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The Dublin Regulation, mutual trust and fundamental rights: No exceptionality for children? 《都柏林条例》、相互信任和基本权利:儿童没有例外吗?
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12469
Ciara Smyth

Mutual trust in the Dublin III Regulation is justified by the assumption that all Member States respect the fundamental rights of asylum seekers and that it is therefore immaterial which Member State processes any given claim. This justification has been questioned in light of the treatment of asylum seekers in some Member States. Nonetheless, in order to circumvent a Dublin transfer on fundamental rights grounds, the Court of Justice of the EU has held that the risked violation must meet the threshold for inhuman or degrading treatment in Article 4 of the Charter. Recently, the Court rejected the proposition that another Charter right—the principle of the best interests of the child—could block Dublin transfers of families with children. Through a child-rights analysis of the jurisprudence, this article explores the idea of exceptionality for children, concluding that there is potential for the best interests principle to trump mutual trust.

《都柏林第三条例》中的相互信任是合理的,因为它假定所有会员国都尊重寻求庇护者的基本权利,因此哪个会员国处理任何特定的要求无关紧要。鉴于某些会员国对寻求庇护者的待遇,这一理由受到了质疑。尽管如此,为了在基本权利的基础上规避都柏林转移,欧盟法院认为,危险的侵权行为必须达到《宪章》第4条规定的不人道或有辱人格待遇的门槛。最近,法院驳回了另一项《宪章》权利- -儿童最大利益原则- -可以阻止有儿童的家庭在都柏林转移的主张。本文通过对儿童权利的法理分析,探讨了儿童例外的概念,认为最大利益原则有可能凌驾于相互信任之上。
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引用次数: 0
Should Europe disturb historians? On the importance of methodology and interdisciplinarity 欧洲应该扰乱历史学家吗?论方法论和跨学科性的重要性
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12470
Sylvain Kahn

Does the emergence of the European Union (EU) disrupt the frames of reference of the contemporary history of Europe to such an extent that historians distrust it? It would seem that methodological Euroscepticism exists. European integration arouses scepticism among some in the community of historians of contemporary Europe, since the conceptual underpinnings of that history cannot in themselves account for European integration. This billet expresses, more than a word of caution, a call for enhanced dialogue on the EU as an object of study among the different strands of historical studies and different disciplines. On the one hand, some of the analyses provided by historical studies on contemporary Europe constitute a fertile source for the study and understanding of European integration, notably in the field of history. Using them can stimulate the development in the European studies field of new concepts, new representations and new hypotheses for grasping the EU as a reality and a comparatively new object of academic interest. On the other hand, the critical study of the EU conducted in the specific field of the history of the EU questions and sheds a new light on the analytical categories of contemporary European history. In this regard, the fruitful interaction between history, political geography, law and political science can enrich contemporary European history. Interdisciplinary studies on European integration notably enable us to decentre notions of sovereignty, territory and democracy, which have classically taken the nation state as their reference in broad explanatory narratives of contemporary European history. Research mutualisation would offer all the potential interpretative and analytical benefits of the conceptual and methodological rethink of our various disciplines and of European integration as an object of study.

欧盟(EU)的出现是否破坏了欧洲当代史的参照系,以至于历史学家不信任它?似乎存在方法论上的欧洲怀疑论。欧洲一体化引起了当代欧洲历史学家群体中一些人的怀疑,因为这段历史的概念基础本身无法解释欧洲一体化。这不仅仅是一句警告,而是呼吁加强对欧盟的对话,将其作为不同历史研究领域和不同学科的研究对象。一方面,当代欧洲历史研究提供的一些分析为研究和理解欧洲一体化,特别是在历史领域,提供了丰富的资源。使用它们可以刺激欧洲研究领域的新概念、新表述和新假设的发展,将欧盟视为一个现实和一个相对较新的学术兴趣对象。另一方面,对欧盟的批判性研究又是在特定的欧盟历史领域进行的,对当代欧洲历史的分析范畴也有了新的认识。在这方面,历史、政治地理、法律和政治科学之间富有成果的互动可以丰富当代欧洲历史。对欧洲一体化的跨学科研究尤其使我们能够分散主权、领土和民主的概念,这些概念在当代欧洲历史的广泛解释性叙述中以民族国家为参考。研究相互化将为我们的各个学科以及作为研究对象的欧洲一体化的概念和方法重新思考提供所有潜在的解释和分析益处。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘licence to distrust’ and the protection of individual rights in the execution of a European Arrest Warrant: A comment 欧洲逮捕令执行中的“不信任许可证”和个人权利保护:评论
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12465
Pedro Caeiro

This comment on Ermioni Xanthopoulou's insightful article starts by revisiting the nature and role of trust in the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) procedure, considering the recent developments in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) (from Aranyosi/Căldăraru to Bivolaru/Moldovan). It is argued that trust is distinct from the presumption of respect for fundamental rights that underlies mutual recognition. The exercise of trust is now monitored by those Courts, as a means of protecting individual rights. This rehabilitates the proper meaning of trust, which can be reinforced by assurances. Prison conditions and legal changes affecting the rule of law are analysed in this light, as ‘drivers of distrust’. In sum, distrust can legitimately provide immediate protection for the individual, and the spectre of distrust causes the appreciation of trust, which in turn is beneficial for fundamental rights.

这篇关于Ermioni Xanthopoulou富有洞察力的文章的评论首先回顾了信任在欧洲逮捕令程序中的性质和作用,考虑到欧盟法院(CJEU)和欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)判例法的最新发展(从Aranyosi/Căldăraru到Bivolaru/摩尔多瓦)。有人认为,信任不同于相互承认所依据的尊重基本权利的推定。信托的行使现在受到这些法院的监督,作为保护个人权利的一种手段。这恢复了信任的正确含义,可以通过保证来加强信任。监狱条件和影响法治的法律变化被分析为“不信任的驱动因素”。总之,不信任可以合法地为个人提供即时保护,而不信任的幽灵会导致信任的增值,这反过来又有利于基本权利。
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引用次数: 0
The European Arrest Warrant in a context of distrust: Is the Court taking rights seriously? 不信任背景下的欧洲逮捕令:法院是否认真对待权利?
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12467
Ermioni Xanthopoulou

During a time of distrust towards some Member States, the position of fundamental rights when executing a European Arrest Warrant (EAW) has been strengthened. The article considers whether the European Court of Justice (ECJ) is now ‘taking rights seriously’ as regards the EAW. To this end, it employs a theoretical and contextual approach that supports a comprehensive analysis of case-law. First, the article borrows from a theory of rights as trumps and observes that rights are no longer treated as norms with no special force that are in the way of cooperation interests. Second, the article offers a contextual exegesis of this trajectory, by mapping drivers of distrust and evaluating their impact on the position of rights. Through contextualisation, it is argued that distrust, although limited by its circumstances, has offered a compelling opportunity for the ECJ to take rights seriously, paving the way forward for future case-law.

在对一些成员国不信任的时期,在执行欧洲逮捕令时,基本权利的地位得到了加强。这篇文章考虑了欧洲法院(ECJ)现在是否“认真对待”EAW方面的权利。为此,它采用了一种理论和上下文方法,支持对判例法的全面分析。首先,文章借鉴了权利至上的理论,认为权利不再被视为规范,没有阻碍合作利益的特殊力量。其次,本文通过绘制不信任的驱动因素并评估其对权利地位的影响,对这一轨迹进行了上下文注释。通过背景分析,有人认为,尽管不信任受到环境的限制,但它为欧洲法院认真对待权利提供了一个令人信服的机会,为未来的判例法铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Explaining China's approach to investor-state dispute settlement reform: A contextual perspective 解读中国投资者与国家争端解决改革的方法:一个语境视角
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12468
Ming Du

China's approach to ISDS reform is widely perceived as undecided and ambiguous. This paper provides the first detailed analysis of China's submission to the UNITRAL Working Group III and situates China's approach in the context of global dialogue of ISDS reform and competing reform proposals. The paper shows that China's open, flexible, and evolving approach to ISDS reform could be better understood by a contextual evaluation of the pertinent factors which have contributed to its formation. Moreover, this paper explains why China did not sign up to the EU's investment court system (ICS) proposal in the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). Lastly, the paper argues that China should reconsider its attitude towards the ICS in the CAI context and that the EU's recent suggestion that the envisaged multilateral investment court may adopt an ‘open architecture’ is likely to enhance its appeal to China.

人们普遍认为,中国对ISDS改革的态度是犹豫不决和模棱两可的。本文首次详细分析了中国向UNITRAL第三工作组提交的文件,并将中国的做法置于ISDS改革和相互竞争的改革建议的全球对话背景下。本文表明,通过对促成ISDS形成的相关因素进行背景评估,可以更好地理解中国开放、灵活和不断发展的ISDS改革方法。此外,本文还解释了为什么中国没有签署《中欧投资全面协定》中的欧盟投资法院制度(ICS)提案。最后,本文认为,在CAI背景下,中国应该重新考虑其对ICS的态度,欧盟最近建议设想中的多边投资法院可能采用“开放架构”,这可能会增强其对中国的吸引力。
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引用次数: 1
Some triple Q reflections: On journal rankings, methodology and scholarship with impact; In this Issue 三重Q思考:关于期刊排名、方法论和学术影响力;本期
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12473
Karine Caunes
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引用次数: 0
The changing nature of ‘Regulation by Information’: Towards real-time regulation? “信息监管”性质的变化:走向实时监管?
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12466
Herwig C.H. Hofmann, Dirk A. Zetzsche, Felix Pflücke

The concept of ‘Regulation by Information’ is changing. Past such approaches consisted mainly of signalling regulatory intent and indirectly guiding how and when regulatory discretion should be exercised. We suggest that this conceptual understanding must be reviewed in view of developing regulatory technologies (RegTech) allowing for a far more proactive integration of data flows into regulatory processes. RegTech is thereby changing conditions of Regulation by Information.

This article uses financial regulation as an information-intensive and highly regulated policy field to illustrate and analyse RegTech-induced changes to conditions of Regulation by Information. It finds that the rise of near real-time information flows between market participants and regulatory bodies and, consequently, the need for near real-time regulatory responses on the European Union level have led to an ever higher degree of integration of regulatory software into market data flows.

Regulatory software now increasingly shapes the definitions of reporting standards and formats, which in turn shape regulatory choices by influencing information flows. The article shows how this development will likely be used in other data- and information-dense policy areas outside of financial markets.

Critics of Regulation by Information argue that it can lead to a lack of accountability and transparency, increasing the democratic deficit within the European Union. This article scrutinises both continuities and changes in the role and significance of legal principles and procedures used in regulatory oversight, following the evolution of this new form of Regulation by Information within the EU.

“信息监管”的概念正在发生变化。过去这类方法主要是表明监管意图,并间接指导应如何以及何时行使监管自由裁量权。我们建议,鉴于监管技术(RegTech)的发展,必须对这一概念的理解进行审查,从而允许更主动地将数据流整合到监管流程中。因此,RegTech正在改变信息监管的条件。本文将金融监管作为一个信息密集型和高度监管的政策领域,来说明和分析监管科技引发的信息监管条件的变化。研究发现,市场参与者和监管机构之间近实时信息流的增加,以及欧盟层面对近实时监管响应的需求,导致监管软件与市场数据流的整合程度越来越高。监管软件现在越来越多地影响报告标准和格式的定义,而报告标准和格式又通过影响信息流来影响监管选择。本文展示了这一发展将如何应用于金融市场以外的其他数据和信息密集的政策领域。批评信息监管的人认为,这可能导致问责制和透明度的缺乏,增加欧盟内部的民主赤字。随着欧盟内部信息监管这种新形式的演变,本文将仔细研究监管监督中使用的法律原则和程序的作用和意义的连续性和变化。
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引用次数: 0
In Memoriam Mario Telò: The democratisation of the European Union; In this issue 纪念马里奥Telò:欧盟的民主化;本期
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12460
Karine Caunes, Dirk Jörke, Jared Sonnicksen
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引用次数: 0
The reasonable citizen: A model for bridging ethics and politics in the EU 理性公民:欧盟伦理与政治的桥梁
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12458
Michele Mangini

The ethical-political model of the EU needs normative rethinking after the pandemic. Using Dworkin's ‘thesis of continuity’ between ethics and politics, I argue that a strong model of the citizen, called on to exercise duties and civic virtues, is badly needed by the EU. The legitimacy of EU political institutions is not enough, if we want to promote the participation of citizens to their functioning. The basic point is that of arguing in favour of the model of ‘the reasonable citizen’, aimed to overcome the dominant liberal model of ‘citizenship as rights’. This is shown by the ‘European Social Model’, but its weaknesses need to be supplemented by a republican conception. In order for the reasonable citizen not to be just an abstract ideal, some measure of operationalisation is proposed through ‘progressively increasing constellations of common identities’; these rely on and respect the multiple demoi of the EU.

大流行之后,欧盟的伦理-政治模式需要进行规范性的反思。利用德沃金的道德与政治之间的“连续性论题”,我认为欧盟迫切需要一种强有力的公民模式,呼吁公民履行义务和公民美德。如果我们想要促进公民参与欧盟政治机构的运作,仅有欧盟政治机构的合法性是不够的。本书的基本观点是支持“理性公民”的模式,旨在克服“公民即权利”的主流自由主义模式。“欧洲社会模式”表明了这一点,但它的弱点需要一个共和概念来补充。为了使理性的公民不只是一个抽象的理想,通过“逐渐增加的共同身份星座”提出了一些操作性的措施;这些都依赖并尊重欧盟的多重自治。
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引用次数: 0
European elections 2024: To keep our future in our hands, we need the Revolution of Hope1 2024年欧洲选举:为了让我们的未来掌握在自己手中,我们需要希望革命
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1111/eulj.12459
EurHope
<p>Imagine walking down the street, stopping a random person and asking them what they think about Europe. In the early 1950s, a TV crew did exactly that and an elderly farm woman replied: ‘Well, if it's for Peace, it's fine’. Sixty years later, an elderly Ukrainian woman was asked the same question. We are in the weeks of the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ happening in Kyiv in 2014. She proudly shows a huge expanse of wheat, saying that, thanks to it, the whole of Europe would be fed. Yet, the gentleness with which the word “Europe” was pronounced does not seem so common in the EU anymore.</p><p>In the public debate, “Europe” is often mentioned in relation to bad news, contradictions or, at best, major global problems to be tackled. Yet, in recent years, this “Europe” has meant so much when we needed solidarity during the pandemic and coordinated action to face war and climate crisis. This is why, during the 2024 European elections, Europe will be in a drastically different situation than it was five years before. Shaken by those crises and challenges, European society stands at a historical crossroads. We face an increasing number of forces that amplify division, fear and interference acting more and more powerfully against European unity and solidarity. Can we let them proceed without countering those developments? For now, our destiny lies in our hands, but will it tomorrow?</p><p>The top three values that Europe should defend, according to a Eurobarometer survey, are democracy, human rights and freedom of speech. However, with the free exchange of ideas comes the danger of disinformation. In a Council of Europe survey, 82% of respondents cited ‘fake news’ as a major concern and a threat to democracy. This is not a new phenomenon, as we have seen foreign interference have an impact on electoral campaigns in Europe and the United States, specifically in 2016 but also more recently.</p><p>Since the Second World War, democracy, freedom of movement and speech, economic growth and cultural exchanges, but also friendship and love, are springing up where armies once passed. Yet, there is a possibility that many Europeans find it hard to see all this, to notice that the European Union is an aspirational point of reference for many people in the region. We are the continent with the biggest economic market, with the most comprehensive welfare system; the safest, from every point of view, and all this thanks to this unique political project.</p><p>Europe was born on the frontier between states used to fighting wars against each other, which have decided to tear down barriers, face their past and look towards the future with confidence. In fact, paraphrasing the sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad, what happens at the frontiers of a community is a mirror of ‘the deepest contradictions of a society, its political organisation and its relations with other societies’. Those frontiers that once passed through Verdun and the Somme today lie elsewhere, from Cutro to Kyiv.
今天,我们呼吁所有青年公民、所有公民社会成员、所有会员国、城市和地区以及所有相关组织加入到希望革命中来!签名人:gian Paolo ACCARDO, voxeuro网站创始人兼主编palberto ALEMANNO,巴黎HEC Jean Monnet教授,The Good说客创始人antonio ARGENZIANO, jeffrsamdsamric BAILLY公司总裁,SOS集团执行副总裁,ImpactMikuláš BEK联盟公约秘书长,捷克共和国欧洲事务部长brando BENIFEI,欧洲议会议员laurent BERGER,法国民主劳工联合会(CFDT)秘书长欧洲工会联盟主席abriele BISCHOFF,欧洲议会议员jean Marc BORELLO, SOSDamian BOESELAGER集团创始人兼总裁,欧洲议会议员gilbert BOURSEUL, topicceo smaroua BOUZAIDA,图卢兹m2013.com副主席,负责公民参与mercedes BRESSO,欧洲议会议员,前欧洲地区委员会主席jeanne BRETÉCHER,社会公益加速器主席flavio BRUGNOLI,联邦研究中心主任mopascal CANFIN,欧洲议会议员,环境、公共卫生和食品安全委员会主席marco CAPPATO,欧洲议会主席,前欧洲议会议员daniel COHN-BENDIT,前欧洲议会议员fabio COLASANTI,前欧盟委员会总干事alicia COMBAZ, make.orgceo olivier COSTA,法国国家科学研究中心研究员,欧洲学院教授axel DAUCHEZ, make.org主席pier Virgilio DASTOLI,意大利欧洲运动主席valerie DECAMP, mediattransport执行董事stremeur DENIGOT, CIVICO euroco联合主席paadrien DUGUET,欧洲公民技术协会主席eva EISLER,教授,设计师和艺术家virginia FIUME, eumansia FLEURY联合主席,哲学家和精神分析学家daniel FREUND,欧洲议会议员martial FOUCAULT,CEVIPOFMalte主任GALLÉE,欧洲议会议员sandro GOZI,欧洲议会议员,uefi主席patrizia HEIDEGGER,欧洲环境局副秘书长veera HEINONEN,民主与参与主任,芬兰创新基金SitraGergely KARÁCSONY,布达佩斯市长guillaume KLOSSA, CIVICO Europa联合主席,Europa NovaLuca JAHIER创始人,欧洲学期集团副主席,欧洲经济和社会委员会前主席贝内德克JÁVOR,前欧洲议会议员佐拉·约罗娃,制片人、戏剧、文化政治和创意产业专家克里斯托夫·勒克莱尔cq, EURACTIV媒体网络和欧洲媒体创始人娜塔莉·卢瓦索,欧洲议会议员,法国前欧洲事务部长比利亚娜·科察科娃,律师、人权捍卫者罗伯特·梅纳斯,作家马里奥·蒙蒂,意大利参议院议员,欧洲议会议员、保加利亚联盟主席svetelina PENKOVA,欧洲议会议员francesca RATTI,欧洲联盟ParliamentMaría RODRÍGUEZ ALCÁZAR前副秘书长,欧洲青年论坛domdominic RUIZ DEVESA主席,欧洲议会议员jacques RUPNIK,巴黎政治学院名誉研究主任,Václav前顾问HavelEmma SMETANA,艺术家、表演者,记者claus Haugaard SORENSEN,全球行政领导倡议主席,欧盟委员会前总干事娜塔莉·托奇,国际事务研究所主任英加·瓦赫斯曼,欧洲公民组织主席ŽIŽEK,哲学家
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引用次数: 0
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