Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2115185
Alexandre Pichel-Vázquez, Begonya Enguix Grau
ABSTRACT In this article, we aim to explore how affects work within and through gender discourse in the Spanish far right. We address two burning topics: the connection of (anti)gender and far-right politics and the political potential of affects. Opposing traditional views, we argue that far-right groups are not exclusively driven by hate. In Vox leaders’ speeches, love appears as a political affective narrative with political effects. Love brings the ‘us’ together while creating an affective and political border between the ‘objects of love’ (nation, family, equality and men) and the ‘objects of hate’ (feminism, immigration, gender and sexual pluralism).
{"title":"Framing Gender through Affects: Antifeminism and Love in the Spanish Far Right (Vox)","authors":"Alexandre Pichel-Vázquez, Begonya Enguix Grau","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2115185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2115185","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, we aim to explore how affects work within and through gender discourse in the Spanish far right. We address two burning topics: the connection of (anti)gender and far-right politics and the political potential of affects. Opposing traditional views, we argue that far-right groups are not exclusively driven by hate. In Vox leaders’ speeches, love appears as a political affective narrative with political effects. Love brings the ‘us’ together while creating an affective and political border between the ‘objects of love’ (nation, family, equality and men) and the ‘objects of hate’ (feminism, immigration, gender and sexual pluralism).","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90535069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2117019
Enis Porat, S. Sonan, Omer Gokcekus
ABSTRACT Based on an original survey (n = 1,017), this paper examines citizens’ participation patterns in the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ (‘TRNC’), a de facto state recognised only by Turkey. Since 1974 the ‘TRNC’ has been receiving a constant flow of immigrants from its patron state (Turkey). While Turkish immigrants make up a sizeable proportion of the electorate, they seem to be underrepresented in the political arena. Our findings show that, in determining the level of political participation, socio-economic factors are pre-eminent while having an immigrant background has only very limited effect and gender does not have any impact.
{"title":"Political Participation among Natives and Immigrants: Identity and Socio-economic Status within the Turkish Cypriot Electorate","authors":"Enis Porat, S. Sonan, Omer Gokcekus","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2117019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2117019","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on an original survey (n = 1,017), this paper examines citizens’ participation patterns in the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ (‘TRNC’), a de facto state recognised only by Turkey. Since 1974 the ‘TRNC’ has been receiving a constant flow of immigrants from its patron state (Turkey). While Turkish immigrants make up a sizeable proportion of the electorate, they seem to be underrepresented in the political arena. Our findings show that, in determining the level of political participation, socio-economic factors are pre-eminent while having an immigrant background has only very limited effect and gender does not have any impact.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89299251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2101622
Anıl Kahvecioğlu, Semih Patan
ABSTRACT Mass protests frequently occur in electoral autocracies. However, the opposite is true in Turkey, despite mounting grievances and a strong opposition presence with institutional resources. We argue that competitive authoritarian regimes, a subset of electoral autocracies, may dampen mass protests, allowing the opposition an opportunity to defeat the incumbents through elections. Studying Turkey’s main opposition party, we identify three mechanisms that show how politicians strategically respond to the regime’s incentives and constraints leading to protest-averse behaviour. First, the regime’s repression capacity discourages the opposition from openly supporting a mass protest. Second, the opposition learns to target the median voter, which leads to political moderation and protest averseness. Finally, prospective electoral success reinforces the opposition’s commitment to a ballot-centred approach.
{"title":"Embattled Ballots, Quiet Streets: Competitive Authoritarianism and Dampening Anti-Government Protests in Turkey","authors":"Anıl Kahvecioğlu, Semih Patan","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2101622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2101622","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mass protests frequently occur in electoral autocracies. However, the opposite is true in Turkey, despite mounting grievances and a strong opposition presence with institutional resources. We argue that competitive authoritarian regimes, a subset of electoral autocracies, may dampen mass protests, allowing the opposition an opportunity to defeat the incumbents through elections. Studying Turkey’s main opposition party, we identify three mechanisms that show how politicians strategically respond to the regime’s incentives and constraints leading to protest-averse behaviour. First, the regime’s repression capacity discourages the opposition from openly supporting a mass protest. Second, the opposition learns to target the median voter, which leads to political moderation and protest averseness. Finally, prospective electoral success reinforces the opposition’s commitment to a ballot-centred approach.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90292799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2097732
A. Ellinas, I. Lamprianou
ABSTRACT The literature on how democratic polities deal with right-wing extremism focuses on political and institutional actors at the expense of societal agency. This article offers a corrective by analysing antifascist mobilisation against one of the most extreme parties in Europe, Golden Dawn in Greece. It uses in-depth interviews with antifascists to sketch the developmental trajectory of Greek antifascism. It then utilises an original dataset of thousands of antifascist events to document spatial and temporal patterns of antifascist mobilisation. The article shows how antifascist mobilisation affected the developmental trajectory of the party and ultimately led to the conviction of its leadership.
{"title":"Societal Responses to Right-Wing Extremism: Antifascist Mobilisation against Golden Dawn in Greece","authors":"A. Ellinas, I. Lamprianou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2097732","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2097732","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The literature on how democratic polities deal with right-wing extremism focuses on political and institutional actors at the expense of societal agency. This article offers a corrective by analysing antifascist mobilisation against one of the most extreme parties in Europe, Golden Dawn in Greece. It uses in-depth interviews with antifascists to sketch the developmental trajectory of Greek antifascism. It then utilises an original dataset of thousands of antifascist events to document spatial and temporal patterns of antifascist mobilisation. The article shows how antifascist mobilisation affected the developmental trajectory of the party and ultimately led to the conviction of its leadership.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88488810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2105417
Guillermo Cordero, Santiago Pérez-Nievas, M. Paradés, Xavier Coller
ABSTRACT Despite academic interest in the negative effects of primaries on gender descriptive representation, we have little evidence on how this impact varies across territorial levels, especially among women with family responsibilities. We focus on Spain as a multilevel polity (national, regional, local chambers) with mandatory quotas to show that very few females with family responsibilities are selected in primaries at upper territorial levels. While primaries frequently facilitate women becoming local councillors, this method seems to exclude those with family responsibilities at regional and national levels where, to fulfil gender quotas, female candidates are more commonly appointed by the party elite. This process has repercussions since representatives selected by the leadership tend to be more disciplined and homogeneous than those selected in primaries.
{"title":"Higher Means Harder for Female Descriptive Representation? Women with Family Responsibilities and Party Primaries for Local, Regional and National Chambers in Spain","authors":"Guillermo Cordero, Santiago Pérez-Nievas, M. Paradés, Xavier Coller","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2105417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2105417","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite academic interest in the negative effects of primaries on gender descriptive representation, we have little evidence on how this impact varies across territorial levels, especially among women with family responsibilities. We focus on Spain as a multilevel polity (national, regional, local chambers) with mandatory quotas to show that very few females with family responsibilities are selected in primaries at upper territorial levels. While primaries frequently facilitate women becoming local councillors, this method seems to exclude those with family responsibilities at regional and national levels where, to fulfil gender quotas, female candidates are more commonly appointed by the party elite. This process has repercussions since representatives selected by the leadership tend to be more disciplined and homogeneous than those selected in primaries.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78216909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-31DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1940582
Giulia Vicentini, M. Galanti
Italy was the first Western country to be dramatically overwhelmed by Covid-19, the first country outside of China to implement lockdown measures and, until mid-April 2020, the country in the world...
{"title":"Italy, the Sick Man of Europe: Policy Response, Experts and Public Opinion in the First Phase of Covid-19","authors":"Giulia Vicentini, M. Galanti","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1940582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1940582","url":null,"abstract":"Italy was the first Western country to be dramatically overwhelmed by Covid-19, the first country outside of China to implement lockdown measures and, until mid-April 2020, the country in the world...","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83216404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2034272
A. Ellinas, Yiannos Katsourides
ABSTRACT The 2021 legislative elections exacerbated the crisis of political representation in the Republic of Cyprus, with important changes in voter behaviour yet to materialise in party systemic change. Corruption and, to a lesser extent, the pandemic dominated the political campaign and added to voter disaffection with traditional political parties, including the opposition. The growing appetite for political protest was largely scattered among various new parties and platforms, which failed to win electoral representation. Traditional parties scored their worst results ever and the far-right ELAM nearly doubled its electorate, while abstention stabilised at record high levels.
{"title":"The Silent Electoral Earthquake in Cyprus: A Crisis of Political Representation","authors":"A. Ellinas, Yiannos Katsourides","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2034272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2034272","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2021 legislative elections exacerbated the crisis of political representation in the Republic of Cyprus, with important changes in voter behaviour yet to materialise in party systemic change. Corruption and, to a lesser extent, the pandemic dominated the political campaign and added to voter disaffection with traditional political parties, including the opposition. The growing appetite for political protest was largely scattered among various new parties and platforms, which failed to win electoral representation. Traditional parties scored their worst results ever and the far-right ELAM nearly doubled its electorate, while abstention stabilised at record high levels.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74461290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2043073
Mariana S. Mendes
ABSTRACT In 2019, for the first time in Portugal, a populist radical right party (PRR) made it to parliament. Since then voting intentions for Chega (Enough) have grown with the party leader finishing third in the 2021 presidential race. This article provides an empirical-based account of the party’s agenda and ideological profile. It asks to what extent Chega shares the core ideological characteristics of the PRR family, i.e. nativism, populism and authoritarianism. Relying on a battery of primary data (party documents, legislative proposals, official party posts on Facebook), the article combines qualitative and quantitative text analysis. It shows that Chega’s agenda falls well into the radical right profile, not only in positional terms but also in terms of issue salience.
{"title":"‘Enough’ of What? An Analysis of Chega’s Populist Radical Right Agenda","authors":"Mariana S. Mendes","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2043073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2043073","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2019, for the first time in Portugal, a populist radical right party (PRR) made it to parliament. Since then voting intentions for Chega (Enough) have grown with the party leader finishing third in the 2021 presidential race. This article provides an empirical-based account of the party’s agenda and ideological profile. It asks to what extent Chega shares the core ideological characteristics of the PRR family, i.e. nativism, populism and authoritarianism. Relying on a battery of primary data (party documents, legislative proposals, official party posts on Facebook), the article combines qualitative and quantitative text analysis. It shows that Chega’s agenda falls well into the radical right profile, not only in positional terms but also in terms of issue salience.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76315469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2034689
Dean Schafer
ABSTRACT Most analysis of democratic backsliding focuses on the elite or party level. This article takes a bottom-up approach. In Turkey, popular support for a strong, undemocratic leader developed independently of Erdoğan and the AKP, but later consolidated behind the party. Analysis of longitudinal public opinion data reveals that the 2000– 2001 economic crisis undermined the democratic consensus, but that economic prosperity – far from restoring faith in democracy – reinforced support for a strongman leader as an alternative to liberal democracy among populations that benefited the most economically: the middle class and economic elites. Additionally, individuals who identify strongly with politically predominant social groups tend to support undemocratic leaders. This analysis improves our understanding of mass-level support for authoritarian leaders in democracies.
{"title":"A Popular Mandate for Strongmen: What Public Opinion Data Reveals About Support for Executive Aggrandizement in Turkey, 1996-2018","authors":"Dean Schafer","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2034689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2034689","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most analysis of democratic backsliding focuses on the elite or party level. This article takes a bottom-up approach. In Turkey, popular support for a strong, undemocratic leader developed independently of Erdoğan and the AKP, but later consolidated behind the party. Analysis of longitudinal public opinion data reveals that the 2000– 2001 economic crisis undermined the democratic consensus, but that economic prosperity – far from restoring faith in democracy – reinforced support for a strongman leader as an alternative to liberal democracy among populations that benefited the most economically: the middle class and economic elites. Additionally, individuals who identify strongly with politically predominant social groups tend to support undemocratic leaders. This analysis improves our understanding of mass-level support for authoritarian leaders in democracies.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79135969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2028503
Davide Angelucci, Davide Vittori
ABSTRACT Are all populist voters the same? We focus on a valence populist party case (Five Star Movement) to answer this question. We inquire whether faithful populist voters, new populist voters, populist defectors and non-populist voters all have the same level of institutional trust. Our focus is on the Italian political system, regarded as a promised land for populism. This paradigmatic case sheds light on whether the entrance of a populist party into the system works as a corrective to democracy, as populist voters find their voice represented in parliament, potentially increasing their trust in the institutions. Our main finding is that faithful populist voters are the most distrustful category – meaning that having parliamentary representatives is not enough for populist voters to gain trust in institutions.
{"title":"Are All Populist Voters the Same? Institutional Distrust and the Five Star Movement in Italy","authors":"Davide Angelucci, Davide Vittori","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2028503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2028503","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Are all populist voters the same? We focus on a valence populist party case (Five Star Movement) to answer this question. We inquire whether faithful populist voters, new populist voters, populist defectors and non-populist voters all have the same level of institutional trust. Our focus is on the Italian political system, regarded as a promised land for populism. This paradigmatic case sheds light on whether the entrance of a populist party into the system works as a corrective to democracy, as populist voters find their voice represented in parliament, potentially increasing their trust in the institutions. Our main finding is that faithful populist voters are the most distrustful category – meaning that having parliamentary representatives is not enough for populist voters to gain trust in institutions.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77962872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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