Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1949672
Gema M. García-Albacete, Javier Lorente
ABSTRACT This article examines the potential emergence of a ‘new’ and ‘critical’ political generation in Southern Europe after an exceptionally intense political period. Using country-specific classifications of political generations, we first describe the evolution of a combination of two main attitudes towards the political system – frequency of political discussion and satisfaction with democracy – and then propose a fourfold typology: happy, critical, unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Grounded on political socialisation theories we hypothesise that the crisis generation, which developed its main political attitudes during the Great Recession, will be particularly critical in the long term, combining dissatisfaction with political engagement. To identify this potential new generation, we use a longitudinal perspective and Eurobarometer data from 1985 to 2019 and find empirical support to identify such a ‘critical generation’ in Spain and Greece. In contrast, results in Italy and Portugal suggest an increase in happy citizens who are satisfied with how democracy works and who are politically engaged.
{"title":"Has the Great Recession Shaped a Crisis Generation of Critical Citizens? Evidence from Southern Europe","authors":"Gema M. García-Albacete, Javier Lorente","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1949672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1949672","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the potential emergence of a ‘new’ and ‘critical’ political generation in Southern Europe after an exceptionally intense political period. Using country-specific classifications of political generations, we first describe the evolution of a combination of two main attitudes towards the political system – frequency of political discussion and satisfaction with democracy – and then propose a fourfold typology: happy, critical, unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Grounded on political socialisation theories we hypothesise that the crisis generation, which developed its main political attitudes during the Great Recession, will be particularly critical in the long term, combining dissatisfaction with political engagement. To identify this potential new generation, we use a longitudinal perspective and Eurobarometer data from 1985 to 2019 and find empirical support to identify such a ‘critical generation’ in Spain and Greece. In contrast, results in Italy and Portugal suggest an increase in happy citizens who are satisfied with how democracy works and who are politically engaged.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"44 1","pages":"181 - 207"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86961307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1991568
M. Quaranta, J. Cancela, Irene Martín, Yannis Tsirbas
ABSTRACT This article explores changes in the relationship between attitudinal and participatory dimensions of politics, and age in Southern European countries. We look at how attitudes towards the political system and institutions combine with engagement in politics to define the ways in which citizens relate to the political sphere and the impact of the economic crisis on this relationship, in particular among the young. Using all available rounds of the European Social Survey for Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain between 2002 and 2019, this article develops a typology of citizens and analyses heterogeneities based on age, time and countries to find whether the relationship between citizens and politics has changed over time among the four states, in particular among young citizens.
摘要本文探讨了南欧国家政治态度和参与维度与年龄之间关系的变化。我们着眼于对政治制度和机构的态度如何与政治参与相结合，以定义公民与政治领域的关系，以及经济危机对这种关系的影响，特别是在年轻人中。本文利用2002年至2019年期间对希腊、意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙进行的所有可用的欧洲社会调查(European Social Survey)，建立了公民的类型学，并分析了基于年龄、时间和国家的异质性，以发现这四个国家的公民与政治之间的关系是否随着时间的推移而发生了变化，尤其是在年轻公民中。
{"title":"Trust, Satisfaction and Political Engagement during Economic Crisis: Young Citizens in Southern Europe","authors":"M. Quaranta, J. Cancela, Irene Martín, Yannis Tsirbas","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1991568","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1991568","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores changes in the relationship between attitudinal and participatory dimensions of politics, and age in Southern European countries. We look at how attitudes towards the political system and institutions combine with engagement in politics to define the ways in which citizens relate to the political sphere and the impact of the economic crisis on this relationship, in particular among the young. Using all available rounds of the European Social Survey for Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain between 2002 and 2019, this article develops a typology of citizens and analyses heterogeneities based on age, time and countries to find whether the relationship between citizens and politics has changed over time among the four states, in particular among young citizens.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"164 1","pages":"153 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77482844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1980941
Antonis Kalogeropoulos, L. Rori, D. Dimitrakopoulou
ABSTRACT How do citizens in countries with weak institutions and highly disrupted media landscapes navigate news? We examine a typical South European case, Greece, via cross-national data sets. Combining data from a pool of different surveys, we show that in Greece – unlike the other five countries of the sample – social media are more trusted than news media to help individuals navigate their news environment. A thematic analysis of open-ended survey answers indicates that Greek respondents embrace alternative news sources (social media, digital-born outlets) in record-high numbers because of their distrust of traditional news outlets. Taking into account the historic interplay of media and political institutions, we present Greece as a dystopian case for news organisations and the information environment in countries with weak institutions.
{"title":"‘Social Media Help Me Distinguish between Truth and Lies’: News Consumption in the Polarised and Low-trust Media Landscape of Greece","authors":"Antonis Kalogeropoulos, L. Rori, D. Dimitrakopoulou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1980941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1980941","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do citizens in countries with weak institutions and highly disrupted media landscapes navigate news? We examine a typical South European case, Greece, via cross-national data sets. Combining data from a pool of different surveys, we show that in Greece – unlike the other five countries of the sample – social media are more trusted than news media to help individuals navigate their news environment. A thematic analysis of open-ended survey answers indicates that Greek respondents embrace alternative news sources (social media, digital-born outlets) in record-high numbers because of their distrust of traditional news outlets. Taking into account the historic interplay of media and political institutions, we present Greece as a dystopian case for news organisations and the information environment in countries with weak institutions.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"42 1","pages":"109 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87343171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1923639
Seda Demiralp, E. Balta
ABSTRACT How can populist competitive authoritarian regimes be defeated through elections? In this article, we focus on the 2019 municipal campaign strategy of the opposition Istanbul candidate Ekrem İmamoglu as a case study of a successful challenge to a populist competitive authoritarian regime. We argue that such regimes may be prone to defeat when their opponents use what we call an ‘inverted populist’ strategy. This strategy involves three key elements: adopting an indirect and gradualist approach that avoids direct confrontation with the populist leader and the popular values s/he represents, redefining the ‘the people’ by including previously excluded groups, and promising redistribution to disadvantaged groups.
{"title":"Defeating Populists: The Case of 2019 Istanbul Elections","authors":"Seda Demiralp, E. Balta","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1923639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1923639","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How can populist competitive authoritarian regimes be defeated through elections? In this article, we focus on the 2019 municipal campaign strategy of the opposition Istanbul candidate Ekrem İmamoglu as a case study of a successful challenge to a populist competitive authoritarian regime. We argue that such regimes may be prone to defeat when their opponents use what we call an ‘inverted populist’ strategy. This strategy involves three key elements: adopting an indirect and gradualist approach that avoids direct confrontation with the populist leader and the popular values s/he represents, redefining the ‘the people’ by including previously excluded groups, and promising redistribution to disadvantaged groups.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"47 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80253219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1924986
Burcu Ozdemir-Sarigil, Zeki Sarigil
ABSTRACT This study provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of patriarchal attitudes and orientations in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country. The following questions direct the current study: What factors account for patriarchal orientations at the mass level? How do social, political, and economic differences relate to individuals’ patriarchal attitudes and orientations? The answers are provided by original data derived from a nationwide survey, Türkiye’de Enformel Kurumlar Anketi (TEKA 2019) [Informal Institutions in Turkey Survey] (Sarigil 2019). Multivariate analyses suggest that religiosity, Sunni sectarian identity, Kurdish ethnic identity, right-oriented ideological orientations, and low socio-economic status are likely to empower patriarchal tendencies. One major implication of the findings is that modernisation processes (e.g. socio-economic development and secularisation) are likely to undermine patriarchal orientations in Muslim-majority countries as well.
{"title":"Who Is Patriarchal? The Correlates of Patriarchy in Turkey","authors":"Burcu Ozdemir-Sarigil, Zeki Sarigil","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1924986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1924986","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of patriarchal attitudes and orientations in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country. The following questions direct the current study: What factors account for patriarchal orientations at the mass level? How do social, political, and economic differences relate to individuals’ patriarchal attitudes and orientations? The answers are provided by original data derived from a nationwide survey, Türkiye’de Enformel Kurumlar Anketi (TEKA 2019) [Informal Institutions in Turkey Survey] (Sarigil 2019). Multivariate analyses suggest that religiosity, Sunni sectarian identity, Kurdish ethnic identity, right-oriented ideological orientations, and low socio-economic status are likely to empower patriarchal tendencies. One major implication of the findings is that modernisation processes (e.g. socio-economic development and secularisation) are likely to undermine patriarchal orientations in Muslim-majority countries as well.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"2015 1","pages":"27 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72772131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1956161
C. Dallara, Alice Lacchei
ABSTRACT The article aims to open the black box of the asylum determination process, focusing on asylum adjudication in courts and on actors implementing this specific policy frame: asylum judges. To assess the peculiarities of the Italian adjudication model and how judges concretely behave in shaping policy, we rely on the Street Level Bureaucracy (SLB) framework. The SLB perspective allows us to study the implementation of asylum adjudication from a bottom-up perspective, focusing on judges and their margin of discretion in processing asylum claims. This exploratory study aims to verify the proposed theoretical framework and to understand if courts and judges adopt a SLB behaviour, the reasons why they adopt such a behaviour and the scope of their discretion.
{"title":"Street-level Bureaucrats and Coping Mechanisms.The Unexpected Role of Italian Judges in Asylum Policy Implementation","authors":"C. Dallara, Alice Lacchei","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1956161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1956161","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article aims to open the black box of the asylum determination process, focusing on asylum adjudication in courts and on actors implementing this specific policy frame: asylum judges. To assess the peculiarities of the Italian adjudication model and how judges concretely behave in shaping policy, we rely on the Street Level Bureaucracy (SLB) framework. The SLB perspective allows us to study the implementation of asylum adjudication from a bottom-up perspective, focusing on judges and their margin of discretion in processing asylum claims. This exploratory study aims to verify the proposed theoretical framework and to understand if courts and judges adopt a SLB behaviour, the reasons why they adopt such a behaviour and the scope of their discretion.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"83 - 108"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77212746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-17DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1834214
A. Pellegata, Francesco Visconti
ABSTRACT This paper investigates the factors which explain public attitudes to welfare chauvinism in Italy. The notion of ‘welfare chauvinism’ refers to the idea that foreigners, considered as out-groups, should have limited or even no access to domestic social security benefits. We focus on the role played by individual transnationalism: i.e. direct and indirect ties and connections with people and cultures of other European countries. We postulate that transnationalism dilutes fears and anxieties, fostering pro-opening attitudes. We test the research hypotheses by using original survey data collected during the 2018 Italian elections, in which the issues of welfare benefits and immigration shaped the election campaign.
{"title":"Transnationalism and Welfare Chauvinism in Italy: Evidence from the 2018 Election Campaign","authors":"A. Pellegata, Francesco Visconti","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1834214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1834214","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper investigates the factors which explain public attitudes to welfare chauvinism in Italy. The notion of ‘welfare chauvinism’ refers to the idea that foreigners, considered as out-groups, should have limited or even no access to domestic social security benefits. We focus on the role played by individual transnationalism: i.e. direct and indirect ties and connections with people and cultures of other European countries. We postulate that transnationalism dilutes fears and anxieties, fostering pro-opening attitudes. We test the research hypotheses by using original survey data collected during the 2018 Italian elections, in which the issues of welfare benefits and immigration shaped the election campaign.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"35 1","pages":"55 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73152988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1821464
F. Bordignon
ABSTRACT Polarising issues, polarising narratives, polarising leaders: this is the picture suggested by Italian politics in the 2018–20 time-frame. The article introduces the concept of leader polarisation and suggests a Leader Polarisation Index (LPI) to trace the recent evolution of the Italian party system. After the 2018 general election, the Italian political space experienced rapid change marked by the weakening of tripolarism, the re-emergence of bipolarism and the rise of elite-driven polarisation. The analysis of voters’ perspective through use of survey data reveals the increasingly divisive role of the Lega’s leader, Matteo Salvini.
{"title":"Leader Polarisation: Conflict and Change in the Italian Political System","authors":"F. Bordignon","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1821464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1821464","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Polarising issues, polarising narratives, polarising leaders: this is the picture suggested by Italian politics in the 2018–20 time-frame. The article introduces the concept of leader polarisation and suggests a Leader Polarisation Index (LPI) to trace the recent evolution of the Italian party system. After the 2018 general election, the Italian political space experienced rapid change marked by the weakening of tripolarism, the re-emergence of bipolarism and the rise of elite-driven polarisation. The analysis of voters’ perspective through use of survey data reveals the increasingly divisive role of the Lega’s leader, Matteo Salvini.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"285 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81715201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1932020
Athéna Skoulariki
ABSTRACT Following the signing of the Prespa Agreement in June 2018, the Macedonian name issue became the most prominent topic on the Greek political agenda, catalysing an exceptional political confrontation and contributing to the realignment of political parties and eventually to government change. Analysing the political discourse and public debate on the issue from January 2018 until the July 2019 national elections, as well as opinion polls and electoral results, the paper explores the conditions leading to the escalation of political polarisation on the left/right axis, at the expense of smaller centrist parties. It is argued that political antagonism was built on the previous political cleavage (although the populist/anti-populism axis was now reversed). By mobilising public emotions around an alleged ‘national threat’, the polarisation around the Macedonian name issue proved far more successful for the Greek right than for the left.
{"title":"Political Polarisation in Greece: The Prespa Agreement, Left/Right Antagonism and the Nationalism/Populism Nexus","authors":"Athéna Skoulariki","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1932020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1932020","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the signing of the Prespa Agreement in June 2018, the Macedonian name issue became the most prominent topic on the Greek political agenda, catalysing an exceptional political confrontation and contributing to the realignment of political parties and eventually to government change. Analysing the political discourse and public debate on the issue from January 2018 until the July 2019 national elections, as well as opinion polls and electoral results, the paper explores the conditions leading to the escalation of political polarisation on the left/right axis, at the expense of smaller centrist parties. It is argued that political antagonism was built on the previous political cleavage (although the populist/anti-populism axis was now reversed). By mobilising public emotions around an alleged ‘national threat’, the polarisation around the Macedonian name issue proved far more successful for the Greek right than for the left.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"3 1","pages":"411 - 439"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90208642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2020.1821465
Filippo Tronconi, M. Valbruzzi
ABSTRACT One year after the birth of an unprecedented government characterised by the strong populist stance of both coalition partners (M5S and the Lega) and amid a growing polarisation in party positions on a number of political issues, the European and regional elections of 2019–20 marked an important test for Italy. After presenting the results of the 2019–20 election cycle, the article investigates the most salient lines of party competition and the varying degrees of polarisation. Our analysis shows two kinds of polarisation: the first being the intra-coalitional polarisation which characterised the first Conte government; while the second, affecting the party system as a whole, is driven by the electoral rise of far-right parties.
{"title":"Populism Put to the Polarisation Test: The 2019–20 Election Cycle in Italy","authors":"Filippo Tronconi, M. Valbruzzi","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2020.1821465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2020.1821465","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One year after the birth of an unprecedented government characterised by the strong populist stance of both coalition partners (M5S and the Lega) and amid a growing polarisation in party positions on a number of political issues, the European and regional elections of 2019–20 marked an important test for Italy. After presenting the results of the 2019–20 election cycle, the article investigates the most salient lines of party competition and the varying degrees of polarisation. Our analysis shows two kinds of polarisation: the first being the intra-coalitional polarisation which characterised the first Conte government; while the second, affecting the party system as a whole, is driven by the electoral rise of far-right parties.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"108 1","pages":"475 - 501"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75477568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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