益的权利时,才提供利益。有/没有获得权利的条件与存在/不存在与违反官员职责相关的负面外部性相交叉。最后(第五种)情况模仿了文献中的其他贿赂游戏,这些游戏依赖于加载框架和负外部性,但没有关于权利和义务的信息。我们发现,外部性和权利信息的存在都是有效的贿赂威慑,并且由于其协同效应,最不鼓励贿赂提供和接受。有趣的是,官员们遵循规规性信息,即使这样做效率低下(当没有外部性时),这意味着选择违背他们的物质利益(通过拒绝贿赂),而不是回报贿赂。最后,我们强调了从没有明确规范信息的结果中进行概括的局限性,以及当前研究结果作为反腐败行为见解的相关性。
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引用次数: 5
Nudging and rationality: What is there to worry? 裸体与理性:有什么可担心的?
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-05-13 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119846743
Bart Engelen
The literature on nudging has rekindled normative and conceptual debates surrounding the extent to which and the direction in which people can legitimately influence each other’s actions. An oft-heard objection to nudging is that it exploits psychological mechanisms, manipulates people and thereby insufficiently respects their rational decision-making capacities. Bypassing and/or perverting people’s rational capacities, nudges are said to undermine agency. In this paper, I analyze and deflate these criticisms. After disentangling the different conceptions of rationality that pervade the arguments of both nudging enthusiasts and critics, I critically assess how and under which circumstances nudging can be said to undermine, pervert, bypass but also strengthen people’s rationality. Only in a limited set of cases, I argue, does it make sense to object to nudges for making people less rational than they are, can be or should be. Crucial in this respect will be the distinction between outcome-oriented and process-oriented conceptions of rationality.
关于轻推的文献重新引发了规范性和概念性的辩论,围绕着人们可以在多大程度上和多大方向上合法地影响彼此的行为。对轻推的一个经常听到的反对意见是,它利用了心理机制,操纵了人们,从而没有充分尊重他们的理性决策能力。绕过和/或扭曲人们的理性能力,轻推据说会破坏机构。在本文中,我对这些批评进行了分析和反驳。在理清了轻推爱好者和批评者争论中普遍存在的不同理性概念后,我批判性地评估了轻推如何以及在何种情况下可以说是破坏、扭曲、绕过但又加强了人们的理性。我认为,只有在有限的情况下,反对让人们变得不那么理性的轻推才有意义。在这方面,关键是区分结果导向和过程导向的理性概念。
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引用次数: 18
Ideology and the rationality of non-voting 意识形态与不投票的合理性
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-10 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119841033
F. Facchini, L. Jaeck
What is the theoretical impact of the erosion of partisan ties on electoral abstention? This question comes from Downs–North’s theory of political ideology, which is a tool to reduce the cost of understanding the political debates. Then, when the left–right political divide becomes less visible, the costs of understanding political debates rise and electoral abstention occurs. This interpretation of abstention has three implications: first, it shows that among the multiple reasons responsible for the ‘democratic crisis’ in France, the weakening of the traditional notion of the left and the right is significant. Second, it highlights that voters’ level of education and the Downsian theory of programme convergence affect electoral behaviours and political entrepreneurship. Third, it explains why the relationship between abstention and economic crisis is nonlinear.
党派关系的侵蚀对选举弃权的理论影响是什么?这个问题来自唐斯-诺斯的政治意识形态理论,这是一种降低理解政治辩论成本的工具。然后,当左右政治分歧变得不那么明显时,理解政治辩论的成本就会上升,选举弃权就会发生。对弃权的这种解释有三个含义:首先,它表明,在导致法国“民主危机”的多种原因中,左翼和右翼传统观念的削弱是重要的。其次,它强调了选民的教育水平和唐氏纲领趋同理论影响选举行为和政治创业精神。第三,解释了为什么弃权与经济危机之间存在非线性关系。
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引用次数: 6
How path-creating mechanisms and structural lock-ins make societies drift from democracy to authoritarianism 创造路径的机制和结构性锁定是如何使社会从民主滑向威权主义的
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-02 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119840040
Björn Toelstede
The question of how societies move between democracy and authoritarianism is of vital interest in science, as well as in the day-to-day political debate. This article contributes to this debate by exploring which mechanisms potentially encourage societies to move from democracy to authoritarianism. This article is based on the idea of traditional path dependence, tracing back to Arthur and the organizational path dependence theory by Sydow et al. Building on these theories, I examine how the so-called path-creating mechanisms can emerge and influence societies to move from democracy to authoritarianism. I develop two new concepts in this article. First, structural lock-in that describes a society deprived of its capabilities to adapt to the continuously changing environment. Second, efficient statism, describing societies which strive for higher socio-economic efficiency by embracing strong governmental forms and high conformity levels. The empirical cases presented in this article show that the path-creating mechanisms and efficient statism are regularly observable in societies. Such mechanisms put democracy at risk.
社会如何在民主和专制之间移动的问题,在科学和日常政治辩论中都是至关重要的。本文通过探索哪些机制可能会鼓励社会从民主转向威权主义,为这场辩论做出贡献。本文以传统的路径依赖思想为基础,追溯至Arthur和Sydow等人的组织路径依赖理论。在这些理论的基础上,我研究了所谓的路径创造机制是如何出现并影响社会从民主走向威权主义的。我在本文中提出了两个新概念。首先是结构锁定,它描述的是一个社会被剥夺了适应不断变化的环境的能力。第二,高效的国家主义,指的是通过采用强有力的政府形式和高度的一致性来争取更高的社会经济效率的社会。本文提出的实证案例表明,路径创造机制和有效的国家主义在社会中是经常可见的。这种机制将民主置于危险之中。
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引用次数: 3
The price of religiosity: Enticing young Haredi men into secular academic studies 宗教虔诚的代价:吸引年轻的正统派男子从事世俗的学术研究
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-03-18 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119831271
Yossi Perelman, M. Yaish, B. Bental
Standard economic theory cannot explain why so few Haredi (ultra-orthodox) men attain college degrees in Israel, despite the significant economic returns to such degrees. In addition to economic variables, this article introduces a combination of social and behavioral characteristics, such as religious identity, into the individual choice process. This, in turn, enables us to evaluate a possible trade-off between economic benefits associated with a college degree and the corresponding loss of religious identity in the decision of young ultra-orthodox Israeli men to attain a college degree. In the language of standard economics, we simply ask: What is the economic price Haredi men are willing to pay for their religious beliefs? Utilizing case-control sampling and analysis techniques, we collected retrospective data on Haredi men who study in academic higher education institutes (N = 410) and matched them to Haredi men who do not attend college (N = 310). Our logit econometric model indicates that Haredi men, even those with extreme orthodox beliefs, respond to economic incentives. However, our model indicates that the size of the incentives required to entice academic studies increases with the intensity of religious beliefs.
标准经济理论无法解释为什么在以色列获得大学学位的哈雷迪(极端正统派)男性如此之少,尽管这些学位有着显著的经济回报。除了经济变量外,本文还将社会和行为特征的结合,如宗教身份,引入个人选择过程。这反过来又使我们能够评估与大学学位相关的经济利益与以色列极端正统派年轻男子在决定获得大学学位时相应的宗教身份丧失之间的可能权衡。用标准经济学的语言来说,我们只是问:哈雷迪人愿意为他们的宗教信仰付出什么样的经济代价?利用病例对照抽样和分析技术,我们收集了在学术高等教育机构学习的哈雷迪男性的回顾性数据(N = 410),并将他们与没有上过大学的哈雷迪人进行匹配(N = 310)。我们的logit计量经济学模型表明,哈雷迪人,即使是那些信奉极端正统信仰的人,也会对经济激励做出反应。然而,我们的模型表明,吸引学术研究所需的激励措施的规模随着宗教信仰的强度而增加。
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引用次数: 4
Beyond strictness: Mainline protestant religious participation 超越严格:主流新教宗教的参与
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-02-25 DOI: 10.1177/1043463119831274
Jason Wollschleger
In an effort to move beyond strictness as an explanation, this article employs a most-similar case study of two congregations in order to explore the organizational features of mainline, liberal congregations that influence religious participation. Four key organizational features emerged through field research and subsequent analysis: the use of staff versus committees, provision of distinctively religious goods and services, evangelism, and the intentional creation of community. These findings are considered both for what they add to the understanding of religious participation in Mainline Protestant congregations, as well as a possible way forward to applying theoretical understandings of solutions collective action problems in a congregational setting without focusing on strictness.
为了超越严格作为一种解释,本文采用了两个教会最相似的案例研究,以探索影响宗教参与的主流自由教会的组织特征。通过实地研究和随后的分析,出现了四个关键的组织特征:使用员工与委员会、提供独特的宗教物品和服务、传福音和有意创建社区。这些发现被认为既增加了对主流新教会众宗教参与的理解,也为在会众环境中应用解决集体行动问题的理论理解提供了一种可能的方法,而不关注严格性。
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引用次数: 1
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Rationality and Society
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