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How can I help you? Multiple resource availability promotes generosity with low-value (but not high-value) resources 我能为您做些什么?多资源可用性促进了对低价值(但不是高价值)资源的慷慨
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-09 DOI: 10.1177/1043463121999658
Ashley Harrell
People commonly possess multiple, differentially-valued resources they can use to benefit those in need: contributing money, volunteering time, donating unwanted possessions, posting on social media to raise awareness, and more. But the majority of experimental work on generosity and helping behavior has studied giving when only a single valuable resource is available to give. This project considers: when people have multiple, differentially-valued resources to use to benefit a dependent other, which resources will they use to help, and how much? Results from an experiment show, first, that generosity is higher with lower-value resources. More importantly, when multiple, differentially-valued resources are available to use to benefit others, helping is higher than when a single resource is available, all else being equal. This is because when multiple resources are available, people are especially willing to give away their relatively lower-value resources. Put differently, when people can benefit others using multiple resources, they are more likely to consider how they should help, rather than whether they should.
人们通常拥有多种不同价值的资源,可以用来帮助那些需要帮助的人:捐款、志愿服务、捐赠不想要的东西、在社交媒体上发帖以提高意识等等。但是,大多数关于慷慨和帮助行为的实验研究都是在只有一种有价值的资源可供捐赠时进行的。这个项目考虑的是:当人们有多种不同价值的资源可以用来帮助另一个依赖的人时,他们会用哪些资源来帮助,用多少?一项实验结果表明,首先,资源价值越低,慷慨程度越高。更重要的是,当多个不同价值的资源可用来造福他人时,在其他条件相同的情况下,帮助的作用要高于单一资源可用时的作用。这是因为当有多种资源可用时,人们特别愿意放弃价值相对较低的资源。换句话说,当人们可以利用多种资源造福他人时,他们更有可能考虑他们应该如何帮助,而不是是否应该帮助。
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引用次数: 1
Populism and the rational choice model: The case of the French National Front 民粹主义与理性选择模式——以法国国民阵线为例
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/1043463121995969
F. Facchini, L. Jaeck
This article proposes a general model of partisan political dealignment based on the theory of expressive voting. It is based on the Riker and Odershook equation. Voters cast a ballot for a political party if the utility associated with expressing their support for it is more than their expressive costs. Expressive utility is modeled here as a certain utility model. Then, the model is applied to the rise of voting support in favor of French right-wing populists, the National Front (FN). We show that the fall of justification costs of FN ideology along with the decline in stigmatization costs of voting in favor of the extreme right has fostered the popularity of this party. Political dealignment here is only a particular case of a general process of political norms transgression inherited by each voter.
本文基于表达投票理论,提出了一个党派政治协商的一般模型。它是基于里克和奥德舒克方程。如果与表达他们对政党的支持相关的效用超过了他们的表达成本,选民就会投票给政党。表达型实用新型在这里被建模为某种实用新型。然后,将该模型应用于支持法国右翼民粹主义者国民阵线(FN)的投票支持率上升。我们表明,新生力量意识形态的辩护成本下降,以及投票支持极右翼的污名化成本下降,促进了该党的受欢迎程度。这里的政治交易只是每个选民继承的违反政治规范的一般过程中的一个特例。
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引用次数: 2
Relative risk aversion models: How plausible are their assumptions? 相对风险厌恶模型:它们的假设有多可信?
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/1043463121994087
C. Barone, K. Barg, M. Ichou
This work examines the validity of the two main assumptions of relative risk-aversion models of educational inequality. We compare the Breen-Goldthorpe (BG) and the Breen-Yaish (BY) models in terms of their assumptions about status maintenance motives and beliefs about the occupational risks associated with educational decisions. Concerning the first assumption, our contribution is threefold. First, we criticise the assumption of the BG model that families aim only at avoiding downward mobility and are insensitive to the prospects of upward mobility. We argue that the loss-aversion assumption proposed by BY is a more realistic formulation of status-maintenance motives. Second, we propose and implement a novel empirical approach to assess the validity of the loss-aversion assumption. Third, we present empirical results based on a sample of families of lower secondary school leavers indicating that families are sensitive to the prospects of both upward and downward mobility, and that the loss-aversion hypothesis of BY is empirically supported. As regards the risky choice assumption, we argue that families may not believe that more ambitious educational options entail occupational risks relative to less ambitious ones. We present empirical evidence indicating that, in France, the academic path is not perceived as a risky option. We conclude that, if the restrictive assumptions of the BG model are removed, relative-risk aversion needs not drive educational inequalities.
这项工作检验了教育不平等的相对风险厌恶模型的两个主要假设的有效性。我们比较了Breen-Goldthorpe (BG)和Breen-Yaish (BY)模型对地位维持动机的假设和对与教育决策相关的职业风险的信念。关于第一个假设,我们的贡献是三重的。首先,我们批评BG模型的假设,即家庭的目标只是避免向下流动,而对向上流动的前景不敏感。我们认为by提出的损失厌恶假设是一种更现实的状态维持动机的表述。其次,我们提出并实施了一种新的实证方法来评估损失厌恶假设的有效性。第三,基于初中毕业生家庭样本的实证结果表明,家庭对向上和向下流动的前景都很敏感,并且BY的损失厌恶假设得到了实证支持。关于风险选择假设,我们认为家庭可能不相信更雄心勃勃的教育选择相对于不那么雄心勃勃的教育选择会带来职业风险。我们提出的经验证据表明,在法国,学术道路并不被视为一个有风险的选择。我们的结论是,如果移除BG模型的限制性假设,相对风险厌恶不一定会推动教育不平等。
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引用次数: 14
Non-state order and strategic communication via symbolic dress in Yemen 也门非国家秩序与象征性服饰战略沟通
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/1043463120985322
Daniel Corstange
How do people keep order in weak states? Formal institutions provide law and order in rich societies, but are feeble and capricious in much of the developing world. Instead, people turn to informal, group-based order that operates through reputation and contingent cooperation. Such order requires people to police social boundaries and contributions, looking for costly signals of membership and commitment to weed out mimics and shirkers. Data from Yemen show that people rely on tribes for security and dispute resolution under customary law. Yemenis use a prominent symbol of tribalism, the iconic tribal dagger, to communicate their affiliations and commitments to their customary responsibilities. Yet people vary in how well they understand the semiotic system, and the accuracy of the link between dagger-wearing and tribalism improves with sophistication. While the most knowledgeable Yemenis reveal their tribal types with the dagger, the least knowledgeable communicate nothing at all.
在弱国,人们是如何维持秩序的?正规机构在富裕社会提供法律和秩序,但在许多发展中国家却软弱多变。相反,人们转向非正式的、基于群体的秩序,通过声誉和偶然的合作来运作。这种秩序要求人们监督社会界限和贡献,寻找代价高昂的成员身份和承诺信号,以清除模仿者和逃避者。来自也门的数据显示,根据习惯法,人们依靠部落来实现安全和争端解决。也门人使用部落主义的一个突出象征,即标志性的部落匕首,来传达他们的从属关系和对习惯责任的承诺。然而,人们对符号系统的理解程度各不相同,戴匕首和部落主义之间联系的准确性随着复杂程度的提高而提高。虽然知识最渊博的也门人用匕首揭示了他们的部落类型,但知识最少的也门人什么也不交流。
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引用次数: 2
Death beyond the means: Funeral overspending and its government regulation around the world 无法承受的死亡:世界各地的丧葬超支及其政府监管
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/1043463121990015
T. Sadigov
While death-related household overspending is increasingly an international phenomenon with far-reaching implications, the government responses to it vary greatly throughout the world. This article offers a model of death-related overspending, including both population and governments. The analysis of data from 118 countries empirically supports the main research argument—the decline of traditional hierarchies and simultaneous ascendance of newly-affluent urbanite class, to the backdrop of collectivist society pervaded by superstitions, increase household incentives to spend on death beyond their means. State policy response depends on both the government’s ability to control vested interests and the financial cost of an average funeral.
虽然与死亡有关的家庭超支越来越成为一种具有深远影响的国际现象,但世界各地政府对此的反应却千差万别。本文提供了一个与死亡相关的超支模型,包括人口和政府。对118个国家数据的分析从实证上支持了主要的研究论点——在迷信盛行的集体主义社会背景下,传统等级制度的衰落和新富裕的城市居民阶级的同时崛起,增加了家庭在死亡上入不敷出的支出动机。国家政策的回应既取决于政府控制既得利益的能力,也取决于普通葬礼的财政成本。
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引用次数: 3
The economics of escalation 经济升级
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.1177/1043463120985310
Fabio D’Orlando, Sharon Ricciotti
Escalation is a key characteristic of many consumption behaviors that has not received theoretical attention. This paper aims to propose both a definition and a theoretical treatment of escalation in consumption. We define escalation as a subject’s attempt to obtain “more” or engage in consumption behaviors that are “more intense” on a measurable, quantitative or qualitative, objective or subjective, scale (more difficult ski slopes, stronger drugs, harder sex, better restaurants etc.), even if the subject preferred less intense consumption behaviors in the past. Further, this evolution in behavior also occurs if the budget constraint does not change. We will find endogenous and exogenous theoretical microfoundations for escalation in models of hedonic adaptation, desire for novelty, acquisition of consumption skills, rising aspirations, positional effects, and envy. However, we will also discuss the possibility that the tendency to escalate is a specific innate behavior inherent to human nature. Finally, we will propose a preliminary theoretical formalization of such behavior and indicate the possible implications of taking escalation into adequate consideration. JEL codes: B52, D11, D90, D91, I31
升级是许多尚未得到理论关注的消费行为的一个关键特征。本文旨在提出消费升级的定义和理论处理方法。我们将升级定义为受试者试图在可测量、定量或定性、客观或主观的尺度上获得“更多”或参与“更强烈”的消费行为(更难的滑雪场、更强的毒品、更难的性行为、更好的餐馆等),即使受试者过去更喜欢不那么强烈的消费行为。此外,如果预算约束没有改变,这种行为的演变也会发生。我们将在享乐适应、对新奇事物的渴望、消费技能的获取、不断增长的愿望、位置效应和嫉妒的模型中找到升级的内生和外生理论微观基础。然而,我们也将讨论升级倾向是人性固有的特定先天行为的可能性。最后,我们将提出这种行为的初步理论形式化,并指出充分考虑升级的可能含义。JEL代码:B52、D11、D90、D91、I31
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引用次数: 1
Property rights’ emergence in illicit drug markets 非法毒品市场中产权的出现
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-29 DOI: 10.1177/1043463120968288
J. Bertolai, L. G. Scorzafave
Governance rules are efficient mechanisms in the sense that they increase people’s welfare. They emerge even when the state is unable or refuses to create and enforce them. We study a situation in which this demand for governance manifests itself through the emergence of property rights in illicit drug markets: a privately-provided governance. Specifically, we propose a model for property rights emergence in illicit drug markets as predicted by the theory on governance provided by prison gangs. It is studied a situation in which an agreement among criminals, resembling property rights enforceability on its allocative effect, can emerge in illicit drug markets. Our Mechanism Design approach shows that a change inside the prison system, from a competitive environment to the hegemony of a group of criminals, implies the equilibrium in illicit markets to shift from warfare to peace: the hegemonic group is shown to desire to promote the collusive agreement when it is able to do so. This contrasts with the equilibrium under no hegemony, in which the possibility to conquer consumers/territories drives violence up to a positive level. The novel empirical perspective implied by the model is explored using data from Brazil, a context for which the theory of governance provided by prison gangs has been pointed as a key explanation.
从提高人民福利的意义上讲,治理规则是有效的机制。即使国家无法或拒绝创建和执行它们,它们也会出现。我们研究了一种情况,在这种情况下,这种治理需求通过非法药物市场中出现的产权表现出来:私人提供的治理。具体而言,我们提出了一个由监狱帮派提供的治理理论预测的非法毒品市场产权出现的模型。研究了一种情况,即罪犯之间可能在非法药物市场上出现一种类似于产权可执行性的分配效果的协议。我们的机制设计方法表明,监狱系统内部的变化,从竞争环境到犯罪集团的霸权,意味着非法市场的平衡从战争转向和平:霸权集团表现出在有能力的情况下想要促进共谋协议,征服消费者/领土的可能性将暴力提升到了一个积极的水平。利用巴西的数据探索了该模型所隐含的新颖的实证视角,监狱帮派提供的治理理论被认为是对这一背景的关键解释。
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引用次数: 0
On-Side fighting in civil war: The logic of mortal alignment in Syria 内战中的旁敲侧击:叙利亚致命结盟的逻辑
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/1043463120966989
J. Schulhofer-Wohl
On-side fighting – outright violence between armed groups aligned on the same side of a civil war’s master cleavage – represents a devastating breakdown in cooperation. Its humanitarian consequences are also grave. But it has been under-recognized empirically and therefore under-theorized by scholars to date. This article remedies the omission. Existing research can be extrapolated to produce candidate explanations, but these overlook spatial and temporal variation in on-side fighting within a war. I provide a theory that accounts for this ebb and flow. On-side fighting hinges on belligerents’ trade-offs between short-term survival and long-term political objectives. Enemy threats to survival underpin on-side cooperation; in their absence, belligerents can pursue political gains against on-side competitors. I evaluate this threat-absence theory using evidence from the ongoing Syrian Civil War’s first years. Fine-grained fatalities data capture fluctuating enemy threats to on-side groups’ survival and situate on-side fighting and its absence. Findings support threat-absence theory and contribute to research on warfighting and political competition in civil wars and to the study of coalition dynamics in other settings, including elections and legislatures.
在内战中,站在同一战线上的武装团体之间爆发了直接的暴力冲突,这代表了合作的毁灭性崩溃。其人道主义后果也很严重。但迄今为止,它在经验上的认识不足,因此学者们的理论也不足。这篇文章弥补了这一遗漏。现有的研究可以推断出可能的解释,但这些研究忽略了战争中双方战斗的空间和时间变化。我提供了一个理论来解释这种潮起潮落。双方的战斗取决于交战双方在短期生存和长期政治目标之间的权衡。敌人对生存的威胁支撑着双边合作;在他们缺席的情况下,交战双方可以在对抗对手时追求政治利益。我用正在进行的叙利亚内战头几年的证据来评估这种威胁缺失理论。细粒度的死亡数据捕捉了敌方对交战双方生存的波动威胁,以及交战双方的情况。研究结果支持了威胁缺失理论,并有助于研究内战中的战争和政治竞争,以及研究其他情况下的联盟动态,包括选举和立法机构。
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引用次数: 3
Time-inconsistent preferences and the minimum legal tobacco consuming age 时间不一致的偏好和最低合法吸烟年龄
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-10-29 DOI: 10.1177/1043463120964604
B. Crettez, Régis Deloche
In both the United States of America and the European Union, Member States are encouraged to prevent young people from starting to smoke by forbidding selling tobacco products to people under a certain age. By contrast, there are in general no legal minimum age requirements for consuming those products. Our aim is to address such discrepancy from a theoretical viewpoint by focusing on the case where people have time-inconsistent preferences. Specifically, we build a three-period (youth, adulthood, old age) model of smoking decision in which individual intertemporal preferences are present-biased. Then, using this model, we show that when agents are naive, that is when they are unaware that their intertemporal preferences are time-inconsistent, it may be worthwhile, from the individual viewpoint, to legally prevent young people from smoking. This conclusion does not always hold, because what is good for an agent in youth can be disputable in adult age (and conversely). When individuals are sophisticated, that is, not naive, a legal smoking age (either for buying, consuming or selling tobacco products) is pointless. This conclusion is also reached if one follows the continuing person approach advocated by Sugden. JEL Classification Numbers : I12, I18, K32, D15
美利坚合众国和欧洲联盟都鼓励各成员国禁止向特定年龄以下的人出售烟草制品,以防止年轻人开始吸烟。相比之下,一般来说,消费这些产品没有法定的最低年龄要求。我们的目的是通过关注人们有时间不一致偏好的情况,从理论角度解决这种差异。具体来说,我们建立了一个三个时期(青年、成年、老年)的吸烟决策模型,其中个体的跨期偏好存在偏见。然后,使用这个模型,我们表明,当代理人很天真,也就是说,当他们不知道自己的跨期偏好是时间不一致的时候,从个人角度来看,从法律上阻止年轻人吸烟可能是值得的。这个结论并不总是成立的,因为什么对青少年时期的代理人有利,在成年后可能会有争议(反之亦然)。当个人成熟,也就是说,不天真时,法定吸烟年龄(无论是购买、消费还是销售烟草制品)都是毫无意义的。如果遵循Sugden倡导的持续人方法,也会得出这个结论。JEL分类号:I12、I18、K32、D15
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引用次数: 1
Asymmetric awareness and heterogeneous agents 非对称意识和异构代理
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/1043463120963403
Antoine Dubus
We consider a principal-agent model with moral-hazard and asymmetric awareness and show how the heterogeneity of agents on their aversion to effort affects contract design. We discuss the optimal contract adopted when a principal is aware of all the impacts of an agent’s action, while agents ignore some of them. When a principal faces two types of agents, where one type is more effort-averse than the other, the equilibrium contract is shaped by agent proportions: it pools the agents, separates them, or excludes the more effort-averse agents from the contract. When efforts are observable, all the agents remain unaware, while when efforts are hidden, a principal increases the awareness of the agents to a level commensurate with the nature of the contract. JEL Codes – D82; D83; D86
我们考虑了一个具有道德风险和不对称意识的委托代理模型,并展示了代理人对努力的厌恶程度的异质性如何影响契约设计。我们讨论了当委托人知道代理人行为的所有影响,而代理人忽略其中一些影响时所采用的最优契约。当委托人面对两种类型的代理人时,其中一种类型比另一种类型更不愿付出努力,均衡契约是由代理人比例塑造的:它将代理人聚集在一起,将他们分开,或者将更不愿付出努力的代理人排除在契约之外。当努力是可见的,所有的代理人都不知道,而当努力是隐藏的,委托人将代理人的意识提高到与契约性质相称的水平。JEL代码- D82;D83;D86
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引用次数: 0
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