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Democratic backsliding, conflict, and partisan mobilisation of ethnic groups: local government control and electoral participation in Turkey 民主倒退、冲突和种族群体的党派动员:土耳其地方政府的控制与选举参与
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2255017
Reşat Bayer, Ö. Kemahlıoğlu
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引用次数: 0
Intra-party balance of power: cartelisation versus communist organisational tradition in the Cypriot radical left AKEL 党内权力平衡:塞浦路斯激进左派 AKEL 的卡特尔化与共产主义组织传统
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-19 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2243701
Yiannos Katsourides, Chrystalla Agathocleous
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引用次数: 0
More flexible, less productive? The impact of employment protection legislation reforms in Italy 更灵活,效率更低?意大利就业保护立法改革的影响
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2238970
Francesco Stolfi, Oliver Fritsch
ABSTRACTThrough a meta-analysis of all publicly available research over a span of 25 years, the article assesses the productivity impact of the employment protection legislation reforms that have been introduced in Italy since 1997. European Union institutions and domestic reformers advocated the reforms in order to increase the competitiveness and productivity of the Italian economy. Yet, by incentivising temporary employment, the reforms have favoured competitive strategies that have reduced the productivity of the country’s firms.KEYWORDS: Atypical workEU employment policylabour flexibilityEU labour market reformslabour market deregulationproductivitystructural reformstemporary employment Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. See Afonso et al. (Citation2021); Perez and Matsaganis (Citation2019); Picot and Tassinari (Citation2017); Rathgeb and Tassinari (Citation2022); Zartaloudis and Kornelakis (Citation2017).2. https://data.oecd.org/emp/temporary-employment.htm (accessed September 16, 2022)3. See Barbieri et al. (Citation2019); Berton, Richiardi and Sacchi (Citation2012); Ferrera and Gualmini (Citation2005); Rutherford and Frangi (Citation2018); Sacchi (Citation2018)4. https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=EPL_OV (accessed July 5, 2022)5. https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=EPL_T (accessed July 5, 2022)6. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/lfsq_etpga/default/table?lang=en (accessed June 21, 2022)7. See http://www.prisma-statement.org.8. Saltari and Travaglini (Citation2008) do not report a coefficient, but do report no impact on productivity from regulatory change. We counted this as one test, no impact.9. One article (Cappellari, Dell’aringa & Leonardi Citation2012) measures productivity in three ways: valued added per workers, sales per worker, and TFP. In Table 1c, we have added together the tests measuring valued added per workers and sales per worker.10. We have also performed a non-parametric t-test, the Wilcoxon one-sample t-test for the median, which does not depend on normality assumptions on the distribution of the observations, for the 10 sources that adopt productivity as their dependent variable and share of temporary or permanent workers in the workforce as independent variable. A one-sided test indicates that rmedian is negative, with p value < 0.001.11. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/tipslm20/default/table?lang=en accessed April 30, 2021Additional informationNotes on contributorsFrancesco StolfiFrancesco Stolfi is a Senior Lecturer in the Macquarie School of Social Sciences, Macquarie University. His current research studies the distributive conflict surrounding the regulation of professions and occupations. He is currently completing a research project comparing the remuneration rules for physicians in Australia and Canada. His research has appeared in journals such as Comparative European Politics, Governance, Journal of Europ
摘要通过对25年来所有公开研究的荟萃分析,本文评估了自1997年以来意大利引入的就业保护立法改革对生产率的影响。欧盟机构和国内改革者主张进行改革,以提高意大利经济的竞争力和生产力。然而,通过鼓励临时就业,改革有利于降低国家企业生产率的竞争战略。关键词:非典型劳动力、欧盟就业政策、劳动力灵活性、欧盟劳动力市场改革、劳动力市场放松管制、生产率、结构性改革、临时性就业披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。参见Afonso等人(Citation2021);Perez和Matsaganis (Citation2019);Picot and Tassinari (citation);Rathgeb and Tassinari (Citation2022);扎塔卢迪斯和科尔内拉基斯(Citation2017)https://data.oecd.org/emp/temporary-employment.htm(2022年9月16日访问)参见Barbieri et al. (Citation2019);Berton, Richiardi and Sacchi (citation);费雷拉和高米尼(Citation2005);Rutherford and Frangi (Citation2018);萨基(Citation2018) 4。https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=EPL_OV(2022年7月5日访问)https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=EPL_T(2022年7月5日访问)https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/lfsq_etpga/default/table?lang=en(2022年6月21日访问)见http://www.prisma-statement.org.8。Saltari和Travaglini (Citation2008)没有报告一个系数,但是没有报告监管变化对生产率的影响。我们把这算一次测试,没有影响。一篇文章(Cappellari, Dell 'aringa & Leonardi Citation2012)用三种方式衡量生产率:每个工人的增加值,每个工人的销售额和TFP。在表1c中,我们将测量每个工人的增加值和每个工人的销售额的测试加在一起。我们还进行了非参数t检验,即对中位数的Wilcoxon单样本t检验,该检验不依赖于对观察值分布的正态性假设,对于采用生产率作为因变量,临时或永久工人在劳动力中所占比例作为自变量的10个来源。单侧检验表明rmedian为负,p值< 0.001.11。作者简介francesco Stolfi是麦考瑞大学麦考瑞社会科学学院的高级讲师。他目前的研究是围绕专业和职业监管的分配冲突。他目前正在完成一项比较澳大利亚和加拿大医生薪酬规则的研究项目。他的研究成果发表在《比较欧洲政治》、《治理》、《欧洲公共政策杂志》、《公共政策杂志》、《公共管理》和《国际政治经济学评论》等期刊上。Oliver Fritsch博士是澳大利亚默多克大学沃尔特•默多克爵士公共政策与国际事务学院的高级讲师。他专门研究环境政策和政治。研究领域包括成本效益分析和环境分析,公众参与和利益相关者的参与,以及跨界问题。他还对监管影响评估和其他形式的事前政策评估,以及在政治学和公共政策中的元分析应用保持着浓厚的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Shared or Self-rule? Regional Legislative Initiatives in Multi-level Spain, 1979-2021 共享还是自治?1979-2021年西班牙多层次地区立法举措
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2228099
Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet, Andreu Paneque
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引用次数: 0
The Limits of Power Concentration and Expert Knowledge in Emergency Management: Spain’s Government Response during the First Phase of the Covid-19 Pandemic 应急管理中的权力集中限制和专家知识:西班牙政府在Covid-19大流行第一阶段的应对
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2091861
Juan Rodríguez Teruel, E. del Pino, José Real-Dato
Focusing on the central government's response to the Covid-19 crisis during the first wave in Spain, the article analyses the executive's strategy of power concentration, and the factors that shape its implementation. We sketch how the crisis erupted, the main measures and strategies adopted by the national executive, the role of the experts, and the interaction with other political actors and institutions. We also explore the second phase and how the political reaction evolved towards a more consensual approach. Paradoxically, the consequences for the political actors were apparently less harmful than expected, since the governments did not lose political support, and the electorate continued to support the policy measures adopted to mitigate the pandemic.
本文以西班牙中央政府在第一波疫情中应对新冠肺炎危机为重点,分析了中央政府的权力集中战略,以及影响其实施的因素。我们概述了危机是如何爆发的,国家行政部门采取的主要措施和战略,专家的作用,以及与其他政治行为者和机构的互动。我们还探讨了第二阶段,以及政治反应如何朝着更一致的方式发展。矛盾的是,对政治行为者的后果显然没有预期的那么有害,因为政府没有失去政治支持,选民继续支持为减轻这一大流行病而采取的政策措施。
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引用次数: 0
Radical-Right Surge in a Deinstitutionalised Party System: The 2022 Italian General Election 非制度化政党体系中的极右翼浪潮:2022年意大利大选
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2160088
Alessandro Chiaramonte, Vincenzo Emanuele, N. Maggini, Aldo Paparo
ABSTRACT The 2022 Italian general election marked a new step in the unprecedented instability experienced by the Italian party system over the past 15 years. This article presents and discusses the outcome of the election within the deinstitutionalised Italian party system. The most remarkable results were the unprecedented success of the radical-right FDI (Fratelli d’Italia – Brothers of Italy) led by Giorgia Meloni (who would become the first female prime minister in Italy) and a historic drop in voter turnout. In particular, by employing original individual-level survey data, we investigate the impact of territory on the vote, the individual-level dynamics behind the results, and the overall picture emerging in terms of the Italian party system.
意大利2022年大选标志着意大利政党制度在过去15年前所未有的不稳定中迈出了新的一步。本文提出并讨论了在非制度化的意大利政党制度下的选举结果。最引人注目的结果是由乔治娅·梅洛尼(后来成为意大利首位女总理)领导的极右翼政党FDI (Fratelli d’italia,意为意大利兄弟)取得了前所未有的成功,而投票率也出现了历史性的下降。特别是,通过采用原始的个人层面调查数据,我们调查了领土对投票的影响,结果背后的个人层面动态,以及意大利政党制度的整体情况。
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引用次数: 8
Back to the Post-Fascist Past or Landing in the Populist Radical Right? The Brothers of Italy Between Continuity and Change 回到后法西斯时代还是走向民粹主义极右翼?意大利兄弟在延续与变化之间
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2126247
Leonardo Puleo, Gianluca Piccolino
ABSTRACT Fratelli d’Italia (FdI) is the new rising star of Italian politics. Scholars and pundits briskly categorised it as a (new) populist radical right (PRR) party. Still, FdI’s newness needs to be properly framed. A splinter party of the Popolo della Libertà, it claims a direct lineage with the Alleanza Nazionale – two cases not easily agglutinated into the PRR family. The article analyses the (dis)continuity associated with FdI, examining ideology, organisation, and the continuity of elites. It demonstrates that FdI’s organisation and political elites largely overlap with its predecessor parties. However, FdI accomplished a major ideological rebranding, positioning itself as radically different from both the mainstream centre-right and the post-fascist tradition of the Italian right.
意大利外商直接投资公司(FdI)是意大利政坛冉冉升起的新星。学者和权威人士迅速将其归类为(新)民粹主义激进右翼(PRR)政党。尽管如此,外国直接投资的新颖性需要得到适当的界定。它是自由人民党的一个分支,声称与国家联盟有直接的血缘关系——这两种情况不容易与PRR家族联系在一起。本文从意识形态、组织结构和精英的连续性三个方面分析了与FdI相关的非连续性。这表明,FdI的组织和政治精英在很大程度上与其前身政党重叠。然而,FdI完成了重大的意识形态重塑,将自己定位为与主流中右翼和意大利右翼的后法西斯传统截然不同。
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引用次数: 12
Yet Another Populist Party? Understanding the Rise of Brothers of Italy 又一个民粹主义政党?理解意大利兄弟的崛起
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2159625
G. Baldini, Filippo Tronconi, Davide Angelucci
ABSTRACT From its 2012 beginnings as a marginal radical right splinter group, in the 2022 general election ‘Fratelli d’Italia’ (Brothers of Italy, FdI) was the most voted party and its leader, Giorgia Meloni, became the first Italian female Prime minister. While both leader and party can be classified as belonging to the populist radical right family, we argue that FdI must be understood also as a ‘rooted newcomer’, i.e. a party that can count on pre-existing organisational resources, building its appeal also on symbolic elements already familiar to the electorate when the party was formed. Focusing on the supply side, we tackle some of the main open questions related to the party’s ambivalent nature, often fluctuating between a post-fascist profile and a frequently reiterated support for other European radical right illiberal leaders and more moderate positions. We identify the politics of illiberalism as the key challenge the party faces in its transition from opposition to government.
从2012年开始作为一个边缘激进右翼分裂组织,在2022年大选中,“意大利兄弟党”(Fratelli d ' italia, FdI)成为投票最多的政党,其领导人乔治娅·梅洛尼(Giorgia Meloni)成为意大利第一位女总理。虽然领导人和政党都可以被归类为属于民粹主义激进右翼家族,但我们认为FdI也必须被理解为一个“根深蒂固的新人”,即一个可以依靠已有的组织资源的政党,在该党成立时也在选民已经熟悉的象征性元素上建立其吸引力。聚焦于供给面,我们解决了一些与该党矛盾性质相关的主要开放问题,该党经常在后法西斯形象和经常重申的对其他欧洲激进右翼非自由主义领导人和更温和立场的支持之间波动。我们认为,非自由主义政治是该党从反对党向政府过渡所面临的关键挑战。
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引用次数: 5
The Italian Democratic Party at the Crossroad: Party Activism and the Middle-Level Élite 十字路口的意大利民主党:政党激进主义与中层政治Élite
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2161713
Paola Bordandini, C. Baccetti, L. Sartori
ABSTRACT We examine the middle-level élite of the Italian Democratic Party (Partito democratico, PD) and its founding parties, Democrats of the Left (Democratici di Sinistra, DS) and The Daisy (La Margherita, DL), over fifteen years (2004–2019). Our original dataset on national delegates comes from 2373 questionnaires collected at eight national party congresses. Inspired by Whiteley and Seyd’s concepts of low and high-intensity participation, we evaluate the relative weight of the various types of incentive in the two (internal and external) forms of party activism. Party activism is central to understanding the profound cultural, organisational, and electoral crisis that has put the PD at a crossroad and has led current secretary Letta to call for a ‘Constituent Congress of the New PD’.
我们研究了意大利民主党(Partito democratico, PD)及其创始政党左翼民主党(Democratici di sinista, DS)和雏菊党(La Margherita, DL)在过去15年(2004-2019)中的中层生活。我们关于国家代表的原始数据来自于在8个国家党代表大会上收集的2373份问卷。受Whiteley和Seyd的低强度和高强度参与概念的启发,我们评估了两种(内部和外部)政党激进主义形式中各种激励类型的相对权重。政党激进主义是理解深刻的文化、组织和选举危机的核心,这场危机将民主党置于十字路口,并导致现任秘书莱塔呼吁召开“新民主党制宪大会”。
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引用次数: 0
‘Your Luck is Our Luck’: Covid-19, the Radical Right and Low Polarisation in the 2022 Portuguese Elections “你的运气就是我们的运气”:2022年葡萄牙选举中的新冠肺炎、激进右翼和低两极分化
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2191417
José Santana-Pereira, Elisabetta De Giorgi
ABSTRACT In the 2022 Portuguese legislative elections, held nearly two years after the pandemic hit the country, the incumbent Socialists improved their position, being now able to govern with an absolute majority, while populist radical right Chega experienced considerable growth. Was the pandemic a relevant factor for vote choice in these elections? The main goal of this article is to shed light on this matter. In addition to portraying this election’s background and results, we describe the degree of COVID-19-related polarisation in Portugal, analyse the salience of the pandemic in the campaign and measure the relative impact of pandemic-related perceptions vs other variables on voting behaviour. Our findings reveal that, although there was little politicisation of the pandemic and the incumbent enjoyed high levels of support among both political elites and public opinion, Chega, which was less involved in rallying around the flag, arguably sent signals that made COVID-19-related assessments relevant in terms of voting behaviour.
在葡新冠疫情爆发近两年后的2022年,葡萄牙举行了议会选举,执政的社会党(Socialists)的地位得到了提升,现在能够以绝对多数的优势执政,而民粹主义的激进右翼政党Chega则获得了可观的增长。在这些选举中,疫情是否成为投票选择的一个相关因素?本文的主要目的是阐明这个问题。除了描述本次选举的背景和结果外,我们还描述了葡萄牙与covid -19相关的两极分化程度,分析了该大流行在竞选中的显著性,并衡量了与大流行相关的看法与其他变量对投票行为的相对影响。我们的研究结果表明,尽管疫情几乎没有政治化,现任总统在政治精英和公众舆论中都享有很高的支持,但较少参与团结在旗帜周围的切加,可以说发出了信号,使与covid -19相关的评估在投票行为方面具有相关性。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
South European Society and Politics
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