Pub Date : 2022-08-10DOI: 10.1177/10434631221118648
Naoki Sudo
This study aims to elucidate the structure of support for social policies (redistribution and free competition), focusing on the role of community interests (especially demographic decline). To this end, Japan was selected as a case study because it has the highest proportion of the elderly population in the world. The author analyzed data from the National Survey of Social Stratification and Social Mobility in 2015 and the Population Census for the same year, employing ordered logit models. The results revealed that people living in demographically declining communities were more likely to support redistribution and less likely to endorse free competition, compared to individuals from other communities. Furthermore, compared to the underprivileged, wealthy individuals were more likely to consider community interests irrespective of individual benefits. This finding demonstrates that community interests may have a significant influence on individuals’ policy preferences.
{"title":"Support for social policies: Focusing on effects of group belonging","authors":"Naoki Sudo","doi":"10.1177/10434631221118648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221118648","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to elucidate the structure of support for social policies (redistribution and free competition), focusing on the role of community interests (especially demographic decline). To this end, Japan was selected as a case study because it has the highest proportion of the elderly population in the world. The author analyzed data from the National Survey of Social Stratification and Social Mobility in 2015 and the Population Census for the same year, employing ordered logit models. The results revealed that people living in demographically declining communities were more likely to support redistribution and less likely to endorse free competition, compared to individuals from other communities. Furthermore, compared to the underprivileged, wealthy individuals were more likely to consider community interests irrespective of individual benefits. This finding demonstrates that community interests may have a significant influence on individuals’ policy preferences.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44611928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-15DOI: 10.1177/10434631221113403
J. Joslyn
In a historical case study, this paper explores the mechanisms by which the rational interpretation of written text can produce divisiveness and splintering. The mechanisms of division are derived from theories of organizational rationality, cultural logics, organizational memory, and group conflict. The propositions are explored in an analysis of common sense rationality with a focus on the 19th century Stone-Campbell movement. When emotions are not adequately integrated into the culture of rational interpretation, group conflict can arise. The material characteristics of written text combined with a high-diffusion, low-hierarchy, highly recorded and publicized, and proactively contentious, emotionally triggering environment creates a breeding ground for division. The analysis paints a multi-dimensional picture of division and splintering from a sociomaterial standpoint.
{"title":"Divisiveness, splintering, and the rational interpretation of text","authors":"J. Joslyn","doi":"10.1177/10434631221113403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221113403","url":null,"abstract":"In a historical case study, this paper explores the mechanisms by which the rational interpretation of written text can produce divisiveness and splintering. The mechanisms of division are derived from theories of organizational rationality, cultural logics, organizational memory, and group conflict. The propositions are explored in an analysis of common sense rationality with a focus on the 19th century Stone-Campbell movement. When emotions are not adequately integrated into the culture of rational interpretation, group conflict can arise. The material characteristics of written text combined with a high-diffusion, low-hierarchy, highly recorded and publicized, and proactively contentious, emotionally triggering environment creates a breeding ground for division. The analysis paints a multi-dimensional picture of division and splintering from a sociomaterial standpoint.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45656587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.1177/10434631221093746
Matthias Diermeier, Judith Niehues
The literature on immigration and the welfare state describes a trade-off between immigration and welfare support. We argue for a more nuanced view of welfare chauvinism that accounts for different motivational channels, specific welfare programs and particular population subgroups. First, we identify two separate characteristics of hostility towards immigrants that trigger welfare chauvinism: affective anti-migration sentiment that combines economic and cultural motives; and a ‘putative rational anti-migration sentiment’ that is driven by the fear that immigration could overburden the welfare state although immigrants themselves are not disliked or even appreciated. Second, running a program-specific analysis, we find that affective and ‘putative rational’ opposition to migration lower redistributive preferences towards the unemployed. On the contrary, affective anti-immigration sentiment even increases welfare affinity towards the elderly. We interpret this finding not as preferences for or against a specific welfare program but as implicit sympathy or antipathy for its recipients. Third, investigating the role of Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs) as the main source of welfare chauvinism, we find that PRRP supporters strongly prefer more redistribution towards a perceived native in-group: the elderly.
{"title":"Towards a nuanced understanding of anti-immigration sentiment in the welfare state – a program specific analysis of welfare preferences","authors":"Matthias Diermeier, Judith Niehues","doi":"10.1177/10434631221093746","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221093746","url":null,"abstract":"The literature on immigration and the welfare state describes a trade-off between immigration and welfare support. We argue for a more nuanced view of welfare chauvinism that accounts for different motivational channels, specific welfare programs and particular population subgroups. First, we identify two separate characteristics of hostility towards immigrants that trigger welfare chauvinism: affective anti-migration sentiment that combines economic and cultural motives; and a ‘putative rational anti-migration sentiment’ that is driven by the fear that immigration could overburden the welfare state although immigrants themselves are not disliked or even appreciated. Second, running a program-specific analysis, we find that affective and ‘putative rational’ opposition to migration lower redistributive preferences towards the unemployed. On the contrary, affective anti-immigration sentiment even increases welfare affinity towards the elderly. We interpret this finding not as preferences for or against a specific welfare program but as implicit sympathy or antipathy for its recipients. Third, investigating the role of Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs) as the main source of welfare chauvinism, we find that PRRP supporters strongly prefer more redistribution towards a perceived native in-group: the elderly.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48950851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-25DOI: 10.1177/10434631221094555
Zoe Adams, A. Ludwiczak, D. Sharma, Magda Osman
This study presents the first sociolinguistic examination of communication in a social dilemma. 90 participants (18 groups of 5) completed a modified public goods game with 2 rounds: an effort-based task and an unscripted online chat about the results. A linear regression shows that consensus-building language in the Round 1 chat affects cooperative behaviour in the Round 2 task. A qualitative analysis of 3 groups explores how participants use different recognisable styles of communication (registers) to strategically align with or disalign from one another (stancetaking). Each analysis is complemented with a quantitative visualisation of how (dis)alignment between participants unfolds in real-time. We found that successful groups employ registers associated with collective action, such as gameshow talk (‘ouch. £69 out of a possible £120’) to encourage, punish, and pledge allegiance to one another. Less successful groups use registers that risk evoking mistrust and reducing obligation, such as business talk (‘I approve’). We argue that a mixed methods approach to interaction and behaviour can reveal incremental shifts in consensus building that underpin quantitative outcomes.
{"title":"Verbal interaction in a social dilemma","authors":"Zoe Adams, A. Ludwiczak, D. Sharma, Magda Osman","doi":"10.1177/10434631221094555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221094555","url":null,"abstract":"This study presents the first sociolinguistic examination of communication in a social dilemma. 90 participants (18 groups of 5) completed a modified public goods game with 2 rounds: an effort-based task and an unscripted online chat about the results. A linear regression shows that consensus-building language in the Round 1 chat affects cooperative behaviour in the Round 2 task. A qualitative analysis of 3 groups explores how participants use different recognisable styles of communication (registers) to strategically align with or disalign from one another (stancetaking). Each analysis is complemented with a quantitative visualisation of how (dis)alignment between participants unfolds in real-time. We found that successful groups employ registers associated with collective action, such as gameshow talk (‘ouch. £69 out of a possible £120’) to encourage, punish, and pledge allegiance to one another. Less successful groups use registers that risk evoking mistrust and reducing obligation, such as business talk (‘I approve’). We argue that a mixed methods approach to interaction and behaviour can reveal incremental shifts in consensus building that underpin quantitative outcomes.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43460068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-25DOI: 10.1177/10434631221093741
Daphne Truijens
Behavioral policies Nudge and Boost are often advocated as good candidates for evidence-based policy. Nudges present or “frame” options in a way that trigger people’s decision-making flaws and steer into the direction of better choices. Nudge aims to do this without changing the options themselves. Boosts also present choices in alternative ways without changing options. However, rather than steering, Boosts are aimed to increase people’s competences. Nudge and Boost originated in extensive research programs: the “heuristics-and-biases program” and the “fast-and-frugal heuristics program,” respectively. How exactly do Nudge and Boost policies relate to the theories they originated from in the first place? Grüne-Yanoff and Hertwig labeled this a question of “theory-policy coherence” and propose to use it for determining the evidence-base of Nudge and Boost. I explore the question: “In how far is theory-policy coherence in Nudge and Boost relevant for evidence-based policymaking?.” I argue that the implications of (weaker or stronger) theory-policy coherence are relevant in two ways. First, Grüne-Yanoff and Hertwig show that theory-policy coherence between Nudge and Boost and the research programs is not as strong as often assumed. It is crucial for the evidence-based policymaker to realize this. Assuming theory-policy coherence while it does not exist or is weaker than assumed can lead to an incorrect assessment of evidence. Ultimately it can even lead to adoption of policies on false grounds. Second, the concept of theory-policy coherence may assist the policymaker in the search and evaluation of (mechanistic) evidence. However, in order to do so, it is important to consider the limitations of theory-policy coherence. It can neither be employed as the (sole) criterion with which to determine how well-grounded a policy is in theory, nor be the (sole) basis for making comparative evaluations between policies.
{"title":"Coherence between theory and policy in Nudge and Boost: Is it relevant for evidence-based policy-making?","authors":"Daphne Truijens","doi":"10.1177/10434631221093741","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221093741","url":null,"abstract":"Behavioral policies Nudge and Boost are often advocated as good candidates for evidence-based policy. Nudges present or “frame” options in a way that trigger people’s decision-making flaws and steer into the direction of better choices. Nudge aims to do this without changing the options themselves. Boosts also present choices in alternative ways without changing options. However, rather than steering, Boosts are aimed to increase people’s competences. Nudge and Boost originated in extensive research programs: the “heuristics-and-biases program” and the “fast-and-frugal heuristics program,” respectively. How exactly do Nudge and Boost policies relate to the theories they originated from in the first place? Grüne-Yanoff and Hertwig labeled this a question of “theory-policy coherence” and propose to use it for determining the evidence-base of Nudge and Boost. I explore the question: “In how far is theory-policy coherence in Nudge and Boost relevant for evidence-based policymaking?.” I argue that the implications of (weaker or stronger) theory-policy coherence are relevant in two ways. First, Grüne-Yanoff and Hertwig show that theory-policy coherence between Nudge and Boost and the research programs is not as strong as often assumed. It is crucial for the evidence-based policymaker to realize this. Assuming theory-policy coherence while it does not exist or is weaker than assumed can lead to an incorrect assessment of evidence. Ultimately it can even lead to adoption of policies on false grounds. Second, the concept of theory-policy coherence may assist the policymaker in the search and evaluation of (mechanistic) evidence. However, in order to do so, it is important to consider the limitations of theory-policy coherence. It can neither be employed as the (sole) criterion with which to determine how well-grounded a policy is in theory, nor be the (sole) basis for making comparative evaluations between policies.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48353362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.1177/10434631221092758
D. Dolejší
Craft guilds were created as a response to certain problems associated with raising royal revenues and securing basic public services in Prague during the medieval and early modern periods. The theory consistent with historical evidence predicts that the rise, spread, and fall of guilds was a result of mutually beneficial bargaining between local craftsmen and their feudal rulers. Guilds enabled craftsmen to utilize the benefits of collusion by offering their capacities to sovereign authorities in exchange for exclusive market privileges. Nevertheless, they created social distortions within their industries in the process.
{"title":"Feudal bargain in Prague: The rise, spread, and fall of craft guilds","authors":"D. Dolejší","doi":"10.1177/10434631221092758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221092758","url":null,"abstract":"Craft guilds were created as a response to certain problems associated with raising royal revenues and securing basic public services in Prague during the medieval and early modern periods. The theory consistent with historical evidence predicts that the rise, spread, and fall of guilds was a result of mutually beneficial bargaining between local craftsmen and their feudal rulers. Guilds enabled craftsmen to utilize the benefits of collusion by offering their capacities to sovereign authorities in exchange for exclusive market privileges. Nevertheless, they created social distortions within their industries in the process.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49335350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-08DOI: 10.1177/10434631221091225
Dirk Witteveen, Paul A. Attewell
Despite similar educational aspirations, black students persist in higher education at much lower rates than white undergraduates. This paper advances a theoretical explanation for the racial gap in persistence by examining whether the differential attrition in college reflects contrasting incentives for educational persistence. To account for the highly unequal hurdles faced by black men and women in college and in the labor market, we propose a method that addresses race-gender-specific opportunity structures in both institutions simultaneously. This approach is based on forward-looking estimates of outcomes where students draw information from their race-gender reference group ahead of them. The model estimates the earnings payoffs of persistence separately for each race-gender group at three consecutive educational decision nodes: at high school graduation, college entry, and after one year in college. We subsequently apply one version of this model to data from the American Community Surveys (2001–2017), calculating the absolute and relative incentives for educational persistence across racial groups. In addition to large dollar earnings differentials, the analyses reveal striking racial gaps of the relative incentives to stay enrolled: “incentive inequality.” This incentive race gap is largest at the earliest stages of the higher education career—high school graduation and college entry—where the black undergraduate dropout rate is highest. Our findings have substantive and methodological implications for situations where returns to investments are unequal across groups affected by discrimination.
{"title":"Black-White incentive inequality for college persistence","authors":"Dirk Witteveen, Paul A. Attewell","doi":"10.1177/10434631221091225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221091225","url":null,"abstract":"Despite similar educational aspirations, black students persist in higher education at much lower rates than white undergraduates. This paper advances a theoretical explanation for the racial gap in persistence by examining whether the differential attrition in college reflects contrasting incentives for educational persistence. To account for the highly unequal hurdles faced by black men and women in college and in the labor market, we propose a method that addresses race-gender-specific opportunity structures in both institutions simultaneously. This approach is based on forward-looking estimates of outcomes where students draw information from their race-gender reference group ahead of them. The model estimates the earnings payoffs of persistence separately for each race-gender group at three consecutive educational decision nodes: at high school graduation, college entry, and after one year in college. We subsequently apply one version of this model to data from the American Community Surveys (2001–2017), calculating the absolute and relative incentives for educational persistence across racial groups. In addition to large dollar earnings differentials, the analyses reveal striking racial gaps of the relative incentives to stay enrolled: “incentive inequality.” This incentive race gap is largest at the earliest stages of the higher education career—high school graduation and college entry—where the black undergraduate dropout rate is highest. Our findings have substantive and methodological implications for situations where returns to investments are unequal across groups affected by discrimination.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43907613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-06DOI: 10.1177/10434631221087998
Holger Reinermann
There is a wide selection of theoretical approaches to explain preferences citizens have for political parties, among them the spatial model of party competition in which voters choose based on proximity in a policy space, such as the left-right dimension. However, it has not ultimately prevailed against its competitors. Thus, a literature has emerged that allows for heterogeneity, asking whose preferences follow this logic and whose do not. However, research on how context affects spatial structuring is still sparse. Therefore, I combine CSES survey data with manifesto data in a sample of established democracies to examine the effects of party competition structure, measured by the “effective” number of parties and the polarization and dimensionality of party positions, on left-right structuration of party preferences in a single model. While I do not find significant context effects with a conventional measure of proximity voting, I propose a different operationalization which shows that while there are systematic effects of the party system, party preferences are mostly quite strongly structured by the left–right dimension.
{"title":"Party competition and the structuring of party preferences by the left-right dimension","authors":"Holger Reinermann","doi":"10.1177/10434631221087998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221087998","url":null,"abstract":"There is a wide selection of theoretical approaches to explain preferences citizens have for political parties, among them the spatial model of party competition in which voters choose based on proximity in a policy space, such as the left-right dimension. However, it has not ultimately prevailed against its competitors. Thus, a literature has emerged that allows for heterogeneity, asking whose preferences follow this logic and whose do not. However, research on how context affects spatial structuring is still sparse. Therefore, I combine CSES survey data with manifesto data in a sample of established democracies to examine the effects of party competition structure, measured by the “effective” number of parties and the polarization and dimensionality of party positions, on left-right structuration of party preferences in a single model. While I do not find significant context effects with a conventional measure of proximity voting, I propose a different operationalization which shows that while there are systematic effects of the party system, party preferences are mostly quite strongly structured by the left–right dimension.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47251289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-06DOI: 10.1177/10434631221092749
A. Diekmann
In crisis situations, people have to change their behavior. A collective learning process begins and new patterns of order emerge. Externalities of behavior lead to the emergence of new social norms. But are the social norms also followed? A closer examination must take into account the different character of social norms. Following the theory of Ullmann-Margalit, coordination norms or conventions have different consequences for norm-oriented behavior than cooperation norms. This distinction is also important for lawmaking. There is no “free-rider problem” with coordination norms, but there is one with cooperation norms. This paper examines the question of the characteristics of new norms which emerged during the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis, such as the requirement for distance, the obligation to wear masks and cooperation in the digital tracing of infection chains. This study is based on how Germany has coped with the first wave of the pandemic in spring 2020. However, the analysis leads to conditions which in general may explain the degree of compliance with different types of new social norms.
{"title":"Emergence of and compliance with new social norms: The example of the COVID crisis in Germany","authors":"A. Diekmann","doi":"10.1177/10434631221092749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221092749","url":null,"abstract":"In crisis situations, people have to change their behavior. A collective learning process begins and new patterns of order emerge. Externalities of behavior lead to the emergence of new social norms. But are the social norms also followed? A closer examination must take into account the different character of social norms. Following the theory of Ullmann-Margalit, coordination norms or conventions have different consequences for norm-oriented behavior than cooperation norms. This distinction is also important for lawmaking. There is no “free-rider problem” with coordination norms, but there is one with cooperation norms. This paper examines the question of the characteristics of new norms which emerged during the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis, such as the requirement for distance, the obligation to wear masks and cooperation in the digital tracing of infection chains. This study is based on how Germany has coped with the first wave of the pandemic in spring 2020. However, the analysis leads to conditions which in general may explain the degree of compliance with different types of new social norms.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42528429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-05DOI: 10.1177/10434631221092759
Pavol Minarik
When faced with oppression from the state, some groups and individuals choose costly opposition rather than a compromise. This may be caused by the cost of compromise being higher than the cost of opposition. However, it is also possible that the persistent opposition is due to some past decisions. The paper proposes a model explaining persistent opposition as a result of group-specific investment in human capital that traps individuals in an opposition group even when she would be better off outside the group. The model is illustrated with the case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia, the largest group opposing the Communist regime. Within that context, the model contributes to the explanation of the persistence and growth of the underground church under Communist rule as well as the post-Communist religious revival. The same model may also be applied to malign opposition groups, such as terrorist and criminal organizations, and it provides clues about how to deal with them.
{"title":"The persistence of opposition in an oppressive regime: The case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia","authors":"Pavol Minarik","doi":"10.1177/10434631221092759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10434631221092759","url":null,"abstract":"When faced with oppression from the state, some groups and individuals choose costly opposition rather than a compromise. This may be caused by the cost of compromise being higher than the cost of opposition. However, it is also possible that the persistent opposition is due to some past decisions. The paper proposes a model explaining persistent opposition as a result of group-specific investment in human capital that traps individuals in an opposition group even when she would be better off outside the group. The model is illustrated with the case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia, the largest group opposing the Communist regime. Within that context, the model contributes to the explanation of the persistence and growth of the underground church under Communist rule as well as the post-Communist religious revival. The same model may also be applied to malign opposition groups, such as terrorist and criminal organizations, and it provides clues about how to deal with them.","PeriodicalId":47079,"journal":{"name":"Rationality and Society","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42016705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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