Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/08883254221144712
Dominika Pszczółkowska
Despite the significant body of literature on migrations after the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union, including on social remittances, a subcategory—political remittances—is only now...
{"title":"Are They Building a “Second Ireland” in Poland? Political Remitting by Polish Migrants and Return Migrants from Ireland","authors":"Dominika Pszczółkowska","doi":"10.1177/08883254221144712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221144712","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the significant body of literature on migrations after the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the European Union, including on social remittances, a subcategory—political remittances—is only now...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"72 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/08883254221139841
M. Rabinovych, Andrea Gawrich
This article explores Western donors’ support for the decentralization reform in post-Euromaidan Ukraine prior to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, with a focus on the relationship between decentralization and conflict management. It demonstrates that, despite the protracted conflict in eastern Ukraine, bilateral donors have preferred to address Ukraine’s decentralization from the governance reform perspective, rather than as a form of territorial self-governance (TSG) arrangement, linked to conflict resolution. They have also tended to “outsource” conflict-related support to multilateral organizations. This article explains the Russian Federation’s use of the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk “People’s Republics” as proxies in an international conflict and the contested nature of the role played by the Minsk Protocol in determining the form of support provided for reform. It concludes with insights into the implications of donor support for the decentralization reform in Ukraine for research on decentralization and other TSG solutions in conflict-affected contexts.
{"title":"The Conflict in Eastern Ukraine and International Support for the Decentralization Reform (2014–2022): Theory-Guided Observations","authors":"M. Rabinovych, Andrea Gawrich","doi":"10.1177/08883254221139841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221139841","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores Western donors’ support for the decentralization reform in post-Euromaidan Ukraine prior to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, with a focus on the relationship between decentralization and conflict management. It demonstrates that, despite the protracted conflict in eastern Ukraine, bilateral donors have preferred to address Ukraine’s decentralization from the governance reform perspective, rather than as a form of territorial self-governance (TSG) arrangement, linked to conflict resolution. They have also tended to “outsource” conflict-related support to multilateral organizations. This article explains the Russian Federation’s use of the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk “People’s Republics” as proxies in an international conflict and the contested nature of the role played by the Minsk Protocol in determining the form of support provided for reform. It concludes with insights into the implications of donor support for the decentralization reform in Ukraine for research on decentralization and other TSG solutions in conflict-affected contexts.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"1036 - 1058"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47283137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/08883254221144728
Mehmed Đečević, Danijela Vuković-Ćalasan
National fragmentation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region into Bosniaks and national Muslims was recorded in the last two population censuses in Montenegro, with minor differences in the two sets of results. Therefore, the following question emerges: what are the social and political factors, prevalent in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region, that drive national self-identification of Slavic Muslims in this region either towards Bosniakism (national Bosniaks) or national Muslimhood (national Muslims). In the Montenegrin sociopolitical discourse in the relevant period, the social constructs “Bosniak” and “Muslim” have been shaped so that the first ethnonym implies stronger national ties and the tendency to complete one’s national identity through identification with Slavic Muslims outside of Montenegro, while the second ethnonym is closer to Montenegrin state patriotism and the intra-Montenegrin state framework. Empirical material from relevant censuses shows that the tendency of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro to embrace national Bosniakism is not driven by actions of political elites, the proximity and influence of Bosnia, or the ethnic/pre-Islamic origin of this part of the Montenegrin population, but rather by the homogeneity of the population at the municipal level: national Bosniakism is more pronounced in confessionally homogeneous Muslim communities than in those municipalities where Slavic Muslims and Christians live side by side. This finding is interpreted from the perspective of symbolic interactionism: in the confessionally heterogeneous Montenegrin-Sandžak municipalities, we have witnessed self-censorship of Slavic Muslims in terms of their national self-designation, as a result of the need to preserve the positive perceptions held by their Christian fellow citizens. In confessionally homogeneous Muslim municipalities, this factor did not have a major impact, resulting in a significantly large-scale acceptance of national Bosniakism than in those local administrations in the Montenegrin part of the Sandžak region where Slavic Muslims live with the Christian population.
{"title":"Factors in National Self-Designation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin Sandžak","authors":"Mehmed Đečević, Danijela Vuković-Ćalasan","doi":"10.1177/08883254221144728","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221144728","url":null,"abstract":"National fragmentation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region into Bosniaks and national Muslims was recorded in the last two population censuses in Montenegro, with minor differences in the two sets of results. Therefore, the following question emerges: what are the social and political factors, prevalent in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region, that drive national self-identification of Slavic Muslims in this region either towards Bosniakism (national Bosniaks) or national Muslimhood (national Muslims). In the Montenegrin sociopolitical discourse in the relevant period, the social constructs “Bosniak” and “Muslim” have been shaped so that the first ethnonym implies stronger national ties and the tendency to complete one’s national identity through identification with Slavic Muslims outside of Montenegro, while the second ethnonym is closer to Montenegrin state patriotism and the intra-Montenegrin state framework. Empirical material from relevant censuses shows that the tendency of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro to embrace national Bosniakism is not driven by actions of political elites, the proximity and influence of Bosnia, or the ethnic/pre-Islamic origin of this part of the Montenegrin population, but rather by the homogeneity of the population at the municipal level: national Bosniakism is more pronounced in confessionally homogeneous Muslim communities than in those municipalities where Slavic Muslims and Christians live side by side. This finding is interpreted from the perspective of symbolic interactionism: in the confessionally heterogeneous Montenegrin-Sandžak municipalities, we have witnessed self-censorship of Slavic Muslims in terms of their national self-designation, as a result of the need to preserve the positive perceptions held by their Christian fellow citizens. In confessionally homogeneous Muslim municipalities, this factor did not have a major impact, resulting in a significantly large-scale acceptance of national Bosniakism than in those local administrations in the Montenegrin part of the Sandžak region where Slavic Muslims live with the Christian population.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"835 - 856"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49162066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-04DOI: 10.1177/08883254221132288
Emilia Klepczarek, Agata Wieczorek
In this article, we investigate what kind of institutions affect bank ownership transformations in a post-transition economy. We use statistical data concerning mergers and acquisitions in the Poli...
{"title":"Ownership Transformations in a Post-Transition Economy: Which Institutions Matter? Evidence from the Polish Banking Sector","authors":"Emilia Klepczarek, Agata Wieczorek","doi":"10.1177/08883254221132288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221132288","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we investigate what kind of institutions affect bank ownership transformations in a post-transition economy. We use statistical data concerning mergers and acquisitions in the Poli...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"70 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21DOI: 10.1177/08883254221132289
Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik
Even if political parties have new labels, they often can be perceived as a continuation of an earlier existing grouping. The main goal of this article is to discuss how to assess party novelty and congruence (similarity with a previously existing party) and, in particular, to present the framework for analysis of party continuity and newness. Some Polish political parties (Law and Justice [PiS], Civic Platform [PO], Confederation Liberty and Independence [K WiN]) are used to illustrate the approach. We aim to answer the question of whether they were genuinely new when they entered the parliament for the first time or whether they could be considered as a continuation of previously existing groupings in terms of ideological identity, candidates, leadership, and their political elites. The research also encompasses analyses of further party development in these areas to demonstrate that our framework can also be used to measure changes occurring within existing parties. We go beyond researching newness as a dichotomous variable, outline the areas in which party newness can be measured, define indicators of novelty and congruence, and operationalize them given the conditions in Central and East European countries. Then we measure the level of party newness in each of these areas, using ranges from being a genuinely new party to a perfect congruence with an earlier existing grouping.
{"title":"How Can One Assess the Level of Party Newness, Continuity, and Change? Some Examples from Poland","authors":"Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł, Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik","doi":"10.1177/08883254221132289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221132289","url":null,"abstract":"Even if political parties have new labels, they often can be perceived as a continuation of an earlier existing grouping. The main goal of this article is to discuss how to assess party novelty and congruence (similarity with a previously existing party) and, in particular, to present the framework for analysis of party continuity and newness. Some Polish political parties (Law and Justice [PiS], Civic Platform [PO], Confederation Liberty and Independence [K WiN]) are used to illustrate the approach. We aim to answer the question of whether they were genuinely new when they entered the parliament for the first time or whether they could be considered as a continuation of previously existing groupings in terms of ideological identity, candidates, leadership, and their political elites. The research also encompasses analyses of further party development in these areas to demonstrate that our framework can also be used to measure changes occurring within existing parties. We go beyond researching newness as a dichotomous variable, outline the areas in which party newness can be measured, define indicators of novelty and congruence, and operationalize them given the conditions in Central and East European countries. Then we measure the level of party newness in each of these areas, using ranges from being a genuinely new party to a perfect congruence with an earlier existing grouping.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"950 - 982"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44872047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254221131590
Tomáš Dvořák, J. Zouhar
The existing research on contextual sources of support for populist parties has revolved around two factors: the unemployment rate and the size of immigrant groups. Conceived as residential characteristics, observation of these factors has been seen to increase support for radical parties in Western European countries. We identify different contextual (non-individual) drivers of support for populist parties in the post-communist Czech Republic (Czechia). Based on a large sample of voters (n = 23,734), we identify the (contextual) effect of economic hardship and demographic decline on support for populist parties. We interpret these results as supporting the theory of regional peripheralization. This peripheralization has been identified to be particularly strong in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has widened regional socio-economic disparities in this region. We show how these processes have affected voting behaviour and support for political parties. In a second step, we use a sample from eastern Germany (n = 524) to test whether peripheralization affects support for populist parties in other post-communist regions. The results confirm the hypothesis also in the case of east Germany. Our study contributes to the debate by pointing out a novel mechanism that leads to increased support for radical and moderate populist parties.
{"title":"Peripheralization Processes as a Contextual Source of Populist Vote Choices: Evidence from the Czech Republic and Eastern Germany","authors":"Tomáš Dvořák, J. Zouhar","doi":"10.1177/08883254221131590","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221131590","url":null,"abstract":"The existing research on contextual sources of support for populist parties has revolved around two factors: the unemployment rate and the size of immigrant groups. Conceived as residential characteristics, observation of these factors has been seen to increase support for radical parties in Western European countries. We identify different contextual (non-individual) drivers of support for populist parties in the post-communist Czech Republic (Czechia). Based on a large sample of voters (n = 23,734), we identify the (contextual) effect of economic hardship and demographic decline on support for populist parties. We interpret these results as supporting the theory of regional peripheralization. This peripheralization has been identified to be particularly strong in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has widened regional socio-economic disparities in this region. We show how these processes have affected voting behaviour and support for political parties. In a second step, we use a sample from eastern Germany (n = 524) to test whether peripheralization affects support for populist parties in other post-communist regions. The results confirm the hypothesis also in the case of east Germany. Our study contributes to the debate by pointing out a novel mechanism that leads to increased support for radical and moderate populist parties.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"983 - 1010"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45224538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254221131589
Bernadett Csurgó, Judit Gárdos, Szabina Kerényi, É. Kovács, A. Micsik
The aim of this article is to present and study how a digital archive can shape and create new ways of producing, publishing, and studying historical sources. Based on our analysis of the COURAGE (Cultural Opposition—Understanding the CultuRal HeritAGE of Dissent in the Former Socialist Countries) Registry about cultural dissent under state socialism in Eastern Europe in the second half of the twentieth century (and focusing on collections about environmental issues in this registry), we seek to understand how different private, amateur, and professional archivists have shaped the scientific and public legacy of cultural dissent under state socialism. The COURAGE Registry conveys a unique view of the history of the Soviet Bloc, providing an assemblage of documents concerning people, groups, institutions, events, and pieces from the time. Together, they tell an alternative story of cultural opposition under socialism, shedding light on important—but until now marginalized—problems, topics, and actors. Our results have shown that cultural opposition in the Registry is understood and constructed as a wide range of forms of engagement and activities, and it is not limited to specific high-cultural or direct political products. The structure of the COURAGE Registry creates a balance among collections that are very diverse in form, and its linked data structure helps connect the information and stories compiled in it. The COURAGE Registry enables researchers to use it as a tool with which to build their own scientific narratives about dissent under socialism.
{"title":"Dissidents, Rebels, and Everyday Heroes: New Perspectives on the Digital Archiving of Cultural Resistance Under State Socialism","authors":"Bernadett Csurgó, Judit Gárdos, Szabina Kerényi, É. Kovács, A. Micsik","doi":"10.1177/08883254221131589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221131589","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to present and study how a digital archive can shape and create new ways of producing, publishing, and studying historical sources. Based on our analysis of the COURAGE (Cultural Opposition—Understanding the CultuRal HeritAGE of Dissent in the Former Socialist Countries) Registry about cultural dissent under state socialism in Eastern Europe in the second half of the twentieth century (and focusing on collections about environmental issues in this registry), we seek to understand how different private, amateur, and professional archivists have shaped the scientific and public legacy of cultural dissent under state socialism. The COURAGE Registry conveys a unique view of the history of the Soviet Bloc, providing an assemblage of documents concerning people, groups, institutions, events, and pieces from the time. Together, they tell an alternative story of cultural opposition under socialism, shedding light on important—but until now marginalized—problems, topics, and actors. Our results have shown that cultural opposition in the Registry is understood and constructed as a wide range of forms of engagement and activities, and it is not limited to specific high-cultural or direct political products. The structure of the COURAGE Registry creates a balance among collections that are very diverse in form, and its linked data structure helps connect the information and stories compiled in it. The COURAGE Registry enables researchers to use it as a tool with which to build their own scientific narratives about dissent under socialism.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"813 - 834"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48494159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-09DOI: 10.1177/08883254221131595
Kristyna Basna
This paper investigates attitudes towards the welfare state measured as government responsibility towards the standard of living of the unemployed and the old. The article focuses on the differences between post-communist countries and the rest of Europe, contextualised using the self-interest theory, specifically economic strain. Data on thirty one European countries gleaned from the European Social Survey collected in 2008 and 2016 are analysed using multilevel methods. The findings show that even though citizens in post-communist countries are purportedly more in favour of government intervention in regard to the welfare state, perceptible differences emerge based on individual characteristics, namely economic strain, combined with whether the respondent lives in a post-communist country. The cross-national differences in welfare support between post-communist countries and the rest of Europe are largely driven by differences in economic strain, with citizens in post-communist countries that struggle financially exhibiting higher support for welfare state provisions in comparison to their peers in countries without a communist legacy.
{"title":"Economic Strain in Post-Communist Countries and the Rest of Europe: Attitudes Towards the Unemployed and the Old","authors":"Kristyna Basna","doi":"10.1177/08883254221131595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221131595","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates attitudes towards the welfare state measured as government responsibility towards the standard of living of the unemployed and the old. The article focuses on the differences between post-communist countries and the rest of Europe, contextualised using the self-interest theory, specifically economic strain. Data on thirty one European countries gleaned from the European Social Survey collected in 2008 and 2016 are analysed using multilevel methods. The findings show that even though citizens in post-communist countries are purportedly more in favour of government intervention in regard to the welfare state, perceptible differences emerge based on individual characteristics, namely economic strain, combined with whether the respondent lives in a post-communist country. The cross-national differences in welfare support between post-communist countries and the rest of Europe are largely driven by differences in economic strain, with citizens in post-communist countries that struggle financially exhibiting higher support for welfare state provisions in comparison to their peers in countries without a communist legacy.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"1110 - 1129"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43382111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/08883254221131596
Martin Laryš
The extant literature on rebel governance takes the political institutions that rebels develop to rule a civilian population as an indivisible entity. As a result, it cannot answer the question, why do those at the top of the power hierarchy in the pre-war period leave the rebel-controlled territories while mid-level officials are individually co-opted into the rebel political institutions? The argument is that rebels may co-opt not entire pre-existing institutions but selected individuals from these institutions, presumably mid-level officials with the experience of running the administrative affairs, into the new patronage system built by rebels. That claim will be tested against the pre-existing political and government institutions in the Donetsk and Luhansk provinces dominated by the Party of Regions in the pre-war period.
{"title":"Pre-War Government and Party Networks in the Rebel Political Institutions: Individual Co-Optation in Eastern Ukraine","authors":"Martin Laryš","doi":"10.1177/08883254221131596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221131596","url":null,"abstract":"The extant literature on rebel governance takes the political institutions that rebels develop to rule a civilian population as an indivisible entity. As a result, it cannot answer the question, why do those at the top of the power hierarchy in the pre-war period leave the rebel-controlled territories while mid-level officials are individually co-opted into the rebel political institutions? The argument is that rebels may co-opt not entire pre-existing institutions but selected individuals from these institutions, presumably mid-level officials with the experience of running the administrative affairs, into the new patronage system built by rebels. That claim will be tested against the pre-existing political and government institutions in the Donetsk and Luhansk provinces dominated by the Party of Regions in the pre-war period.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"1011 - 1035"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42874211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/08883254221132280
Anna Machcewicz
In this article, I adopt the following hypothesis: the prison system in Poland of 1944–1956 was the effect of an imposed legal framework and administrative regulations that demoralized and destroye...
{"title":"Obedience to Authority: Attitudes of Prison Officers in Stalinist Poland, 1944–1954","authors":"Anna Machcewicz","doi":"10.1177/08883254221132280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/08883254221132280","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I adopt the following hypothesis: the prison system in Poland of 1944–1956 was the effect of an imposed legal framework and administrative regulations that demoralized and destroye...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"17 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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