Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2200901
Didem Türkoğlu, Meltem Odabaş, Doruk Tunaoglu, Mustafa Yavaş
ABSTRACT Heightened political polarisation threatens democratic stability. While prior studies find polarisation in competing groups’ deployment of different terminologies to describe the same topic, we emphasise that it can also be evident in groups’ attachment of different meanings to the same terminology. Competition for dominance in the public sphere is reflected in social media which become sites of contestation, showcasing antagonistic claims of legitimacy. In a case-study of the June 2019 rerun Istanbul elections in Turkey, we used qualitative and computational methods to analyse approximately 116,000 tweets, focusing on discussions around the themes of ‘democracy’, ‘elections’, and ‘public service’. Twitter users associated the act of casting a vote not only with electing the candidate, but also with a competition over the future of Turkish democracy.
{"title":"Political Polarisation on Social Media: Competing Understandings of Democracy in Turkey","authors":"Didem Türkoğlu, Meltem Odabaş, Doruk Tunaoglu, Mustafa Yavaş","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2023.2200901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2023.2200901","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Heightened political polarisation threatens democratic stability. While prior studies find polarisation in competing groups’ deployment of different terminologies to describe the same topic, we emphasise that it can also be evident in groups’ attachment of different meanings to the same terminology. Competition for dominance in the public sphere is reflected in social media which become sites of contestation, showcasing antagonistic claims of legitimacy. In a case-study of the June 2019 rerun Istanbul elections in Turkey, we used qualitative and computational methods to analyse approximately 116,000 tweets, focusing on discussions around the themes of ‘democracy’, ‘elections’, and ‘public service’. Twitter users associated the act of casting a vote not only with electing the candidate, but also with a competition over the future of Turkish democracy.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"4 1","pages":"223 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79096381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2132614
M. Léon, Manuel Alvariño, Llorenç Soler-Buades
ABSTRACT In this article we empirically explore the impact of the state-Church conflict on progressive moral policies. Taking Spain as a case study, we analyse the parliamentary interaction of political parties in a number of policy domains that provoke a moral conflict. We examine the principal legislative acts relating to abortion, divorce, same-sex marriage, euthanasia and gender equality from the early 1980s to 2021. We look beyond the religious divide and argue that its interaction with territorial politics, which is in turn shaped by specific institutional features, explains the formation of political coalitions that are conducive to moral legislation. Furthermore, we show that political coalitions vary depending on how explicit or implicit a given morality conflict is.
{"title":"Explaining Morality Policy Coalitions in Spanish Parliamentary Votes: The Interaction of the Church-State Conflict and Territorial Politics","authors":"M. Léon, Manuel Alvariño, Llorenç Soler-Buades","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2132614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2132614","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article we empirically explore the impact of the state-Church conflict on progressive moral policies. Taking Spain as a case study, we analyse the parliamentary interaction of political parties in a number of policy domains that provoke a moral conflict. We examine the principal legislative acts relating to abortion, divorce, same-sex marriage, euthanasia and gender equality from the early 1980s to 2021. We look beyond the religious divide and argue that its interaction with territorial politics, which is in turn shaped by specific institutional features, explains the formation of political coalitions that are conducive to moral legislation. Furthermore, we show that political coalitions vary depending on how explicit or implicit a given morality conflict is.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"65 1","pages":"197 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79019969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2023.2202468
M. Giuliani
ABSTRACT The article analyses the 15 elections that took place between 2010 and 2019 in four South European countries – Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain – through the lenses of the retrospective vote theory. The large within-country variation of economic conditions justifies the adoption of an original subnational perspective, while the explicit test of alternative economic quantities and horizons provides a more credible assessment of voters’ behaviours. Besides offering a taxonomy of local retrospective voting, the research found that citizens assessed the incumbents against regional unemployment levels and national growth dynamics, further benchmarking the local economic conditions against their past performances. These results give credit to the idea that the South European electorate shares similar references in assessing the economic competences of incumbent governments.
{"title":"Absolute and Benchmarked Economic Voting. A Subnational Perspective on a Decade of Elections in Southern Europe","authors":"M. Giuliani","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2023.2202468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2023.2202468","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article analyses the 15 elections that took place between 2010 and 2019 in four South European countries – Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain – through the lenses of the retrospective vote theory. The large within-country variation of economic conditions justifies the adoption of an original subnational perspective, while the explicit test of alternative economic quantities and horizons provides a more credible assessment of voters’ behaviours. Besides offering a taxonomy of local retrospective voting, the research found that citizens assessed the incumbents against regional unemployment levels and national growth dynamics, further benchmarking the local economic conditions against their past performances. These results give credit to the idea that the South European electorate shares similar references in assessing the economic competences of incumbent governments.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":"279 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85979808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2161973
Marco Meloni, Fabio G. Lupato
ABSTRACT While the digitalisation of political parties is increasingly analysed, less attention has been paid to the evolution of digital procedures and their consequences on intra-party democracy and party change. We propose a typology for identifying different types of evolution processes (consolidation, reconfiguration, mutation, and elimination) using the Spanish party Podemos paradigmatic case. Our analysis points out the centrality of hard and soft setbacks in the evolution of the digital procedures of the party. Findings indicate the relevance of different dynamics, such as institutionalisation, personalisation, and factionalism, jointly with other internal and external factors. Studying the evolution of digital party procedures is relevant for tracing party change in digital parties and other parties that are experiencing digitalisation processes.
{"title":"Two Steps Forward, One Step Back: The Evolution of Democratic Digital Innovations in Podemos","authors":"Marco Meloni, Fabio G. Lupato","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2161973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2161973","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While the digitalisation of political parties is increasingly analysed, less attention has been paid to the evolution of digital procedures and their consequences on intra-party democracy and party change. We propose a typology for identifying different types of evolution processes (consolidation, reconfiguration, mutation, and elimination) using the Spanish party Podemos paradigmatic case. Our analysis points out the centrality of hard and soft setbacks in the evolution of the digital procedures of the party. Findings indicate the relevance of different dynamics, such as institutionalisation, personalisation, and factionalism, jointly with other internal and external factors. Studying the evolution of digital party procedures is relevant for tracing party change in digital parties and other parties that are experiencing digitalisation processes.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"38 1","pages":"253 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88390936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2044235
T. Rodon
ABSTRACT What is the effect of affective polarisation on vote choice? Despite the growing interest in affective polarisation, scholars still do not fully understand the relationship between partisan affective polarisation and political behaviour. Crucially, most existing studies have assumed, often by default, that affective polarisation mainly occurs along a single politicised partisan identity. This article addresses the hitherto neglected relationship between affective polarisation and vote choice in Spain, where distrust between different and opposite groups occurs both on ideological and territorial terms. Using rich panel data, the study findings show that both affective polarisation types are significant predictors of vote choice. While affectively partisan-polarised voters are more likely to support the left, affectively polarised voters on the territorial dimension are more likely to support the right.
{"title":"Affective and Territorial Polarisation: The Impact on Vote Choice in Spain","authors":"T. Rodon","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2044235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2044235","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What is the effect of affective polarisation on vote choice? Despite the growing interest in affective polarisation, scholars still do not fully understand the relationship between partisan affective polarisation and political behaviour. Crucially, most existing studies have assumed, often by default, that affective polarisation mainly occurs along a single politicised partisan identity. This article addresses the hitherto neglected relationship between affective polarisation and vote choice in Spain, where distrust between different and opposite groups occurs both on ideological and territorial terms. Using rich panel data, the study findings show that both affective polarisation types are significant predictors of vote choice. While affectively partisan-polarised voters are more likely to support the left, affectively polarised voters on the territorial dimension are more likely to support the right.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"83 1","pages":"147 - 169"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82661362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943
A. G. Madariaga, P. Riera
ABSTRACT Radical parties are on the rise in Europe. However, there is scant evidence on whether their breakthroughs affect voters’ political attitudes, particularly with regard to non-economic dimensions of electoral competition. We address these gaps using a combination of panel surveys developed during recent general election cycles (2011, 2015 and 2019) in Spain. We show that the breakthrough of Podemos and Vox in 2015 and 2019 respectively contributed to the ideological polarisation of voters’ positions on the highly salient territorial dimension in this country, a phenomenon that we do not observe in 2011. However, affective territorial polarisation was not achieved.
{"title":"Territorial Polarisation after Radical Parties’ Breakthrough in Spain","authors":"A. G. Madariaga, P. Riera","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2038943","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Radical parties are on the rise in Europe. However, there is scant evidence on whether their breakthroughs affect voters’ political attitudes, particularly with regard to non-economic dimensions of electoral competition. We address these gaps using a combination of panel surveys developed during recent general election cycles (2011, 2015 and 2019) in Spain. We show that the breakthrough of Podemos and Vox in 2015 and 2019 respectively contributed to the ideological polarisation of voters’ positions on the highly salient territorial dimension in this country, a phenomenon that we do not observe in 2011. However, affective territorial polarisation was not achieved.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"40 1","pages":"51 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72964175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400
Albert Padró-Solanet, J. Balcells
ABSTRACT Does media diet diversity influence affective polarisation of the public? To test this hypothesis we analyse data from Spain, which like other South European countries has a highly politicised media system. The study operationalises media diet diversity based on survey and web-tracking data. It considers diversity both in terms of the quantity of media consumed and exposure to opposing viewpoints using the two politico-ideological dimensions that conventionally define Spanish politics: left–right and centre–periphery. The results are rather complex and show certain ambivalence. As expected, a more diverse media diet generally tends to depolarise individuals; however, when considering the centre-periphery dimension, we find that media diet diversity can further exacerbate polarisation. That highlights the role identities can play as a potential source of polarisation.
{"title":"Media Diet and Polarisation: Evidence from Spain","authors":"Albert Padró-Solanet, J. Balcells","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2046400","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Does media diet diversity influence affective polarisation of the public? To test this hypothesis we analyse data from Spain, which like other South European countries has a highly politicised media system. The study operationalises media diet diversity based on survey and web-tracking data. It considers diversity both in terms of the quantity of media consumed and exposure to opposing viewpoints using the two politico-ideological dimensions that conventionally define Spanish politics: left–right and centre–periphery. The results are rather complex and show certain ambivalence. As expected, a more diverse media diet generally tends to depolarise individuals; however, when considering the centre-periphery dimension, we find that media diet diversity can further exacerbate polarisation. That highlights the role identities can play as a potential source of polarisation.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"49 1","pages":"75 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86694454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492
I. Rodríguez, Diego Santamaría, Luis Miller
ABSTRACT Previous studies have reported that political competition increases partisan affective polarisation. We test this hypothesis using the four waves of a survey on affective polarisation in Spain and a repeated measures design. Two of these waves were conducted during two electoral campaigns. This allows us to study whether in-group and out-group sentiments are affected by election proximity. Differences in sentiments towards in-group and out-group members increase with elections. However, this is mostly driven by an increase in positive sentiments towards the in-group. Elections also increase negative affects towards out-group members, but to a lesser extent. In Spain, these elections hardly affected territorial affective polarisation.
{"title":"Electoral Competition and Partisan Affective Polarisation in Spain","authors":"I. Rodríguez, Diego Santamaría, Luis Miller","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2038492","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Previous studies have reported that political competition increases partisan affective polarisation. We test this hypothesis using the four waves of a survey on affective polarisation in Spain and a repeated measures design. Two of these waves were conducted during two electoral campaigns. This allows us to study whether in-group and out-group sentiments are affected by election proximity. Differences in sentiments towards in-group and out-group members increase with elections. However, this is mostly driven by an increase in positive sentiments towards the in-group. Elections also increase negative affects towards out-group members, but to a lesser extent. In Spain, these elections hardly affected territorial affective polarisation.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"16 1","pages":"27 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89422804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2047554
Javier Lorenzo-Rodríguez, Mariano Torcal
ABSTRACT The present study addresses the effect of the discourse of elites on Twitter on citizens’ affective polarisation through a quasi-experiment that was embedded in a survey panel. Participants were invited to follow one of the Twitter accounts of nine candidates from the main political parties during the 2019 European Parliament electoral campaign in Spain. Experiment compliance among participants was confirmed using web-tracking data (passive metre). The results show that exposure to candidates’ Twitter accounts by self-selection does not increase affective polarisation. Although high levels of polarisation might contribute to building echo chambers, the polarising content contained in the partisan Twitter accounts has no effect on increasing affective polarisation, even among those who strongly identify with such parties. This finding confirms the so-called limited media effect hypothesis for social media.
{"title":"Twitter and Affective Polarisation: Following Political Leaders in Spain","authors":"Javier Lorenzo-Rodríguez, Mariano Torcal","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2047554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047554","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The present study addresses the effect of the discourse of elites on Twitter on citizens’ affective polarisation through a quasi-experiment that was embedded in a survey panel. Participants were invited to follow one of the Twitter accounts of nine candidates from the main political parties during the 2019 European Parliament electoral campaign in Spain. Experiment compliance among participants was confirmed using web-tracking data (passive metre). The results show that exposure to candidates’ Twitter accounts by self-selection does not increase affective polarisation. Although high levels of polarisation might contribute to building echo chambers, the polarising content contained in the partisan Twitter accounts has no effect on increasing affective polarisation, even among those who strongly identify with such parties. This finding confirms the so-called limited media effect hypothesis for social media.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"64 1","pages":"97 - 123"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88101543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541
Danilo Serani
ABSTRACT Do affectively polarised people vote or stay home on election day? Although there is an increasing number of comparative studies focusing on the origins of partisan affective polarisation, our knowledge about its impact on individuals’ decision to vote is still limited. This article takes a closer look at the relationship between propensity to vote and partisan affective polarisation by distinguishing those produced by in-party like and by out-party dislike. The results show that both in-group like and out-group hate sentiments increase people’s propensity to vote, and that the effects of the latter are more accentuated. The argument presented in the following pages is based on the analysis of a two-wave panel study conducted in Spain between April and May 2019.
{"title":"In-Party Like, Out-Party Dislike and Propensity to Vote in Spain","authors":"Danilo Serani","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047541","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do affectively polarised people vote or stay home on election day? Although there is an increasing number of comparative studies focusing on the origins of partisan affective polarisation, our knowledge about its impact on individuals’ decision to vote is still limited. This article takes a closer look at the relationship between propensity to vote and partisan affective polarisation by distinguishing those produced by in-party like and by out-party dislike. The results show that both in-group like and out-group hate sentiments increase people’s propensity to vote, and that the effects of the latter are more accentuated. The argument presented in the following pages is based on the analysis of a two-wave panel study conducted in Spain between April and May 2019.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"19 1","pages":"125 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86477170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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