Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555
Mariano Torcal, E. Carty
ABSTRACT This article seeks to gain a deeper understanding on the relationship between polarisation and political trust in multiparty systems by examining the effect of different indicators of affective and ideological polarisation on the within-individual variation of political trust over time. Using unique data collected from two separate online survey panels in Spain, our findings show that in multiparty contexts it is important to use two different measures of affective polarisation, as they have two distinct effects on political trust. While in-group affective polarisation tends to increase political trust, out-group polarisation has a negative impact on within-individual levels of trust in all democratic institutions. The latter effect is much stronger, adding nuance to existing explanations of the overall decline in political trust Observed in many democracies in contemporary democracies.
{"title":"Partisan Sentiments and Political Trust: A Longitudinal Study of Spain","authors":"Mariano Torcal, E. Carty","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2047555","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to gain a deeper understanding on the relationship between polarisation and political trust in multiparty systems by examining the effect of different indicators of affective and ideological polarisation on the within-individual variation of political trust over time. Using unique data collected from two separate online survey panels in Spain, our findings show that in multiparty contexts it is important to use two different measures of affective polarisation, as they have two distinct effects on political trust. While in-group affective polarisation tends to increase political trust, out-group polarisation has a negative impact on within-individual levels of trust in all democratic institutions. The latter effect is much stronger, adding nuance to existing explanations of the overall decline in political trust Observed in many democracies in contemporary democracies.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"29 1","pages":"171 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91001947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236
Mariano Torcal, J. Comellas
ABSTRACT This is an introductory article for a special issue on affective polarisation in Spain. After discussing the concept and its operationalisation in multi-party settings, we offer data on affective polarisation in Spain and Southern Europe from a comparative perspective using the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). In the second part, we pay special attention to the Spanish case, analysing different dimensions of affective polarisation and its evolution overtime, by taking advantage of an extensive number of indicators from the E-DEM panel survey. Finally, we describe its relationship with ideological polarisation and analyse its possible multidimensional nature. We conclude by introducing the rest of contributions of this special issue.
{"title":"Affective Polarisation in Times of Political Instability and Conflict. Spain from a Comparative Perspective","authors":"Mariano Torcal, J. Comellas","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2044236","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This is an introductory article for a special issue on affective polarisation in Spain. After discussing the concept and its operationalisation in multi-party settings, we offer data on affective polarisation in Spain and Southern Europe from a comparative perspective using the Comparative National Election Project (CNEP) and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). In the second part, we pay special attention to the Spanish case, analysing different dimensions of affective polarisation and its evolution overtime, by taking advantage of an extensive number of indicators from the E-DEM panel survey. Finally, we describe its relationship with ideological polarisation and analyse its possible multidimensional nature. We conclude by introducing the rest of contributions of this special issue.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80609543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1985497
Ö. Kemahlıoğlu, O. Yeğen
{"title":"Surviving the Covid-19 Pandemic under Right-wing Populist Rule: Turkey in the First Phase","authors":"Ö. Kemahlıoğlu, O. Yeğen","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1985497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1985497","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81993146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-07DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2021.1983932
S. Ladi, A. Angelou, Dimitra Panagiotatou
Analysing the handling of the pandemic's first phase in Greece, the article attempts to explain the reasons for its relative success. It suggests four main reasons: First, the predominance of evidence-informed policymaking led by strong and decisive leadership. Second, a timely and firm crisis response, driven by the prior experience of other European countries with the pandemic. Third, the public sector's digital turn and a tight scheme of intra-government coordination. Fourth, a transparent and effective communication strategy signalling that public health was a priority, which subsequently led to high citizen compliance with the restrictive measures. The second phase of the pandemic is also discussed to nuance this claim and show that the long duration of the crisis brought new challenges to its management. The article provides insights into how countries with limited resources and weak administrative capacity can effectively manage such crises.
{"title":"Regaining Trust: Evidence-Informed Policymaking during the First Phase of the Covid-19 Crisis in Greece","authors":"S. Ladi, A. Angelou, Dimitra Panagiotatou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2021.1983932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2021.1983932","url":null,"abstract":"Analysing the handling of the pandemic's first phase in Greece, the article attempts to explain the reasons for its relative success. It suggests four main reasons: First, the predominance of evidence-informed policymaking led by strong and decisive leadership. Second, a timely and firm crisis response, driven by the prior experience of other European countries with the pandemic. Third, the public sector's digital turn and a tight scheme of intra-government coordination. Fourth, a transparent and effective communication strategy signalling that public health was a priority, which subsequently led to high citizen compliance with the restrictive measures. The second phase of the pandemic is also discussed to nuance this claim and show that the long duration of the crisis brought new challenges to its management. The article provides insights into how countries with limited resources and weak administrative capacity can effectively manage such crises.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89734596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2115185
Alexandre Pichel-Vázquez, Begonya Enguix Grau
ABSTRACT In this article, we aim to explore how affects work within and through gender discourse in the Spanish far right. We address two burning topics: the connection of (anti)gender and far-right politics and the political potential of affects. Opposing traditional views, we argue that far-right groups are not exclusively driven by hate. In Vox leaders’ speeches, love appears as a political affective narrative with political effects. Love brings the ‘us’ together while creating an affective and political border between the ‘objects of love’ (nation, family, equality and men) and the ‘objects of hate’ (feminism, immigration, gender and sexual pluralism).
{"title":"Framing Gender through Affects: Antifeminism and Love in the Spanish Far Right (Vox)","authors":"Alexandre Pichel-Vázquez, Begonya Enguix Grau","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2115185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2115185","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, we aim to explore how affects work within and through gender discourse in the Spanish far right. We address two burning topics: the connection of (anti)gender and far-right politics and the political potential of affects. Opposing traditional views, we argue that far-right groups are not exclusively driven by hate. In Vox leaders’ speeches, love appears as a political affective narrative with political effects. Love brings the ‘us’ together while creating an affective and political border between the ‘objects of love’ (nation, family, equality and men) and the ‘objects of hate’ (feminism, immigration, gender and sexual pluralism).","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"45 1","pages":"465 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90535069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2117019
Enis Porat, S. Sonan, Omer Gokcekus
ABSTRACT Based on an original survey (n = 1,017), this paper examines citizens’ participation patterns in the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ (‘TRNC’), a de facto state recognised only by Turkey. Since 1974 the ‘TRNC’ has been receiving a constant flow of immigrants from its patron state (Turkey). While Turkish immigrants make up a sizeable proportion of the electorate, they seem to be underrepresented in the political arena. Our findings show that, in determining the level of political participation, socio-economic factors are pre-eminent while having an immigrant background has only very limited effect and gender does not have any impact.
{"title":"Political Participation among Natives and Immigrants: Identity and Socio-economic Status within the Turkish Cypriot Electorate","authors":"Enis Porat, S. Sonan, Omer Gokcekus","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2117019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2117019","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on an original survey (n = 1,017), this paper examines citizens’ participation patterns in the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ (‘TRNC’), a de facto state recognised only by Turkey. Since 1974 the ‘TRNC’ has been receiving a constant flow of immigrants from its patron state (Turkey). While Turkish immigrants make up a sizeable proportion of the electorate, they seem to be underrepresented in the political arena. Our findings show that, in determining the level of political participation, socio-economic factors are pre-eminent while having an immigrant background has only very limited effect and gender does not have any impact.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"38 1","pages":"541 - 566"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89299251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2101622
Anıl Kahvecioğlu, Semih Patan
ABSTRACT Mass protests frequently occur in electoral autocracies. However, the opposite is true in Turkey, despite mounting grievances and a strong opposition presence with institutional resources. We argue that competitive authoritarian regimes, a subset of electoral autocracies, may dampen mass protests, allowing the opposition an opportunity to defeat the incumbents through elections. Studying Turkey’s main opposition party, we identify three mechanisms that show how politicians strategically respond to the regime’s incentives and constraints leading to protest-averse behaviour. First, the regime’s repression capacity discourages the opposition from openly supporting a mass protest. Second, the opposition learns to target the median voter, which leads to political moderation and protest averseness. Finally, prospective electoral success reinforces the opposition’s commitment to a ballot-centred approach.
{"title":"Embattled Ballots, Quiet Streets: Competitive Authoritarianism and Dampening Anti-Government Protests in Turkey","authors":"Anıl Kahvecioğlu, Semih Patan","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2101622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2101622","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Mass protests frequently occur in electoral autocracies. However, the opposite is true in Turkey, despite mounting grievances and a strong opposition presence with institutional resources. We argue that competitive authoritarian regimes, a subset of electoral autocracies, may dampen mass protests, allowing the opposition an opportunity to defeat the incumbents through elections. Studying Turkey’s main opposition party, we identify three mechanisms that show how politicians strategically respond to the regime’s incentives and constraints leading to protest-averse behaviour. First, the regime’s repression capacity discourages the opposition from openly supporting a mass protest. Second, the opposition learns to target the median voter, which leads to political moderation and protest averseness. Finally, prospective electoral success reinforces the opposition’s commitment to a ballot-centred approach.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"3 1","pages":"489 - 515"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90292799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2097732
A. Ellinas, I. Lamprianou
ABSTRACT The literature on how democratic polities deal with right-wing extremism focuses on political and institutional actors at the expense of societal agency. This article offers a corrective by analysing antifascist mobilisation against one of the most extreme parties in Europe, Golden Dawn in Greece. It uses in-depth interviews with antifascists to sketch the developmental trajectory of Greek antifascism. It then utilises an original dataset of thousands of antifascist events to document spatial and temporal patterns of antifascist mobilisation. The article shows how antifascist mobilisation affected the developmental trajectory of the party and ultimately led to the conviction of its leadership.
{"title":"Societal Responses to Right-Wing Extremism: Antifascist Mobilisation against Golden Dawn in Greece","authors":"A. Ellinas, I. Lamprianou","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2097732","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2097732","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The literature on how democratic polities deal with right-wing extremism focuses on political and institutional actors at the expense of societal agency. This article offers a corrective by analysing antifascist mobilisation against one of the most extreme parties in Europe, Golden Dawn in Greece. It uses in-depth interviews with antifascists to sketch the developmental trajectory of Greek antifascism. It then utilises an original dataset of thousands of antifascist events to document spatial and temporal patterns of antifascist mobilisation. The article shows how antifascist mobilisation affected the developmental trajectory of the party and ultimately led to the conviction of its leadership.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"22 1","pages":"437 - 464"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88488810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2022.2105417
Guillermo Cordero, Santiago Pérez-Nievas, M. Paradés, Xavier Coller
ABSTRACT Despite academic interest in the negative effects of primaries on gender descriptive representation, we have little evidence on how this impact varies across territorial levels, especially among women with family responsibilities. We focus on Spain as a multilevel polity (national, regional, local chambers) with mandatory quotas to show that very few females with family responsibilities are selected in primaries at upper territorial levels. While primaries frequently facilitate women becoming local councillors, this method seems to exclude those with family responsibilities at regional and national levels where, to fulfil gender quotas, female candidates are more commonly appointed by the party elite. This process has repercussions since representatives selected by the leadership tend to be more disciplined and homogeneous than those selected in primaries.
{"title":"Higher Means Harder for Female Descriptive Representation? Women with Family Responsibilities and Party Primaries for Local, Regional and National Chambers in Spain","authors":"Guillermo Cordero, Santiago Pérez-Nievas, M. Paradés, Xavier Coller","doi":"10.1080/13608746.2022.2105417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2022.2105417","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite academic interest in the negative effects of primaries on gender descriptive representation, we have little evidence on how this impact varies across territorial levels, especially among women with family responsibilities. We focus on Spain as a multilevel polity (national, regional, local chambers) with mandatory quotas to show that very few females with family responsibilities are selected in primaries at upper territorial levels. While primaries frequently facilitate women becoming local councillors, this method seems to exclude those with family responsibilities at regional and national levels where, to fulfil gender quotas, female candidates are more commonly appointed by the party elite. This process has repercussions since representatives selected by the leadership tend to be more disciplined and homogeneous than those selected in primaries.","PeriodicalId":47304,"journal":{"name":"South European Society and Politics","volume":"76 1","pages":"517 - 540"},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78216909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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