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Italy, the Sick Man of Europe: Policy Response, Experts and Public Opinion in the First Phase of Covid-19 意大利,欧洲病夫:新冠肺炎第一阶段的政策应对、专家和公众舆论
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1940582
Giulia Vicentini, M. Galanti
Italy was the first Western country to be dramatically overwhelmed by Covid-19, the first country outside of China to implement lockdown measures and, until mid-April 2020, the country in the world...
意大利是第一个被Covid-19严重淹没的西方国家,是中国以外第一个实施封锁措施的国家,直到2020年4月中旬,意大利是世界上第一个……
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引用次数: 15
The Silent Electoral Earthquake in Cyprus: A Crisis of Political Representation 塞浦路斯无声的选举地震:政治代表的危机
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2034272
A. Ellinas, Yiannos Katsourides
ABSTRACT The 2021 legislative elections exacerbated the crisis of political representation in the Republic of Cyprus, with important changes in voter behaviour yet to materialise in party systemic change. Corruption and, to a lesser extent, the pandemic dominated the political campaign and added to voter disaffection with traditional political parties, including the opposition. The growing appetite for political protest was largely scattered among various new parties and platforms, which failed to win electoral representation. Traditional parties scored their worst results ever and the far-right ELAM nearly doubled its electorate, while abstention stabilised at record high levels.
2021年立法选举加剧了塞浦路斯共和国政治代表的危机,选民行为的重要变化尚未在政党系统变革中实现。腐败和(在较小程度上)大流行主导了政治竞选,加剧了选民对包括反对派在内的传统政党的不满。不断增长的政治抗议兴趣主要分散在各种未能赢得选举代表的新政党和平台中。传统政党获得了有史以来最糟糕的结果,极右翼欧洲民族解放阵线的选民人数几乎翻了一番,而弃权人数稳定在创纪录的高位。
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引用次数: 1
‘Enough’ of What? An Analysis of Chega’s Populist Radical Right Agenda “够”什么?切加的民粹主义极右议程分析
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2043073
Mariana S. Mendes
ABSTRACT In 2019, for the first time in Portugal, a populist radical right party (PRR) made it to parliament. Since then voting intentions for Chega (Enough) have grown with the party leader finishing third in the 2021 presidential race. This article provides an empirical-based account of the party’s agenda and ideological profile. It asks to what extent Chega shares the core ideological characteristics of the PRR family, i.e. nativism, populism and authoritarianism. Relying on a battery of primary data (party documents, legislative proposals, official party posts on Facebook), the article combines qualitative and quantitative text analysis. It shows that Chega’s agenda falls well into the radical right profile, not only in positional terms but also in terms of issue salience.
2019年,葡萄牙民粹主义极右翼政党(PRR)首次进入议会。从那以后,随着该党领导人在2021年总统选举中排名第三,对Chega (Enough)的投票意向增加。这篇文章提供了一个基于经验的关于党的议程和意识形态的描述。它询问切加在多大程度上具有PRR家族的核心意识形态特征,即本土主义、民粹主义和威权主义。这篇文章依靠大量的原始数据(政党文件、立法提案、政党在Facebook上的官方帖子),结合了定性和定量的文本分析。这表明,Chega的议程不仅在立场上,而且在问题突出性方面,都非常符合激进右翼的形象。
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引用次数: 3
A Popular Mandate for Strongmen: What Public Opinion Data Reveals About Support for Executive Aggrandizement in Turkey, 1996-2018 对强人的民意授权:1996-2018年土耳其支持行政权力扩大的民意数据
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2034689
Dean Schafer
ABSTRACT Most analysis of democratic backsliding focuses on the elite or party level. This article takes a bottom-up approach. In Turkey, popular support for a strong, undemocratic leader developed independently of Erdoğan and the AKP, but later consolidated behind the party. Analysis of longitudinal public opinion data reveals that the 2000– 2001 economic crisis undermined the democratic consensus, but that economic prosperity – far from restoring faith in democracy – reinforced support for a strongman leader as an alternative to liberal democracy among populations that benefited the most economically: the middle class and economic elites. Additionally, individuals who identify strongly with politically predominant social groups tend to support undemocratic leaders. This analysis improves our understanding of mass-level support for authoritarian leaders in democracies.
大多数对民主倒退的分析都集中在精英或政党层面。本文采用自底向上的方法。在土耳其,民众对一个强大而不民主的领导人的支持独立于Erdoğan和正义与发展党,但后来在该党的支持下得到巩固。对纵向民意数据的分析显示,2000 - 2001年的经济危机破坏了民主共识,但经济繁荣——远没有恢复对民主的信心——反而加强了对强人领导人的支持,使其成为自由民主的替代方案,而这些人在经济上受益最多:中产阶级和经济精英。此外,强烈认同政治上占主导地位的社会群体的个人倾向于支持不民主的领导人。这一分析提高了我们对民主国家民众对威权领导人的支持的理解。
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引用次数: 4
Are All Populist Voters the Same? Institutional Distrust and the Five Star Movement in Italy 所有民粹主义选民都是一样的吗?机构不信任与意大利五星运动
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2028503
Davide Angelucci, Davide Vittori
ABSTRACT Are all populist voters the same? We focus on a valence populist party case (Five Star Movement) to answer this question. We inquire whether faithful populist voters, new populist voters, populist defectors and non-populist voters all have the same level of institutional trust. Our focus is on the Italian political system, regarded as a promised land for populism. This paradigmatic case sheds light on whether the entrance of a populist party into the system works as a corrective to democracy, as populist voters find their voice represented in parliament, potentially increasing their trust in the institutions. Our main finding is that faithful populist voters are the most distrustful category – meaning that having parliamentary representatives is not enough for populist voters to gain trust in institutions.
所有的民粹主义选民都一样吗?我们以一个民粹主义政党(五星运动)为例来回答这个问题。我们考察忠实的民粹主义选民、新民粹主义选民、民粹主义叛逃者和非民粹主义选民是否都具有相同水平的制度信任。我们关注的是意大利的政治制度,它被视为民粹主义的乐土。这一典型案例揭示了民粹主义政党进入体制是否会对民主起到纠正作用,因为民粹主义选民发现他们的声音在议会中得到了代表,这可能会增加他们对这些机构的信任。我们的主要发现是,忠实的民粹主义选民是最不信任的一类人,这意味着拥有议会代表不足以让民粹主义选民获得对机构的信任。
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引用次数: 3
Changing Preferences versus Issue Salience: The Political Success of Anti-immigration Parties in Italy 偏好变化与议题突出:意大利反移民政党的政治成功
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.2009107
Beatrice Magistro, Nicolas Wittstock
ABSTRACT The electoral successes of European far right parties in the 21st century coincided with increased immigration. While some argue these parallel trends suggest immigration sours opinion towards foreigners, a growing literature suggests it is the fluctuation in issue salience which matters. We investigate the overlooked case of Italy, which has long featured anti-immigration parties. Analysing multiple data sources, we find immigration preferences remained stable throughout 2006, 2013, and 2018 – but issue salience varied considerably, tracking the anti-immigration vote. Voters are more likely to opt for anti-immigration parties when immigration is a high salience issue, suggesting that salience, not changing preferences, is associated with far right political success.
21世纪欧洲极右翼政党的选举成功与移民的增加相吻合。虽然一些人认为这些平行的趋势表明移民使人们对外国人的看法变差,但越来越多的文献表明,重要的是问题突出程度的波动。我们调查了意大利被忽视的案例,意大利长期以来一直以反移民政党为特色。通过分析多个数据来源,我们发现移民偏好在2006年、2013年和2018年保持稳定,但通过跟踪反移民投票,问题的显著性变化很大。当移民是一个高度突出的问题时,选民更有可能选择反移民政党,这表明与极右翼政治成功有关的是突出性,而不是改变偏好。
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引用次数: 4
Generational and Ideological Gaps in Democratic Support: Seeds of Deconsolidation in Post-Crisis Southern Europe? 民主支持的代际和意识形态差距:危机后南欧解体的种子?
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.2016245
Emmanouil Tsatsanis, Enrico Borghetto, A. Freire, J. R. Montero
ABSTRACT This article explores trends in overall levels of democratic support in Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. Additionally, the article examines the extent to which the experience of the steep economic downturn in Southern Europe had specific effects on democratic support across different generations and ideological groups by examining survey data that span three decades. The evidence is mixed concerning the resilience of democratic values in the four South European countries, ranging from stability in Portugal to noticeable decline in Italy. Members of the ‘millennial’ generation appear to be more susceptible to the period effect of the crisis, whereas left-wing and centrist citizens are more likely to select democracy as the best form of government compared to right-wing citizens.
本文探讨了葡萄牙、西班牙、意大利和希腊民主支持总体水平的趋势。此外,本文还考察了南欧经济急剧下滑的经历在多大程度上对不同世代和不同意识形态群体的民主支持产生了具体影响,方法是考察跨度30年的调查数据。关于四个南欧国家民主价值观的恢复力,证据不一,从葡萄牙的稳定到意大利的明显衰落。“千禧一代”似乎更容易受到危机时期效应的影响,而左翼和中间派公民比右翼公民更有可能选择民主作为最好的政府形式。
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引用次数: 2
The ‘Lost Generation’ and Its Political Discontents: Age-related Divides in Southern Europe after the Crisis “迷惘的一代”及其政治不满:危机后南欧与年龄相关的分歧
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.2032936
Emmanouil Tsatsanis, M. Lisi, A. Freire
ABSTRACT Although public discussion about the economic crisis of the late 2000s to mid-2010s in Southern Europe often refers to its impact on the region’s younger citizens, not enough attention has been given to the political consequences of the crisis on the young. Focusing on the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain, this introduction to the special issue on age-related rifts in post-crisis Southern Europe offers an overview of the contributions and an initial answer to the question: to what extent and in what areas can one talk about an emergent generational divide in the region? Findings point to some tangible but uneven effects of the crisis across the four countries, mostly in the sense of accentuating pre-existing contrasts.
尽管关于2000年代末至2010年代中期南欧经济危机的公开讨论经常提到其对该地区年轻人的影响,但危机对年轻人的政治后果却没有得到足够的关注。本文以希腊、意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙的案例为重点,介绍了危机后南欧与年龄相关的裂痕的特刊,概述了这些贡献,并初步回答了一个问题:在多大程度上,在哪些领域,人们可以谈论该地区正在出现的代沟?调查结果指出,危机对这四个国家产生了一些明显但不均衡的影响,主要表现在加剧了已有的对比。
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引用次数: 2
Age and Descriptive Representation in Southern Europe: The Impact of the Great Recession on National Parliaments 南欧的年龄和描述性代表性:大衰退对各国议会的影响
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2026336
A. Freire, A. Pedrazzani, Emmanouil Tsatsanis, Xavier Coller, P. Segatti
ABSTRACT This article looks at how well different age groups are represented in the parliaments of Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece. We focus on three periods – before, during and after the ‘Great Recession’ – assuming the economic turmoil has generated new demands channelled by new parties that have recently entered parliament or have had a surge during the crisis. Data comes from mass surveys carried out in each country and from MP biographies. The findings reveal relevant changes in Spain and Italy, with more young people in the parties that appeared or had a surge during the crisis, whereas in Greece and Portugal no relevant changes are observed.
本文着眼于葡萄牙、西班牙、意大利和希腊议会中不同年龄群体的代表情况。我们将重点放在“大衰退”之前、期间和之后的三个时期,假设经济动荡产生了新的需求,这些需求是由最近进入议会的新政党或在危机期间激增的新政党引导的。数据来自于在每个国家进行的大规模调查和议员传记。调查结果揭示了西班牙和意大利的相关变化,在危机期间出现或出现激增的政党中有更多的年轻人,而在希腊和葡萄牙没有观察到相关变化。
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引用次数: 3
Assessing the Impact of Age, Cohort and Period Effects on Partisanship and Support for Mainstream Parties: Evidence from Southern Europe 评估年龄、队列和时期对党派倾向和主流政党支持的影响:来自南欧的证据
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1965322
M. Lisi, M. Quaranta, José Real-Dato, Emmanouil Tsatsanis
ABSTRACT The article examines the link between time effects and dealignment in Southern European countries, which allows us to assess the relative importance of short- and long-term factors on the political instability of the region during the Eurocrisis. First, we analyse life cycle, cohort and period effects on partisan identities across countries. Second, we investigate to what extent time-related factors have been responsible for the erosion of the vote in mainstream parties, especially during the crisis period, thus isolating the impact of time on general patterns of party system change. Our results show that electoral and partisan dealignment is fostered in particular by period effects, whereas age and cohort differences play a more limited role. In addition, there are also important differences across countries in terms of both evolution and intensity of time effects.
本文考察了南欧国家的时间效应与脱盟之间的联系,这使我们能够评估欧元危机期间该地区政治不稳定的短期和长期因素的相对重要性。首先,我们分析了生命周期、群体和时期对各国党派认同的影响。其次,我们调查了时间相关因素在多大程度上对主流政党的选票侵蚀负责,特别是在危机时期,从而孤立了时间对政党制度变化的一般模式的影响。我们的研究结果表明,选举和党派的分歧尤其受到时期效应的影响,而年龄和群体差异的作用则更为有限。此外,在时间效应的演变和强度方面,各国之间也存在重要差异。
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引用次数: 3
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South European Society and Politics
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