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Changing Preferences versus Issue Salience: The Political Success of Anti-immigration Parties in Italy 偏好变化与议题突出:意大利反移民政党的政治成功
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.2009107
Beatrice Magistro, Nicolas Wittstock
ABSTRACT The electoral successes of European far right parties in the 21st century coincided with increased immigration. While some argue these parallel trends suggest immigration sours opinion towards foreigners, a growing literature suggests it is the fluctuation in issue salience which matters. We investigate the overlooked case of Italy, which has long featured anti-immigration parties. Analysing multiple data sources, we find immigration preferences remained stable throughout 2006, 2013, and 2018 – but issue salience varied considerably, tracking the anti-immigration vote. Voters are more likely to opt for anti-immigration parties when immigration is a high salience issue, suggesting that salience, not changing preferences, is associated with far right political success.
21世纪欧洲极右翼政党的选举成功与移民的增加相吻合。虽然一些人认为这些平行的趋势表明移民使人们对外国人的看法变差,但越来越多的文献表明,重要的是问题突出程度的波动。我们调查了意大利被忽视的案例,意大利长期以来一直以反移民政党为特色。通过分析多个数据来源,我们发现移民偏好在2006年、2013年和2018年保持稳定,但通过跟踪反移民投票,问题的显著性变化很大。当移民是一个高度突出的问题时,选民更有可能选择反移民政党,这表明与极右翼政治成功有关的是突出性,而不是改变偏好。
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引用次数: 4
The ‘Lost Generation’ and Its Political Discontents: Age-related Divides in Southern Europe after the Crisis “迷惘的一代”及其政治不满:危机后南欧与年龄相关的分歧
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.2032936
Emmanouil Tsatsanis, M. Lisi, A. Freire
ABSTRACT Although public discussion about the economic crisis of the late 2000s to mid-2010s in Southern Europe often refers to its impact on the region’s younger citizens, not enough attention has been given to the political consequences of the crisis on the young. Focusing on the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain, this introduction to the special issue on age-related rifts in post-crisis Southern Europe offers an overview of the contributions and an initial answer to the question: to what extent and in what areas can one talk about an emergent generational divide in the region? Findings point to some tangible but uneven effects of the crisis across the four countries, mostly in the sense of accentuating pre-existing contrasts.
尽管关于2000年代末至2010年代中期南欧经济危机的公开讨论经常提到其对该地区年轻人的影响,但危机对年轻人的政治后果却没有得到足够的关注。本文以希腊、意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙的案例为重点,介绍了危机后南欧与年龄相关的裂痕的特刊,概述了这些贡献,并初步回答了一个问题:在多大程度上,在哪些领域,人们可以谈论该地区正在出现的代沟?调查结果指出,危机对这四个国家产生了一些明显但不均衡的影响,主要表现在加剧了已有的对比。
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引用次数: 2
Generational and Ideological Gaps in Democratic Support: Seeds of Deconsolidation in Post-Crisis Southern Europe? 民主支持的代际和意识形态差距:危机后南欧解体的种子?
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.2016245
Emmanouil Tsatsanis, Enrico Borghetto, A. Freire, J. R. Montero
ABSTRACT This article explores trends in overall levels of democratic support in Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. Additionally, the article examines the extent to which the experience of the steep economic downturn in Southern Europe had specific effects on democratic support across different generations and ideological groups by examining survey data that span three decades. The evidence is mixed concerning the resilience of democratic values in the four South European countries, ranging from stability in Portugal to noticeable decline in Italy. Members of the ‘millennial’ generation appear to be more susceptible to the period effect of the crisis, whereas left-wing and centrist citizens are more likely to select democracy as the best form of government compared to right-wing citizens.
本文探讨了葡萄牙、西班牙、意大利和希腊民主支持总体水平的趋势。此外,本文还考察了南欧经济急剧下滑的经历在多大程度上对不同世代和不同意识形态群体的民主支持产生了具体影响,方法是考察跨度30年的调查数据。关于四个南欧国家民主价值观的恢复力,证据不一,从葡萄牙的稳定到意大利的明显衰落。“千禧一代”似乎更容易受到危机时期效应的影响,而左翼和中间派公民比右翼公民更有可能选择民主作为最好的政府形式。
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引用次数: 2
Assessing the Impact of Age, Cohort and Period Effects on Partisanship and Support for Mainstream Parties: Evidence from Southern Europe 评估年龄、队列和时期对党派倾向和主流政党支持的影响:来自南欧的证据
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1965322
M. Lisi, M. Quaranta, José Real-Dato, Emmanouil Tsatsanis
ABSTRACT The article examines the link between time effects and dealignment in Southern European countries, which allows us to assess the relative importance of short- and long-term factors on the political instability of the region during the Eurocrisis. First, we analyse life cycle, cohort and period effects on partisan identities across countries. Second, we investigate to what extent time-related factors have been responsible for the erosion of the vote in mainstream parties, especially during the crisis period, thus isolating the impact of time on general patterns of party system change. Our results show that electoral and partisan dealignment is fostered in particular by period effects, whereas age and cohort differences play a more limited role. In addition, there are also important differences across countries in terms of both evolution and intensity of time effects.
本文考察了南欧国家的时间效应与脱盟之间的联系,这使我们能够评估欧元危机期间该地区政治不稳定的短期和长期因素的相对重要性。首先,我们分析了生命周期、群体和时期对各国党派认同的影响。其次,我们调查了时间相关因素在多大程度上对主流政党的选票侵蚀负责,特别是在危机时期,从而孤立了时间对政党制度变化的一般模式的影响。我们的研究结果表明,选举和党派的分歧尤其受到时期效应的影响,而年龄和群体差异的作用则更为有限。此外,在时间效应的演变和强度方面,各国之间也存在重要差异。
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引用次数: 3
Age and Descriptive Representation in Southern Europe: The Impact of the Great Recession on National Parliaments 南欧的年龄和描述性代表性:大衰退对各国议会的影响
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2026336
A. Freire, A. Pedrazzani, Emmanouil Tsatsanis, Xavier Coller, P. Segatti
ABSTRACT This article looks at how well different age groups are represented in the parliaments of Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece. We focus on three periods – before, during and after the ‘Great Recession’ – assuming the economic turmoil has generated new demands channelled by new parties that have recently entered parliament or have had a surge during the crisis. Data comes from mass surveys carried out in each country and from MP biographies. The findings reveal relevant changes in Spain and Italy, with more young people in the parties that appeared or had a surge during the crisis, whereas in Greece and Portugal no relevant changes are observed.
本文着眼于葡萄牙、西班牙、意大利和希腊议会中不同年龄群体的代表情况。我们将重点放在“大衰退”之前、期间和之后的三个时期,假设经济动荡产生了新的需求,这些需求是由最近进入议会的新政党或在危机期间激增的新政党引导的。数据来自于在每个国家进行的大规模调查和议员传记。调查结果揭示了西班牙和意大利的相关变化,在危机期间出现或出现激增的政党中有更多的年轻人,而在希腊和葡萄牙没有观察到相关变化。
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引用次数: 3
Has the Great Recession Shaped a Crisis Generation of Critical Citizens? Evidence from Southern Europe 经济大衰退是否造就了批判公民的危机一代?来自南欧的证据
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1949672
Gema M. García-Albacete, Javier Lorente
ABSTRACT This article examines the potential emergence of a ‘new’ and ‘critical’ political generation in Southern Europe after an exceptionally intense political period. Using country-specific classifications of political generations, we first describe the evolution of a combination of two main attitudes towards the political system – frequency of political discussion and satisfaction with democracy – and then propose a fourfold typology: happy, critical, unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Grounded on political socialisation theories we hypothesise that the crisis generation, which developed its main political attitudes during the Great Recession, will be particularly critical in the long term, combining dissatisfaction with political engagement. To identify this potential new generation, we use a longitudinal perspective and Eurobarometer data from 1985 to 2019 and find empirical support to identify such a ‘critical generation’ in Spain and Greece. In contrast, results in Italy and Portugal suggest an increase in happy citizens who are satisfied with how democracy works and who are politically engaged.
摘要本文探讨了在经历了一段异常激烈的政治时期后,南欧可能出现的“新”和“关键”政治一代。使用国家特定的政治世代分类,我们首先描述了对政治制度的两种主要态度组合的演变-政治讨论的频率和对民主的满意度-然后提出了四种类型:快乐,批判,不参与和幻灭的公民。基于政治社会化理论,我们假设,在大衰退期间形成其主要政治态度的危机一代,从长远来看将特别关键,将不满与政治参与结合起来。为了确定这一潜在的新一代,我们使用纵向视角和1985年至2019年的欧洲晴雨表数据,并寻找实证支持,以确定西班牙和希腊的这一“关键一代”。相比之下,意大利和葡萄牙的结果表明,对民主运作方式感到满意并参与政治的幸福公民有所增加。
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引用次数: 3
Trust, Satisfaction and Political Engagement during Economic Crisis: Young Citizens in Southern Europe 信任、满意度与经济危机中的政治参与:南欧青年公民
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1991568
M. Quaranta, J. Cancela, Irene Martín, Yannis Tsirbas
ABSTRACT This article explores changes in the relationship between attitudinal and participatory dimensions of politics, and age in Southern European countries. We look at how attitudes towards the political system and institutions combine with engagement in politics to define the ways in which citizens relate to the political sphere and the impact of the economic crisis on this relationship, in particular among the young. Using all available rounds of the European Social Survey for Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain between 2002 and 2019, this article develops a typology of citizens and analyses heterogeneities based on age, time and countries to find whether the relationship between citizens and politics has changed over time among the four states, in particular among young citizens.
摘要本文探讨了南欧国家政治态度和参与维度与年龄之间关系的变化。我们着眼于对政治制度和机构的态度如何与政治参与相结合,以定义公民与政治领域的关系,以及经济危机对这种关系的影响,特别是在年轻人中。本文利用2002年至2019年期间对希腊、意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙进行的所有可用的欧洲社会调查(European Social Survey),建立了公民的类型学,并分析了基于年龄、时间和国家的异质性,以发现这四个国家的公民与政治之间的关系是否随着时间的推移而发生了变化,尤其是在年轻公民中。
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引用次数: 3
‘Social Media Help Me Distinguish between Truth and Lies’: News Consumption in the Polarised and Low-trust Media Landscape of Greece “社交媒体帮助我区分真相和谎言”:希腊两极分化和低信任媒体景观中的新闻消费
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1980941
Antonis Kalogeropoulos, L. Rori, D. Dimitrakopoulou
ABSTRACT How do citizens in countries with weak institutions and highly disrupted media landscapes navigate news? We examine a typical South European case, Greece, via cross-national data sets. Combining data from a pool of different surveys, we show that in Greece – unlike the other five countries of the sample – social media are more trusted than news media to help individuals navigate their news environment. A thematic analysis of open-ended survey answers indicates that Greek respondents embrace alternative news sources (social media, digital-born outlets) in record-high numbers because of their distrust of traditional news outlets. Taking into account the historic interplay of media and political institutions, we present Greece as a dystopian case for news organisations and the information environment in countries with weak institutions.
在制度薄弱和媒体格局高度混乱的国家,公民如何浏览新闻?我们通过跨国数据集考察了一个典型的南欧案例——希腊。结合来自不同调查的数据,我们发现在希腊——与样本中的其他五个国家不同——社交媒体比新闻媒体更受信任,可以帮助个人驾驭新闻环境。对开放式调查答案的主题分析表明,由于对传统新闻媒体的不信任,希腊受访者接受替代新闻来源(社交媒体、数字媒体)的人数创历史新高。考虑到媒体和政治机构的历史相互作用,我们将希腊作为新闻机构和机构薄弱国家信息环境的反乌托邦案例。
{"title":"‘Social Media Help Me Distinguish between Truth and Lies’: News Consumption in the Polarised and Low-trust Media Landscape of Greece","authors":"Antonis Kalogeropoulos, L. Rori, D. Dimitrakopoulou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1980941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1980941","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do citizens in countries with weak institutions and highly disrupted media landscapes navigate news? We examine a typical South European case, Greece, via cross-national data sets. Combining data from a pool of different surveys, we show that in Greece – unlike the other five countries of the sample – social media are more trusted than news media to help individuals navigate their news environment. A thematic analysis of open-ended survey answers indicates that Greek respondents embrace alternative news sources (social media, digital-born outlets) in record-high numbers because of their distrust of traditional news outlets. Taking into account the historic interplay of media and political institutions, we present Greece as a dystopian case for news organisations and the information environment in countries with weak institutions.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87343171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7
Defeating Populists: The Case of 2019 Istanbul Elections 击败民粹主义者:以2019年伊斯坦布尔选举为例
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1923639
Seda Demiralp, E. Balta
ABSTRACT How can populist competitive authoritarian regimes be defeated through elections? In this article, we focus on the 2019 municipal campaign strategy of the opposition Istanbul candidate Ekrem İmamoglu as a case study of a successful challenge to a populist competitive authoritarian regime. We argue that such regimes may be prone to defeat when their opponents use what we call an ‘inverted populist’ strategy. This strategy involves three key elements: adopting an indirect and gradualist approach that avoids direct confrontation with the populist leader and the popular values s/he represents, redefining the ‘the people’ by including previously excluded groups, and promising redistribution to disadvantaged groups.
如何通过选举击败民粹主义竞争专制政权?在本文中,我们将重点关注伊斯坦布尔反对派候选人Ekrem İmamoglu的2019年市政竞选策略,作为成功挑战民粹主义竞争威权政权的案例研究。我们认为,当他们的对手使用我们所谓的“反向民粹主义”策略时,这样的政权可能容易失败。这一战略包括三个关键要素:采取间接和渐进的方法,避免与民粹主义领导人及其所代表的大众价值观直接对抗,通过包括以前被排斥的群体来重新定义“人民”,并承诺向弱势群体进行再分配。
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引用次数: 15
Who Is Patriarchal? The Correlates of Patriarchy in Turkey 谁是父权制?土耳其父权制的相关因素
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1924986
Burcu Ozdemir-Sarigil, Zeki Sarigil
ABSTRACT This study provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of patriarchal attitudes and orientations in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country. The following questions direct the current study: What factors account for patriarchal orientations at the mass level? How do social, political, and economic differences relate to individuals’ patriarchal attitudes and orientations? The answers are provided by original data derived from a nationwide survey, Türkiye’de Enformel Kurumlar Anketi (TEKA 2019) [Informal Institutions in Turkey Survey] (Sarigil 2019). Multivariate analyses suggest that religiosity, Sunni sectarian identity, Kurdish ethnic identity, right-oriented ideological orientations, and low socio-economic status are likely to empower patriarchal tendencies. One major implication of the findings is that modernisation processes (e.g. socio-economic development and secularisation) are likely to undermine patriarchal orientations in Muslim-majority countries as well.
本研究对土耳其这个穆斯林占多数的国家的父权态度和取向进行了全面的实证分析。以下问题指导了当前的研究:什么因素导致了大众层面的男权取向?社会、政治和经济差异与个人的父权态度和取向有何关系?这些答案是由全国性调查 rkiye 'de Enformel Kurumlar Anketi (TEKA 2019)[土耳其非正式机构调查](Sarigil 2019)的原始数据提供的。多元分析表明,宗教信仰、逊尼派教派认同、库尔德民族认同、右翼意识形态取向和低社会经济地位可能会助长父权倾向。研究结果的一个主要含义是,现代化进程(例如社会经济发展和世俗化)也可能破坏穆斯林占多数的国家的父权取向。
{"title":"Who Is Patriarchal? The Correlates of Patriarchy in Turkey","authors":"Burcu Ozdemir-Sarigil, Zeki Sarigil","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1924986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1924986","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of patriarchal attitudes and orientations in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country. The following questions direct the current study: What factors account for patriarchal orientations at the mass level? How do social, political, and economic differences relate to individuals’ patriarchal attitudes and orientations? The answers are provided by original data derived from a nationwide survey, Türkiye’de Enformel Kurumlar Anketi (TEKA 2019) [Informal Institutions in Turkey Survey] (Sarigil 2019). Multivariate analyses suggest that religiosity, Sunni sectarian identity, Kurdish ethnic identity, right-oriented ideological orientations, and low socio-economic status are likely to empower patriarchal tendencies. One major implication of the findings is that modernisation processes (e.g. socio-economic development and secularisation) are likely to undermine patriarchal orientations in Muslim-majority countries as well.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72772131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 13
期刊
South European Society and Politics
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