Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943
A. G. Madariaga, P. Riera
ABSTRACT Radical parties are on the rise in Europe. However, there is scant evidence on whether their breakthroughs affect voters’ political attitudes, particularly with regard to non-economic dimensions of electoral competition. We address these gaps using a combination of panel surveys developed during recent general election cycles (2011, 2015 and 2019) in Spain. We show that the breakthrough of Podemos and Vox in 2015 and 2019 respectively contributed to the ideological polarisation of voters’ positions on the highly salient territorial dimension in this country, a phenomenon that we do not observe in 2011. However, affective territorial polarisation was not achieved.
{"title":"Territorial Polarisation after Radical Parties’ Breakthrough in Spain","authors":"A. G. Madariaga, P. Riera","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Radical parties are on the rise in Europe. However, there is scant evidence on whether their breakthroughs affect voters’ political attitudes, particularly with regard to non-economic dimensions of electoral competition. We address these gaps using a combination of panel surveys developed during recent general election cycles (2011, 2015 and 2019) in Spain. We show that the breakthrough of Podemos and Vox in 2015 and 2019 respectively contributed to the ideological polarisation of voters’ positions on the highly salient territorial dimension in this country, a phenomenon that we do not observe in 2011. However, affective territorial polarisation was not achieved.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72964175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400
Albert Padró-Solanet, J. Balcells
ABSTRACT Does media diet diversity influence affective polarisation of the public? To test this hypothesis we analyse data from Spain, which like other South European countries has a highly politicised media system. The study operationalises media diet diversity based on survey and web-tracking data. It considers diversity both in terms of the quantity of media consumed and exposure to opposing viewpoints using the two politico-ideological dimensions that conventionally define Spanish politics: left–right and centre–periphery. The results are rather complex and show certain ambivalence. As expected, a more diverse media diet generally tends to depolarise individuals; however, when considering the centre-periphery dimension, we find that media diet diversity can further exacerbate polarisation. That highlights the role identities can play as a potential source of polarisation.
{"title":"Media Diet and Polarisation: Evidence from Spain","authors":"Albert Padró-Solanet, J. Balcells","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Does media diet diversity influence affective polarisation of the public? To test this hypothesis we analyse data from Spain, which like other South European countries has a highly politicised media system. The study operationalises media diet diversity based on survey and web-tracking data. It considers diversity both in terms of the quantity of media consumed and exposure to opposing viewpoints using the two politico-ideological dimensions that conventionally define Spanish politics: left–right and centre–periphery. The results are rather complex and show certain ambivalence. As expected, a more diverse media diet generally tends to depolarise individuals; however, when considering the centre-periphery dimension, we find that media diet diversity can further exacerbate polarisation. That highlights the role identities can play as a potential source of polarisation.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86694454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492
I. Rodríguez, Diego Santamaría, Luis Miller
ABSTRACT Previous studies have reported that political competition increases partisan affective polarisation. We test this hypothesis using the four waves of a survey on affective polarisation in Spain and a repeated measures design. Two of these waves were conducted during two electoral campaigns. This allows us to study whether in-group and out-group sentiments are affected by election proximity. Differences in sentiments towards in-group and out-group members increase with elections. However, this is mostly driven by an increase in positive sentiments towards the in-group. Elections also increase negative affects towards out-group members, but to a lesser extent. In Spain, these elections hardly affected territorial affective polarisation.
{"title":"Electoral Competition and Partisan Affective Polarisation in Spain","authors":"I. Rodríguez, Diego Santamaría, Luis Miller","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Previous studies have reported that political competition increases partisan affective polarisation. We test this hypothesis using the four waves of a survey on affective polarisation in Spain and a repeated measures design. Two of these waves were conducted during two electoral campaigns. This allows us to study whether in-group and out-group sentiments are affected by election proximity. Differences in sentiments towards in-group and out-group members increase with elections. However, this is mostly driven by an increase in positive sentiments towards the in-group. Elections also increase negative affects towards out-group members, but to a lesser extent. In Spain, these elections hardly affected territorial affective polarisation.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89422804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2047554
Javier Lorenzo-Rodríguez, Mariano Torcal
ABSTRACT The present study addresses the effect of the discourse of elites on Twitter on citizens’ affective polarisation through a quasi-experiment that was embedded in a survey panel. Participants were invited to follow one of the Twitter accounts of nine candidates from the main political parties during the 2019 European Parliament electoral campaign in Spain. Experiment compliance among participants was confirmed using web-tracking data (passive metre). The results show that exposure to candidates’ Twitter accounts by self-selection does not increase affective polarisation. Although high levels of polarisation might contribute to building echo chambers, the polarising content contained in the partisan Twitter accounts has no effect on increasing affective polarisation, even among those who strongly identify with such parties. This finding confirms the so-called limited media effect hypothesis for social media.
{"title":"Twitter and Affective Polarisation: Following Political Leaders in Spain","authors":"Javier Lorenzo-Rodríguez, Mariano Torcal","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2047554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047554","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The present study addresses the effect of the discourse of elites on Twitter on citizens’ affective polarisation through a quasi-experiment that was embedded in a survey panel. Participants were invited to follow one of the Twitter accounts of nine candidates from the main political parties during the 2019 European Parliament electoral campaign in Spain. Experiment compliance among participants was confirmed using web-tracking data (passive metre). The results show that exposure to candidates’ Twitter accounts by self-selection does not increase affective polarisation. Although high levels of polarisation might contribute to building echo chambers, the polarising content contained in the partisan Twitter accounts has no effect on increasing affective polarisation, even among those who strongly identify with such parties. This finding confirms the so-called limited media effect hypothesis for social media.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88101543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541
Danilo Serani
ABSTRACT Do affectively polarised people vote or stay home on election day? Although there is an increasing number of comparative studies focusing on the origins of partisan affective polarisation, our knowledge about its impact on individuals’ decision to vote is still limited. This article takes a closer look at the relationship between propensity to vote and partisan affective polarisation by distinguishing those produced by in-party like and by out-party dislike. The results show that both in-group like and out-group hate sentiments increase people’s propensity to vote, and that the effects of the latter are more accentuated. The argument presented in the following pages is based on the analysis of a two-wave panel study conducted in Spain between April and May 2019.
{"title":"In-Party Like, Out-Party Dislike and Propensity to Vote in Spain","authors":"Danilo Serani","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do affectively polarised people vote or stay home on election day? Although there is an increasing number of comparative studies focusing on the origins of partisan affective polarisation, our knowledge about its impact on individuals’ decision to vote is still limited. This article takes a closer look at the relationship between propensity to vote and partisan affective polarisation by distinguishing those produced by in-party like and by out-party dislike. The results show that both in-group like and out-group hate sentiments increase people’s propensity to vote, and that the effects of the latter are more accentuated. The argument presented in the following pages is based on the analysis of a two-wave panel study conducted in Spain between April and May 2019.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86477170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555
Mariano Torcal, E. Carty
ABSTRACT This article seeks to gain a deeper understanding on the relationship between polarisation and political trust in multiparty systems by examining the effect of different indicators of affective and ideological polarisation on the within-individual variation of political trust over time. Using unique data collected from two separate online survey panels in Spain, our findings show that in multiparty contexts it is important to use two different measures of affective polarisation, as they have two distinct effects on political trust. While in-group affective polarisation tends to increase political trust, out-group polarisation has a negative impact on within-individual levels of trust in all democratic institutions. The latter effect is much stronger, adding nuance to existing explanations of the overall decline in political trust Observed in many democracies in contemporary democracies.
{"title":"Partisan Sentiments and Political Trust: A Longitudinal Study of Spain","authors":"Mariano Torcal, E. Carty","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to gain a deeper understanding on the relationship between polarisation and political trust in multiparty systems by examining the effect of different indicators of affective and ideological polarisation on the within-individual variation of political trust over time. Using unique data collected from two separate online survey panels in Spain, our findings show that in multiparty contexts it is important to use two different measures of affective polarisation, as they have two distinct effects on political trust. While in-group affective polarisation tends to increase political trust, out-group polarisation has a negative impact on within-individual levels of trust in all democratic institutions. The latter effect is much stronger, adding nuance to existing explanations of the overall decline in political trust Observed in many democracies in contemporary democracies.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91001947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236
Mariano Torcal, J. Comellas
ABSTRACT This is an introductory article for a special issue on affective polarisation in Spain. After discussing the concept and its operationalisation in multi-party settings, we offer data on affective polarisation in Spain and Southern Europe from a comparative perspective using the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). In the second part, we pay special attention to the Spanish case, analysing different dimensions of affective polarisation and its evolution overtime, by taking advantage of an extensive number of indicators from the E-DEM panel survey. Finally, we describe its relationship with ideological polarisation and analyse its possible multidimensional nature. We conclude by introducing the rest of contributions of this special issue.
{"title":"Affective Polarisation in Times of Political Instability and Conflict. Spain from a Comparative Perspective","authors":"Mariano Torcal, J. Comellas","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This is an introductory article for a special issue on affective polarisation in Spain. After discussing the concept and its operationalisation in multi-party settings, we offer data on affective polarisation in Spain and Southern Europe from a comparative perspective using the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). In the second part, we pay special attention to the Spanish case, analysing different dimensions of affective polarisation and its evolution overtime, by taking advantage of an extensive number of indicators from the E-DEM panel survey. Finally, we describe its relationship with ideological polarisation and analyse its possible multidimensional nature. We conclude by introducing the rest of contributions of this special issue.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80609543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1985497
Ö. Kemahlıoğlu, O. Yeğen
{"title":"Surviving the Covid-19 Pandemic under Right-wing Populist Rule: Turkey in the First Phase","authors":"Ö. Kemahlıoğlu, O. Yeğen","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1985497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1985497","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81993146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-07DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1983932
S. Ladi, A. Angelou, Dimitra Panagiotatou
Analysing the handling of the pandemic's first phase in Greece, the article attempts to explain the reasons for its relative success. It suggests four main reasons: First, the predominance of evidence-informed policymaking led by strong and decisive leadership. Second, a timely and firm crisis response, driven by the prior experience of other European countries with the pandemic. Third, the public sector's digital turn and a tight scheme of intra-government coordination. Fourth, a transparent and effective communication strategy signalling that public health was a priority, which subsequently led to high citizen compliance with the restrictive measures. The second phase of the pandemic is also discussed to nuance this claim and show that the long duration of the crisis brought new challenges to its management. The article provides insights into how countries with limited resources and weak administrative capacity can effectively manage such crises.
{"title":"Regaining Trust: Evidence-Informed Policymaking during the First Phase of the Covid-19 Crisis in Greece","authors":"S. Ladi, A. Angelou, Dimitra Panagiotatou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1983932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1983932","url":null,"abstract":"Analysing the handling of the pandemic's first phase in Greece, the article attempts to explain the reasons for its relative success. It suggests four main reasons: First, the predominance of evidence-informed policymaking led by strong and decisive leadership. Second, a timely and firm crisis response, driven by the prior experience of other European countries with the pandemic. Third, the public sector's digital turn and a tight scheme of intra-government coordination. Fourth, a transparent and effective communication strategy signalling that public health was a priority, which subsequently led to high citizen compliance with the restrictive measures. The second phase of the pandemic is also discussed to nuance this claim and show that the long duration of the crisis brought new challenges to its management. The article provides insights into how countries with limited resources and weak administrative capacity can effectively manage such crises.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89734596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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