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Parental time preferences and educational choices: The role of children’s gender and of social origin 父母的时间偏好和教育选择:儿童性别和社会出身的作用
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-23 DOI: 10.1177/10434631221074689
Daniela Bellani, Luis Ortiz-Gervasi
This paper contributes to the literature on Relative Risk Aversion theory in two ways: first, by considering that the effect of time preferences may differ according to both children’s gender and social origin; second, by exploring this possibility for different educational outcomes: upper secondary school choices and university enrollment. We use data of the Survey of Household Income and Wealth, which contains questions specifically addressed to capture an individual’s time discounting preference, to further explore the association between time discounting preference and the effect of social origin on educational outcomes in Italy. In line with prior research, we find that time preferences only have a meaningful effect among children of lowly educated parents. But such an effect, in turn, differs by gender: parental time preferences matter more for sons than for daughters of lowly educated parents. This gender effect is found both for upper secondary choices and for entry into higher education.
本文从两个方面对相对风险厌恶理论的文献做出了贡献:首先,考虑到时间偏好的影响可能会因儿童的性别和社会出身而有所不同;其次,通过探索不同教育结果:高中选择和大学入学的这种可能性。我们使用家庭收入和财富调查的数据,其中包含专门用于捕获个人时间贴现偏好的问题,以进一步探索意大利时间贴现偏好与社会出身对教育成果的影响之间的关联。与先前的研究一致,我们发现时间偏好只对受教育程度较低的父母的孩子有意义的影响。但这种影响又因性别而异:父母的育儿时间偏好对儿子的影响比对受教育程度较低的父母的女儿更大。这种性别效应在高中选择和进入高等教育方面都存在。
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引用次数: 3
Mine or ours? Unintended framing effects in dictator games 我的还是我们的?独裁者游戏中的意外框架效应
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211073326
Andreas Bergh, P. Wichardt
This paper reports results from a classroom dictator game comparing the effects of three different sets of standard instructions. The results show that seemingly small and typically unreported differences in standard instructions induce different perceptions regarding entitlement and ownership of the money to be distributed, and that these perceptions influence behaviour. Less is given when the task is described as a task of generosity and more when the task is a task of distribution (average 35% vs. 52%). The results can contribute to explaining the large variation in dictator game giving reported in the literature and show that even small and unreported differences in instructions change how the game is perceived. JEL codes: C70; C91; D63
本文报告了一个课堂独裁者游戏的结果,比较了三组不同标准指令的效果。结果表明,标准指令中看似微小且通常未报告的差异会引发对待分配资金的权利和所有权的不同看法,这些看法会影响行为。当任务被描述为慷慨的任务时,给出的更少,而当任务是分配的任务时(平均35%对52%),给出的更多。研究结果有助于解释文献中报道的独裁者游戏给出的巨大差异,并表明即使是指令上的微小和未报告的差异也会改变游戏的感知方式。JEL代码:C70;C91;D63
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引用次数: 0
The Peace of God 上帝的和平
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211065738
A. Young
Scholars have argued that the politically fractured landscape of medieval Western Europe was foundational to the evolution of constitutionalism and rule of law. In making this argument, Salter and Young (2019) have recently emphasized that the constellation of political property rights in the High Middle Ages was polycentric and hierarchical; holders of those rights were residual claimants to the returns on their governance and sovereign. The latter characteristics—residual claimancy and sovereignty—imply a clear delineation of jurisdictional boundaries and their integrity. However, historians’ description of the “feudal anarchy” that followed the tenth-century disintegration of the Carolingian Empire does not suggest clearly delineated and stable boundaries. In this paper, I highlight the role of the Peace of God movement in the 11th and 12th centuries in delineating and stabilizing the structure of political property rights. In terms of historical political economy, the Peace of God movement provides an important link between the early medieval era and the constitutional arrangements of the High Middle Ages.
学者们认为,中世纪西欧政治分裂的格局是宪政和法治演变的基础。在提出这一论点时,索尔特和杨(2019)最近强调,中世纪盛期的政治产权体系是多中心和等级制的;这些权利的持有者是其治理和主权回报的剩余索求者。后一种特征——剩余索取权和主权——意味着对管辖权边界及其完整性的明确划定。然而,历史学家对十世纪卡洛林王朝解体后的“封建无政府状态”的描述并没有明确划定和稳定的边界。在本文中,我强调了11世纪和12世纪的上帝和平运动在描绘和稳定政治产权结构方面的作用。从历史政治经济学的角度来看,上帝的和平运动为中世纪早期和中世纪盛期的宪法安排提供了重要的联系。
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引用次数: 3
A formal model of street-level bureaucracy 街道级官僚机构的正式模型
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-13 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211043205
Ahrum Chang
Different from a classic Weberian bureaucracy, public service bureaucrats directly interact with citizens at the frontlines of government. These first responders use their discretion to meet some citizens’ needs but deliberately overlook the other clients. What lies beneath the street-level bureaucrats’ behavior in their contacts with citizens? This study develops a model to explain how street-level bureaucrats are motivated to move toward the public and the extent to which they are engaged in helping their citizens. The model is driven by costs and benefits of behavior based on the assumption that street-level bureaucrats are rational actors trying to maximize their utility. However, utility here is defined as more than self-interest; it is the set of outcomes valued by the bureaucrats such as reducing job-related stress, pursuing work-generated ends, serving needy citizens, and implementing good public policy.
与典型的韦伯官僚不同,公共服务官僚直接与政府前线的公民互动。这些第一反应者使用他们的自由裁量权来满足一些公民的需求,但故意忽视其他客户。街头官僚与市民交往的行为背后隐藏着什么?这项研究开发了一个模型来解释街道层面的官僚是如何向公众靠拢的,以及他们在多大程度上参与帮助公民。该模型是由行为的成本和收益驱动的,基于这样的假设,即街头官僚是试图最大限度地发挥效用的理性行为者。然而,效用在这里被定义为不仅仅是自身利益;它是官僚们重视的一系列成果,如减轻与工作相关的压力、追求工作产生的目的、为有需要的公民服务以及实施良好的公共政策。
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引用次数: 2
Editorial transition at Rationality and Society: A note from the incoming editor 理性与社会的编辑转型:即将上任的编辑
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211034933
A. Flache
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引用次数: 0
Social movements and exchanges: Sketch of a theory 社会运动与交流:一个理论的梗概
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-27 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211035198
Nicolás M. Somma
Using social exchange theory, this article presents a new theory for understanding the strategic choices made by social movement leaders—the “movement exchanges” theory. It looks at how leaders engage in exchanges of valued rewards with constituencies, institutional political players, bystander publics, and voluntary organizations. Leaders receive from these players important rewards (like committed activists, political leverage, and resources) for achieving movement goals. In turn, leaders make strategic choices (expressed in frames, tactics, targets, and claims) that other players find rewarding, favoring persistent exchanges across time. By considering movements’ simultaneous exchanges with several players, the theory makes sense of choices that remain puzzling for major movement theories. It also blends strategic behavior with culture (in the form of utopias, ideology, and emotions) but does not require the maximizing assumption of the homo economicus. I use the case of the contemporary Chilean student movement to illustrate the theory.
本文运用社会交换理论,提出了一种理解社会运动领导者战略选择的新理论——“运动交换”理论。它着眼于领导人如何与选民、机构政治参与者、旁观者公众和志愿组织进行有价值的回报交换。领导者从这些玩家那里获得重要的奖励(如积极分子、政治影响力和资源),以实现运动目标。反过来,领导者会做出战略选择(以框架、战术、目标和主张的形式表达),让其他玩家觉得有回报,有利于长期持续的交流。通过考虑与几个玩家同时进行的动作交换,该理论使那些仍令主要动作理论困惑的选择变得有意义。它还将战略行为与文化(以乌托邦、意识形态和情感的形式)融合在一起,但不需要经济人的最大化假设。我用当代智利学生运动的案例来说明这一理论。
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引用次数: 1
Do informal reasoning fallacies really shape decisions? Experimental evidence 非正式推理谬误真的会影响决策吗?实验证据
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-20 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211033658
Lucie Vrbová, Kateřina Jiřinová, K. Helman, Hana Lorencová
Informal reasoning fallacies belong to a persuasive tactic, leading to a conclusion that is not supported by premises but reached through emotions and/or misleading and incomplete information. Previous research focused on the ability to recognize informal reasoning fallacies. However, the recognition itself does not necessarily mean immunity to their influence on decisions made. An experiment was designed to study the relationship between the presence of informal reasoning fallacies and a consequent decision. Having conducted paired comparisons of distributions, we have found some support for the hypothesis that informal reasoning fallacies affect decision-making more substantially than non-fallacious reasoning—strong support in the case of a slippery slope, weak in that of appeal to fear, anecdotal evidence argument defying evaluation. Numeracy and cognitive reflection seem to be associated with higher resistance to the slippery slope, but do not diminish appeal to fear.
非正式推理谬误属于一种有说服力的策略,导致没有前提支持的结论,而是通过情感和/或误导性和不完整的信息得出的。以前的研究集中在识别非正式推理谬误的能力上。然而,承认本身并不一定意味着不受其对所作决定的影响。设计了一个实验来研究非正式推理谬误的存在和随后的决定之间的关系。通过对分布进行配对比较,我们发现了一些支持假设的证据,即非正式推理谬误比非谬误推理对决策的影响更大——在滑坡效应的情况下,有力支持,在吸引恐惧的情况下,弱支持,轶事证据反驳评估。计算能力和认知反射能力似乎与对滑坡效应的更高抵抗力有关,但并没有减少对恐惧的吸引力。
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引用次数: 1
They can’t treat you well under abusive supervision: Investigating the impact of job satisfaction and extrinsic motivation on healthcare employees 在虐待性的监督下,他们不能善待你:调查工作满意度和外在动机对医疗保健员工的影响
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-17 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211033660
Saeed Siyal, Mariam Saeed, M. H. Pahi, Rukhman Solangi, Chunlin Xin
Building on the emerging research that has demonstrated the adverse effects of abusive supervision on employee performance, this research draws on the theories of prosocial motivation and action identification. We develop and empirically test a mediation model to examine the indirect impact of abusive supervision on employee performance. Data were obtained from 430 Chinese healthcare employees to validate and test our proposed hypotheses and generalize the findings from Western settings in the Eastern context. The findings indicate that abusive supervision is negatively related to employee performance. Job satisfaction and extrinsic motivation mediated this relationship. The study has some important theoretical and practical implications, and we have also discussed some future directions.
在现有研究的基础上,本研究借鉴了亲社会动机和行为认同理论,证明了滥用监督对员工绩效的不利影响。我们开发并实证检验了一个中介模型,以检验滥用监督对员工绩效的间接影响。从430名中国医护人员中获得数据,以验证和检验我们提出的假设,并将西方背景下的研究结果推广到东方背景下。研究结果表明,虐待性监管与员工绩效呈负相关。工作满意度和外在动机在这一关系中起中介作用。本研究具有重要的理论和实践意义,并对今后的研究方向进行了探讨。
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引用次数: 17
From green to ripe: Dynamics of peacemaking in Colombia (1998–2016) 从绿色到成熟:哥伦比亚缔造和平的动力(1998-2006)
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-25 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211024242
J. Ríos, Manuel Hidalgo, L. Medina
Armed conflict in Colombia with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) was only settled after 50 years and several attempts at negotiations. This sequence of events fits the pattern of “conflict ripeness” first proposed by William Zartman. But using a successful settlement as a way to determine ripeness can be tautological. To address this issue, we develop a formal model to identify the level of ripeness at which a conflict is settled. In an overripe conflict both parties end up spending resources in a military build-up that is out of proportion with what they obtain in the final settlement. We show that such overripeness is exacerbated by the access to resources and by the factional heterogeneity within the two sides. We illustrate these dynamics by looking in detail at the attempts at negotiation between Colombia’s government and the FARC-EP. To that end, we combine statistical data, some previously undisclosed, and interviews with some key participants.
哥伦比亚与哥伦比亚革命武装力量(FARC-EP)的武装冲突在经过50年的多次谈判后才得以解决。这一系列事件符合William Zartman首次提出的“冲突成熟”模式。但是,使用一个成功的解决方案来确定成熟度可能是重复的。为了解决这个问题,我们开发了一个正式的模型来确定解决冲突的成熟程度。在一场过于成熟的冲突中,双方最终都会在军事集结中花费资源,这与他们在最终解决方案中获得的资源不成比例。我们表明,获得资源和双方派系的异质性加剧了这种过度扩张。我们通过详细观察哥伦比亚政府与哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民军之间的谈判尝试来说明这些动态。为此,我们结合了一些以前未公开的统计数据,以及对一些关键参与者的采访。
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引用次数: 2
A picture of regret: An empirical investigation of post-Brexit referendum survey data 遗憾的画面:英国脱欧后公投调查数据的实证调查
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1177/10434631211035202
A. Collins, Adam Cox, Gianpiero Torrisi
Whilst the properties of decision regret have been widely explored in experimental and game theoretic studies, the empirical features of regret from large-scale ‘binary decision’ national events in practice have garnered less scrutiny. This study is an empirical investigation of novel survey data reporting ‘Brexit’ voting choices and expressions of a desire to change voting choices post-referendum. We investigate if Leave voters are more or less likely to express a change to their binary referendum vote choice than those who voted Remain or abstained and then identify the particular characteristics of those who regret their vote choice. A large-scale pan-European survey is used to capture citizens’ perceptions of the European Union containing 17,147 interviews of adults from 15 EU member states. Using responses from UK citizens (n = 1500), focus is directed to the vote choice for the ‘Brexit’ referendum and the corresponding choice if the referendum were held ‘today’. Probit regression estimation identifies the key differences in the characteristics of those who expressed regret by indicating a desire to change voting choices. Results show that knowledge of EU funding policies, permanence of residential location, population size of the local area, educational attainment, employment status and income are key drivers for regretting the referendum voting decision.
虽然决策后悔的性质在实验和博弈论研究中得到了广泛的探索,但实践中大规模“二元决策”国家事件的后悔的经验特征却很少受到关注。这项研究是对报告“脱欧”投票选择和公投后改变投票选择意愿的新调查数据的实证调查。我们调查了脱欧选民是否比投票支持留欧或弃权的选民更有可能表达对二元公投投票选择的改变,然后确定了那些后悔投票选择的人的特殊特征。一项大规模的泛欧调查旨在捕捉公民对欧盟的看法,其中包括对来自15个欧盟成员国的17147名成年人的采访。使用英国公民的回复(n = 1500),重点是“脱欧”公投的投票选择以及如果公投在“今天”举行的相应选择。Probit回归估计通过表明希望改变投票选择来确定那些表示遗憾的人的特征的关键差异。结果表明,对欧盟资助政策的了解、居住地点的永久性、当地人口规模、教育程度、就业状况和收入是对公投投票决定感到遗憾的关键驱动因素。
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引用次数: 2
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Rationality and Society
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