Pub Date : 2021-03-25DOI: 10.1177/0888325420950806
Nikolay Koposov
This article belongs to the special cluster “Here to Stay: The Politics of History in Eastern Europe”, guest-edited by Felix Krawatzek & George Soroka.The rise of historical memory, which began in ...
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Pub Date : 2020-09-16DOI: 10.1177/0888325420950800
Stanley Bill
This article shows how Poland’s ruling party, Law and Justice (PiS), is attempting to apply its general strategy of “elite replacement” in a modified way to civil society. Since independent civil s...
{"title":"Counter-Elite Populism and Civil Society in Poland: PiS’s Strategies of Elite Replacement","authors":"Stanley Bill","doi":"10.1177/0888325420950800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420950800","url":null,"abstract":"This article shows how Poland’s ruling party, Law and Justice (PiS), is attempting to apply its general strategy of “elite replacement” in a modified way to civil society. Since independent civil s...","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"1 1","pages":"088832542095080"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2020-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325420950800","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44154087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-02-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325416665157
Alena Pfoser
This article is part of the special section titled Recursive Easts, Shifting Peripheries, guest edited by Pamela Ballinger. The break-up of the Cold War order, the eastwards expansion of the European Union into former socialist countries and the more recent economic and humanitarian crises have led to the emergence of new symbolic borders and the reconfiguration of spatial hierarchies within Europe. The article shows how metageographical categories of “Europe,” “East,” and “West” and underlying classificatory logics are not only circulated in geopolitical discourses but can be appropriated by ordinary citizens in their everyday life. Using the Russian–Estonian border as a case study, the article examines the recursive negotiations of Europe’s East–West border by people living in the borderland as a response to the geopolitical changes. It highlights three border narratives: the narrative of becoming peripheral/Eastern, the narrative of becoming European, and a narrative contesting the East–West hierarchy by associating the East and one’s own identity with positive things. On both sides of the border, the status as a new periphery does not create unity across the border but rather results in multiple and competing border narratives, in which “Europe” functions as an unstable referent in relation to which one’s position is marked out. This “nested peripheralisation” at Europe’s new margins reflects power relations and uneven local experiences of transformation.
{"title":"Nested Peripheralisation","authors":"Alena Pfoser","doi":"10.1177/0888325416665157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325416665157","url":null,"abstract":"This article is part of the special section titled Recursive Easts, Shifting Peripheries, guest edited by Pamela Ballinger. The break-up of the Cold War order, the eastwards expansion of the European Union into former socialist countries and the more recent economic and humanitarian crises have led to the emergence of new symbolic borders and the reconfiguration of spatial hierarchies within Europe. The article shows how metageographical categories of “Europe,” “East,” and “West” and underlying classificatory logics are not only circulated in geopolitical discourses but can be appropriated by ordinary citizens in their everyday life. Using the Russian–Estonian border as a case study, the article examines the recursive negotiations of Europe’s East–West border by people living in the borderland as a response to the geopolitical changes. It highlights three border narratives: the narrative of becoming peripheral/Eastern, the narrative of becoming European, and a narrative contesting the East–West hierarchy by associating the East and one’s own identity with positive things. On both sides of the border, the status as a new periphery does not create unity across the border but rather results in multiple and competing border narratives, in which “Europe” functions as an unstable referent in relation to which one’s position is marked out. This “nested peripheralisation” at Europe’s new margins reflects power relations and uneven local experiences of transformation.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"31 1","pages":"26 - 43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2017-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325416665157","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325416652229
O. Komar, Slaven Živković
Montenegro is a country in which one of the main features of representative democracy has never developed: government replaceability. After regaining independence and initiating an EU accession process, externally driven changes have stimulated lively institutional transformations which, however, have failed to produce meaningful democratic competition. This article tries to shed some light on the following phenomenon: how is it possible that in a formally democratic legal framework the ruling (ex-communist) party keeps winning each national election? Apart from providing a contextual analysis, it seeks to describe a rather interesting concept—the image of invincibility which is, together with deep national/ethnic divisions and non-participant political attitudes, believed to be one of the key ingredients of the enigma of the last uninterrupted ex-communist incumbency in the post-communist world.
{"title":"Montenegro","authors":"O. Komar, Slaven Živković","doi":"10.1177/0888325416652229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325416652229","url":null,"abstract":"Montenegro is a country in which one of the main features of representative democracy has never developed: government replaceability. After regaining independence and initiating an EU accession process, externally driven changes have stimulated lively institutional transformations which, however, have failed to produce meaningful democratic competition. This article tries to shed some light on the following phenomenon: how is it possible that in a formally democratic legal framework the ruling (ex-communist) party keeps winning each national election? Apart from providing a contextual analysis, it seeks to describe a rather interesting concept—the image of invincibility which is, together with deep national/ethnic divisions and non-participant political attitudes, believed to be one of the key ingredients of the enigma of the last uninterrupted ex-communist incumbency in the post-communist world.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"30 1","pages":"785 - 804"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325416652229","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325416630959
Anna Di Lellio
At different times, and for different reasons, Kosovo informal and organized women’s networks have dealt with wartime sexual violence in different ways: they have followed either a strategy of silence or one of speech. Throughout, they have struggled to disentangle gender from ethnicity, straddling the line between a deep connection with local culture and domestic and international norms and agendas. This article tells their story, which in broader terms is the story of the subjectivity of women’s rights activists—domestic and international—as it connects with the normative framework of transitional justice. The case of Kosovo shows that transitional justice meaningfully engages local actors as a human rights project sensitive to political change, more than as a “toolkit” which packages truth, reconciliation and justice with recipes for implementation. The case of Kosovo also confirms that lobbying by women’s networks is crucial to the inclusion of women’s perspectives in transitional justice, and that the exclusion of women from decision making results in a net loss for women’s concerns. I would take the argument even further, and suggest that the inclusion of women and their agendas, as well as the struggle by women’s networks for inclusion, is necessary for human rights transformation.
{"title":"Seeking Justice for Wartime Sexual Violence in Kosovo","authors":"Anna Di Lellio","doi":"10.1177/0888325416630959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325416630959","url":null,"abstract":"At different times, and for different reasons, Kosovo informal and organized women’s networks have dealt with wartime sexual violence in different ways: they have followed either a strategy of silence or one of speech. Throughout, they have struggled to disentangle gender from ethnicity, straddling the line between a deep connection with local culture and domestic and international norms and agendas. This article tells their story, which in broader terms is the story of the subjectivity of women’s rights activists—domestic and international—as it connects with the normative framework of transitional justice. The case of Kosovo shows that transitional justice meaningfully engages local actors as a human rights project sensitive to political change, more than as a “toolkit” which packages truth, reconciliation and justice with recipes for implementation. The case of Kosovo also confirms that lobbying by women’s networks is crucial to the inclusion of women’s perspectives in transitional justice, and that the exclusion of women from decision making results in a net loss for women’s concerns. I would take the argument even further, and suggest that the inclusion of women and their agendas, as well as the struggle by women’s networks for inclusion, is necessary for human rights transformation.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"30 1","pages":"621 - 643"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2016-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325416630959","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65529035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325414559269
Julien Danero Iglesias
Since independence, nationalism has been at the front of politics in the Republic of Moldova in the context of a persisting political struggle about the very definition of the Moldovan nation. Looking at campaign video clips produced in 2009 by Moldovan political parties and using a methodology inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis, the article gives a better understanding of nationalism in Moldova nowadays. The article demonstrates that the focus of political parties on the nation is purely symbolic. They adapt their discourse to the context in which they evolve (audience of the videos and targeted voters). Pursuing the objective of gaining or holding on to power, parties construct an ad hoc nation whose content they fill with the needs of the moment, using mirroring arguments to win the elections over competing parties seen as enemies of an endangered country.
{"title":"An Ad Hoc Nation","authors":"Julien Danero Iglesias","doi":"10.1177/0888325414559269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559269","url":null,"abstract":"Since independence, nationalism has been at the front of politics in the Republic of Moldova in the context of a persisting political struggle about the very definition of the Moldovan nation. Looking at campaign video clips produced in 2009 by Moldovan political parties and using a methodology inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis, the article gives a better understanding of nationalism in Moldova nowadays. The article demonstrates that the focus of political parties on the nation is purely symbolic. They adapt their discourse to the context in which they evolve (audience of the videos and targeted voters). Pursuing the objective of gaining or holding on to power, parties construct an ad hoc nation whose content they fill with the needs of the moment, using mirroring arguments to win the elections over competing parties seen as enemies of an endangered country.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"29 1","pages":"850 - 870"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325414559269","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325415594671
N. V. Petrov
Using the cover of state secrets in order to suppress and conceal the conclusions of the Katyń investigation is a violation of current Russian law. And yet Russian prosecutors have engaged in a cover-up of the documentation involved in the long-standing international investigation into the Katyń Massacres of 1940. The outcome of the investigation is a far cry from a truthful accounting, instead attesting to the prosecutors’ eagerness to avoid any indictment of the USSR’s former top leadership, and more generally to their attempts to sweep the entire affair under the carpet. First, the Katyń Massacres are characterized not as a war crime but merely as an abuse of power by authorities. Second, the scope of culpability has been deliberately circumscribed: both Stalin and the Politburo members who approved the massacres have been absolved of blame. Third, the inquest shows serious lapses, as no complete list of victims has been made public—an essential step for both completeness of the investigation and for the possibility of the victims’ subsequent rehabilitation. This article explains in detail the political and legal logic behind this treatment of Katyń-related documentation by the Russian political establishment since the dawn of the twenty-first century.
{"title":"Katyń","authors":"N. V. Petrov","doi":"10.1177/0888325415594671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325415594671","url":null,"abstract":"Using the cover of state secrets in order to suppress and conceal the conclusions of the Katyń investigation is a violation of current Russian law. And yet Russian prosecutors have engaged in a cover-up of the documentation involved in the long-standing international investigation into the Katyń Massacres of 1940. The outcome of the investigation is a far cry from a truthful accounting, instead attesting to the prosecutors’ eagerness to avoid any indictment of the USSR’s former top leadership, and more generally to their attempts to sweep the entire affair under the carpet. First, the Katyń Massacres are characterized not as a war crime but merely as an abuse of power by authorities. Second, the scope of culpability has been deliberately circumscribed: both Stalin and the Politburo members who approved the massacres have been absolved of blame. Third, the inquest shows serious lapses, as no complete list of victims has been made public—an essential step for both completeness of the investigation and for the possibility of the victims’ subsequent rehabilitation. This article explains in detail the political and legal logic behind this treatment of Katyń-related documentation by the Russian political establishment since the dawn of the twenty-first century.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"29 1","pages":"775 - 783"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325415594671","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Collision tumors consist of two different neoplasms occurring concurrently in the same lesion. This association has been described for both benign and malignant neoplasms that may be difficult to identify. Therefore, dermoscopy is a valuable tool to make a correct diagnosis. We report a very unusual collision tumor composed of both a dermatofibroma and a melanocytic nevus mimicking melanoma.
{"title":"Dermoscopic findings in a collision tumor composed of a dermatofibroma and a melanocytic nevus mimicking melanoma.","authors":"Carolina Marcucci, Emilia Cohen Sabban, Paula Friedman, Rosario Peralta, Ricardo Sánchez Marull, Horacio Cabo","doi":"10.5826/dpc.0504a12","DOIUrl":"10.5826/dpc.0504a12","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Collision tumors consist of two different neoplasms occurring concurrently in the same lesion. This association has been described for both benign and malignant neoplasms that may be difficult to identify. Therefore, dermoscopy is a valuable tool to make a correct diagnosis. We report a very unusual collision tumor composed of both a dermatofibroma and a melanocytic nevus mimicking melanoma. </p>","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"37 1","pages":"47-9"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2015-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4667603/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71364856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325415599202
S. Crowley
Class structure, class inequality, and class analysis are central to understanding contemporary Russian politics and society. And yet Russians themselves—from social scientists, to political leaders, to everyday Russians—have struggled to come to grips with the concept of class, which became a taboo topic following the collapse of communism. In recent years, that has started to change. Russian social scientists have placed great emphasis on defining the Russian “middle class,” in a search both for a non-Marxist conception of class and for a social group with the potential to lead Russia toward a more liberal future. Yet the middle class concept remains fuzzy, and the political aspirations for the group have been only partially realized. Meanwhile, much of the rest of Russian society retains a more traditional view of class and class conflict, as reflected in various political struggles and even in popular culture, such as Russian film.
{"title":"Russia","authors":"S. Crowley","doi":"10.1177/0888325415599202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325415599202","url":null,"abstract":"Class structure, class inequality, and class analysis are central to understanding contemporary Russian politics and society. And yet Russians themselves—from social scientists, to political leaders, to everyday Russians—have struggled to come to grips with the concept of class, which became a taboo topic following the collapse of communism. In recent years, that has started to change. Russian social scientists have placed great emphasis on defining the Russian “middle class,” in a search both for a non-Marxist conception of class and for a social group with the potential to lead Russia toward a more liberal future. Yet the middle class concept remains fuzzy, and the political aspirations for the group have been only partially realized. Meanwhile, much of the rest of Russian society retains a more traditional view of class and class conflict, as reflected in various political struggles and even in popular culture, such as Russian film.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"29 1","pages":"698 - 710"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325415599202","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-08-01DOI: 10.1177/0888325415604907
Jelena Helemäe, E. Saar
In postcommunist Estonia, the topic of inequality was considered “embarrassing.” The dominant popular assumption was that inequalities just happen naturally. Class and inequality discourse was effectively marginalized due to long-lasting success in focusing attention on nationalizing issues. A “transition culture” that lionized the capitalist future has also contributed to the marginalization of class discourse. Because of this marginalization, and the power of national/ethnic discourse and transitional culture, those most economically vulnerable were deprived of the cultural and discursive resources to resist the most extreme market-oriented policies. Sociologists did discuss inequality more seriously, but mostly according to a gradational and functional stratification paradigm: the central focus has been on individual attributes that divide people into classes. The analysis focusing on relations of exploitation and domination have been virtually absent in postcommunist Estonia. We conclude that the main challenge for Estonian social science is to incorporate concepts of power, exploitation, and domination perspective into study of inequality.
{"title":"Estonia","authors":"Jelena Helemäe, E. Saar","doi":"10.1177/0888325415604907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325415604907","url":null,"abstract":"In postcommunist Estonia, the topic of inequality was considered “embarrassing.” The dominant popular assumption was that inequalities just happen naturally. Class and inequality discourse was effectively marginalized due to long-lasting success in focusing attention on nationalizing issues. A “transition culture” that lionized the capitalist future has also contributed to the marginalization of class discourse. Because of this marginalization, and the power of national/ethnic discourse and transitional culture, those most economically vulnerable were deprived of the cultural and discursive resources to resist the most extreme market-oriented policies. Sociologists did discuss inequality more seriously, but mostly according to a gradational and functional stratification paradigm: the central focus has been on individual attributes that divide people into classes. The analysis focusing on relations of exploitation and domination have been virtually absent in postcommunist Estonia. We conclude that the main challenge for Estonian social science is to incorporate concepts of power, exploitation, and domination perspective into study of inequality.","PeriodicalId":47086,"journal":{"name":"East European Politics and Societies","volume":"29 1","pages":"565 - 576"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2015-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0888325415604907","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65528916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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