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Export or Perish: Can Internal Devaluation Create Enough Good Jobs in Southern Europe? 出口或灭亡:内部货币贬值能在南欧创造足够的好工作吗?
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1644813
Sofía A. Pérez, M. Matsaganis
ABSTRACT During the early 2010s, creditor states and EU institutions demanded that the Southern states of the eurozone liberalise their labour markets to facilitate internal devaluation and export-led recoveries. With some variation, the Greek, Portuguese, Spanish and Italian governments complied. This article explains why such a strategy of internal devaluation within the eurozone might fail to produce adequate employment growth to put these countries on stable financial footing. It exploits variation in the timing and intensity of reforms to evaluate the record of the internal devaluation strategy. Our findings suggest that there is no linear relationship between internal devaluation and export-growth. Even where the latter has been impressive, dualism persists and the employment recovery has been weak.
2010年代初,债权国和欧盟机构要求欧元区南部国家开放劳动力市场,以促进内部货币贬值和出口导向型复苏。希腊、葡萄牙、西班牙和意大利政府采取了一些不同的做法。本文解释了为什么欧元区内部的这种贬值策略可能无法产生足够的就业增长,从而使这些国家处于稳定的财政基础上。它利用改革时间和力度的变化来评估内部贬值战略的记录。我们的研究结果表明,内部贬值与出口增长之间不存在线性关系。即使在后者令人印象深刻的地方,二元论仍然存在,就业复苏一直疲弱。
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引用次数: 27
Beyond Conditionality: Policy Reversals in Southern Europe in the Aftermath of the Eurozone Crisis 超越条件:欧元区危机后南欧的政策逆转
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1641945
Catherine Moury, A. Afonso
ABSTRACT This article proposes a framework to understand and explain the occurrence of policy reversals. We argue that the occurrence and absence of policy reversals is shaped by the constraints of responsiveness (to voters) and responsibility (vis-à-vis creditors, international institutions and financial markets). We review the literature on reversals and their implications for Southern Europe. We finally summarise the main findings of the contributions in the volume, that address when and why governments prioritise responsiveness or responsibility, as well as the economic consequences of these choices.
本文提出了一个理解和解释政策逆转发生的框架。我们认为,政策逆转的发生和不存在是由(对选民)的反应能力和责任(相对于-à-vis债权人、国际机构和金融市场)的约束所决定的。我们回顾了有关逆转的文献及其对南欧的影响。最后,我们总结了本卷中贡献的主要发现,这些发现涉及政府何时以及为什么优先考虑响应或责任,以及这些选择的经济后果。
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引用次数: 15
Here to Stay? Reversals of Structural Reforms in Southern Europe as the Crisis Wanes 住在这里?危机消退时南欧结构性改革的逆转
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1640966
Rui Branco, Daniel Cardoso, A. Guillén, S. Sacchi, David Luque Balbona
ABSTRACT This article answers the fundamental question of whether structural reforms on labour market regulation and social protection in Italy, Portugal and Spain passed during the sovereign debt crisis endured or were reversed once external conditionality waned. The study defines categorises and illustrates structural policy reversals. It finds there have been significant structural policy reversals across the three cases, but the bulk of these reforms enacted under conditionality endures. It also finds that the waning of conditionality and harsh economic austerity alone is not enough to bring about full structural policy reversals. Rather, full reversals occur when this condition is combined with a change in government and its ideological orientation, or when the High Courts step in.
本文回答了意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙在主权债务危机期间通过的劳动力市场监管和社会保护结构性改革是否在外部条件减弱后得以延续或逆转的基本问题。该研究定义了分类,并说明了结构性政策逆转。报告发现,这三个国家都出现了重大的结构性政策逆转,但这些在有条件条件下实施的改革,大部分得以延续。报告还发现,仅凭条件的减弱和严厉的经济紧缩不足以带来全面的结构性政策逆转。相反,当这种情况与政府及其意识形态取向的变化相结合,或者当高等法院介入时,就会发生完全的逆转。
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引用次数: 21
When the Lenders Leave Town: Veto Players, Electoral Calculations and Vested Interests as Determinants of Policy Reversals in Spain and Portugal 当债权人离开:否决者、选举计算和既得利益是西班牙和葡萄牙政策逆转的决定因素
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1642622
Catherine Moury, Daniel Cardoso, Angie Gago
ABSTRACT This article aims to identify the resilience of measures adopted during bailout programmes, and the conditions under which decisions-makers reverse them. Focusing on Spain and Portugal (2014–2019), we calculated that almost half (46 per cent) of the most important measures adopted during the programmes were reversed in the five years following the bailouts. We also show that left-wing parties reversed more than right wing and that the bulk of structural reforms remained unchanged. Using crisp-set qualitative-comparative analysis (QCA), we find that business interests, veto players’ preferences and governments’ electoral calculations are determinants of reversals.
本文旨在确定救助计划期间采取的措施的弹性,以及决策者逆转这些措施的条件。以西班牙和葡萄牙(2014-2019年)为例,我们计算出,在纾困后的5年里,纾困计划期间采取的最重要措施中,有近一半(46%)被逆转。我们还表明,左翼政党的逆转幅度大于右翼政党,而且大部分结构性改革仍未改变。利用crisp-set定性比较分析(QCA),我们发现商业利益、否决权参与者的偏好和政府的选举计算是逆转的决定因素。
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引用次数: 12
Negative Perceptions of Jews in Turkish Politics: An Analysis of Parliamentary Debates, 1983-2016 土耳其政治对犹太人的负面看法:1983-2016年议会辩论分析
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-03-08 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1582856
T. Nefes
ABSTRACT What are the political roots of anti-Jewish rhetoric? To address this ever-important query, this study analyses perceptions of Jews in Turkish politics. Building on group position theory and the historical background of Turkish-Jewish relations, the research proposes that right-wing ideological orientation and perceived threats can predict negative perceptions of Jews. It scrutinises the Turkish parliamentary proceedings using quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The findings support the premise. The study concludes that discussing perceived threats tends to evoke negative rhetoric while right-wing ideological orientation seems to be a predictive factor for the expression of such views. This implies that an effective management of perceived threats would reduce the frequency of anti-Jewish statements in Turkish politics.
反犹太言论的政治根源是什么?为了回答这个重要的问题,本研究分析了土耳其政治中对犹太人的看法。基于群体立场理论和土耳其-犹太人关系的历史背景,该研究提出右翼意识形态取向和感知到的威胁可以预测对犹太人的负面看法。它使用定量和定性内容分析来审查土耳其议会程序。研究结果支持了这一假设。该研究得出结论,讨论感知到的威胁往往会引发负面言论,而右翼意识形态取向似乎是表达这种观点的一个预测因素。这意味着对感知到的威胁的有效管理将减少土耳其政治中反犹言论的频率。
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引用次数: 6
Policy Failure in the Triangle of Growth: Labour Market, Human Capital, and Innovation in Spain and Italy 增长三角中的政策失灵:西班牙和意大利的劳动力市场、人力资本和创新
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1575571
Luigi Burroni, Alberto Gherardini, Gemma Scalise
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the Italian and Spanish models of growth and analyses labour market, human capital and innovation policy reforms since the mid 1990s. The comparison with France and Germany shows the constraints that have hindered the rise of institutional complementarities and the competitiveness of the two Mediterranean countries already before the introd uction of the euro and the outbreak of the 2008 crisis. The analysis highlights both similarities and structural differences between Italy and Spain and demonstrates the long-term institutional conditions that explain why the economic breakdown has had such a deep impact on the two countries.
本文主要关注意大利和西班牙的增长模式,并分析了自20世纪90年代中期以来的劳动力市场、人力资本和创新政策改革。与法国和德国的比较表明,在引入欧元和2008年危机爆发之前,这两个地中海国家的机构互补性和竞争力就已经受到了制约。该分析强调了意大利和西班牙之间的相似之处和结构性差异,并展示了解释经济崩溃为何对这两个国家产生如此深远影响的长期制度条件。
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引用次数: 14
Southern Europe and the Eurozone Crisis Negotiations: Preference Formation and Contested Issues 南欧与欧元区危机谈判:偏好形成与争议问题
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1603697
Leonardo Morlino, Cecilia Emma Sottilotta
ABSTRACT South European countries were severely hit by the eurozone crisis. Adopting the theoretical framework of prospect theory, this article conducts an empirical analysis of the interpretation of the situation by the South European political leaders in terms of gains and losses. After discussing the stances of South European countries vis-à-vis a number of contested issues which emerged during the 2010–2013 negotiations, the article goes on to provide a comparative account of the determinants of national preference formation with respect to the eurozone crisis reforms in Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Malta, Portugal and Spain, paying special attention to the relationship between governments and parliaments.
南欧国家受到欧元区危机的严重打击。本文采用前景理论的理论框架,从得失两方面实证分析了南欧政治领导人对形势的解读。在讨论了南欧国家对-à-vis在2010-2013年谈判期间出现的一些有争议的问题的立场之后,本文继续提供关于塞浦路斯,希腊,意大利,马耳他,葡萄牙和西班牙的欧元区危机改革的国家偏好形成的决定因素的比较说明,特别关注政府和议会之间的关系。
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引用次数: 12
Piecing Together the ‘Turkish Puzzle’ on Female Labour Force Participation: Comparative Insights from Southern Europe 拼凑女性劳动力参与的“土耳其拼图”:来自南欧的比较见解
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1582667
H. Bolukbasi, A. Kutlu
ABSTRACT Southern Europe has seen remarkable turnarounds in female labour force participation (FLFP) over the past four decades. In Turkey, however, scores of women have yet to join the labour force. To address this ‘Turkish puzzle’, we present comparative data on women’s work in Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece (SE-4) and Turkey. Through Qualitative Comparative Analysis, we identify the factors behind rising FLFP in Southern Europe to explore the prospects for a steeper rise of FLFP in Turkey. We reveal two causal pathways to rising FLFP: (i) left party rule, or (ii) combinations of higher levels of take-up of early education and care, higher levels of tertiary education among women and larger size of service sector employment.
在过去的四十年里,南欧女性劳动力参与率(FLFP)出现了显著的转变。然而,在土耳其,许多妇女还没有加入劳动力大军。为了解决这一“土耳其之谜”,我们提供了葡萄牙、西班牙、意大利和希腊(SE-4)以及土耳其妇女工作的比较数据。通过定性比较分析,我们确定了南欧FLFP上升背后的因素,以探讨FLFP在土耳其急剧上升的前景。我们揭示了FLFP上升的两个因果途径:(i)左翼政党统治,或(ii)早期教育和护理的较高水平,妇女高等教育水平和服务业就业规模较大的组合。
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引用次数: 2
Facilitating the Italian Mafia: The Grey Zone of Complicity and Collusion 为意大利黑手党提供便利:共谋和勾结的灰色地带
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2019.1575563
Felia Allum, R. Merlino, A. Colletti
ABSTRACT Despite structural and operational differences, Italian mafias share an ability to expand and infiltrate global economies whilst remaining rooted within their local territory. They are not only the product of specific socio-economic and political conditions but also of the extensive complicity on which they can count. It is this fertile ‘grey zone’ of mafia relations with accomplices identified as enablers, facilitators, sponsors and helpers that is analysed here. Engaging with the existing literature and using a range of new judicial sources, including evidence from mafia trials, this article develops in-depth case studies to identify and examine the hidden face of Italian mafias.
尽管在结构和操作上存在差异,但意大利黑手党都有能力扩张和渗透全球经济,同时仍扎根于当地领土。它们不仅是特定的社会经济和政治条件的产物,而且也是它们所依赖的广泛共谋的产物。这里分析的是黑手党关系的肥沃“灰色地带”,同伙被认定为推动者、促进者、赞助者和帮助者。结合现有文献并使用一系列新的司法来源,包括黑手党审判的证据,本文开展了深入的案例研究,以识别和检查意大利黑手党的隐藏面孔。
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引用次数: 21
Yet Another Case of Electoral and Government Epidemic? The Turkish Cypriot Legislative Election of January 2018 又一个选举和政府泛滥的案例?2018年1月土族塞人立法选举
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2018-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/13608746.2018.1537175
A. Sözen, S. Sonan
ABSTRACT Following Bosco and Verney’s analyses of ‘electoral’ and ‘government epidemics’, the 2018 Turkish Cypriot legislative election is examined in the context of the impact of the economic crisis on elections and government formation in southern Europe. Despite its obvious idiosyncrasies as a self-declared state with 335,000 inhabitants, in the last decade of economic crisis and austerity policies, the Turkish Cypriot case has followed a largely similar pattern to other southern European countries: declining turnout; emergence of start-up parties; three consecutive early elections; a more fragmented parliament; sidelining of the biggest party in government formation; the first ever grand coalition; and, finally, an unprecedented four-party coalition bringing together parties from left, right, and centre.
继Bosco和Verney对“选举”和“政府流行病”的分析之后,2018年土族塞人立法选举在经济危机对南欧选举和政府组建影响的背景下进行了研究。尽管作为一个拥有33.5万居民的自诩国家,土族塞人有着明显的特点,但在过去十年的经济危机和紧缩政策中,土族塞人的情况与其他南欧国家大体相似:投票率下降;创业团队的出现;连续三次提前选举;一个更加分裂的议会;在组建政府时,最大的政党被排挤在外;有史以来第一次大联合政府;最后,一个史无前例的四党联盟将左翼、右翼和中间派政党联合起来。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
South European Society and Politics
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