Pub Date : 2013-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.18.4.L8642M6WP2L55J35
Neal Caren
I am honored to serve as editor for this special issue of Mobilization on innovative methods in social movements research. I was delighted when Rory McVeigh originally conceived of the idea of compiling manuscripts that employed cutting edge methods of collecting and analyzing data in order to advance contemporary social movement theory. I enjoyed the opportunity to review the wide variety of scholarly works I received for this issue. The six pieces included here represent the best submissions and emerging trends in the field. This special issue encapsulates the breadth of contemporary social movements research. Combined, the pieces highlight both the promise and difficulties associated with using new sources of data and methods. Although there are several similarities across the works, each one offers a unique contribution to the study of social movements. Jennifer Earl’s piece presents a solution to the tricky problem of collecting a representative sample from the Internet when preexisting lists from which to sample do not exist. Critically, Earl shows that findings are heavily driven by sampling strategies. Her study of “reachable websites” reports much higher levels of online-focused protest than prior studies that relied on organizational sampling frames. Alex Hanna’s piece on Egypt’s April 6 youth movement utilizes computeraided content analysis methods. Hanna applies these innovative methods to answer central questions concerning the content of movement discourse and how that content changes over the course of a movement. [0]His piece also serves as an excellent primer on the quantitative analysis of text data, in this case using data gathered from Facebook in multiple languages. While Hanna and Earl’s work are in line with a major trend in the field, the following pieces show that the future will not rely solely on automating analysis or Internet data. Hank Johnston and Eitan Alimi’s careful analysis of the subject-verb-object structure of key documents created by the Palestinian national movement provides an alternate way to examine the process of movement framing. The technique they introduce is grounded in framing theory, methodologically rigorous, and able to provide new insights into framing dynamics. Methods focused on the semantic elements of language move beyond the content of movement texts to offer an additional and underexplored level of meaning construction. Using a similar subject-verb-object method, but with a focus on acts rather than frames, Gianluca De Fazio traces the evolution of contentious relations in Northern Ireland from 1968-1972. Using story grammars and semantic triplets, he maps how the networks of violence changed through mechanisms of radicalization, such as object shift and boundary activation. By moving beyond event counts, this manuscript demonstrates a useful technique appropriate for relational social movement theories. In addition to the data and methods discussed thus far, there remain opportunities fo
{"title":"Frontiers in Social Movement Methodology","authors":"Neal Caren","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.18.4.L8642M6WP2L55J35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.18.4.L8642M6WP2L55J35","url":null,"abstract":"I am honored to serve as editor for this special issue of Mobilization on innovative methods in social movements research. I was delighted when Rory McVeigh originally conceived of the idea of compiling manuscripts that employed cutting edge methods of collecting and analyzing data in order to advance contemporary social movement theory. I enjoyed the opportunity to review the wide variety of scholarly works I received for this issue. The six pieces included here represent the best submissions and emerging trends in the field. This special issue encapsulates the breadth of contemporary social movements research. Combined, the pieces highlight both the promise and difficulties associated with using new sources of data and methods. Although there are several similarities across the works, each one offers a unique contribution to the study of social movements. Jennifer Earl’s piece presents a solution to the tricky problem of collecting a representative sample from the Internet when preexisting lists from which to sample do not exist. Critically, Earl shows that findings are heavily driven by sampling strategies. Her study of “reachable websites” reports much higher levels of online-focused protest than prior studies that relied on organizational sampling frames. Alex Hanna’s piece on Egypt’s April 6 youth movement utilizes computeraided content analysis methods. Hanna applies these innovative methods to answer central questions concerning the content of movement discourse and how that content changes over the course of a movement. [0]His piece also serves as an excellent primer on the quantitative analysis of text data, in this case using data gathered from Facebook in multiple languages. While Hanna and Earl’s work are in line with a major trend in the field, the following pieces show that the future will not rely solely on automating analysis or Internet data. Hank Johnston and Eitan Alimi’s careful analysis of the subject-verb-object structure of key documents created by the Palestinian national movement provides an alternate way to examine the process of movement framing. The technique they introduce is grounded in framing theory, methodologically rigorous, and able to provide new insights into framing dynamics. Methods focused on the semantic elements of language move beyond the content of movement texts to offer an additional and underexplored level of meaning construction. Using a similar subject-verb-object method, but with a focus on acts rather than frames, Gianluca De Fazio traces the evolution of contentious relations in Northern Ireland from 1968-1972. Using story grammars and semantic triplets, he maps how the networks of violence changed through mechanisms of radicalization, such as object shift and boundary activation. By moving beyond event counts, this manuscript demonstrates a useful technique appropriate for relational social movement theories. In addition to the data and methods discussed thus far, there remain opportunities fo","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.18.4.L8642M6WP2L55J35","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-30DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.18.3.R3377266074133W5
Wolfgang Rudig, G. Karyotis
In light of the emergence of mass protest against the austerity measures taken by the Greek government in 2010, we investigate whether these protests mobilized just the "usual suspects" of left-wing trade union activists, or if a new protest generation emerged. Using a general population survey carried out in December 2010, we find that almost one-third of the adult Greek population had taken part in anti-austerity protests, but less than one in five had been first-time protesters. Comparing new protesters with veteran protesters and nonprotesters, we find that new protest recruits do not fit the expected pattern in many respects. In particular, new demonstrators are less left wing than veterans and do not differ significantly from nondemonstrators, thus fitting the model of "apprentice" protesters. For the recruitment of new strikers, on the other hand, factors such as trade union membership and support for left-wing parties are more important.
{"title":"Beyond the usual suspects? New participants in anti-austerity protests in Greece","authors":"Wolfgang Rudig, G. Karyotis","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.18.3.R3377266074133W5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.18.3.R3377266074133W5","url":null,"abstract":"In light of the emergence of mass protest against the austerity measures taken by the Greek government in 2010, we investigate whether these protests mobilized just the \"usual suspects\" of left-wing trade union activists, or if a new protest generation emerged. Using a general population survey carried out in December 2010, we find that almost one-third of the adult Greek population had taken part in anti-austerity protests, but less than one in five had been first-time protesters. Comparing new protesters with veteran protesters and nonprotesters, we find that new protest recruits do not fit the expected pattern in many respects. In particular, new demonstrators are less left wing than veterans and do not differ significantly from nondemonstrators, thus fitting the model of \"apprentice\" protesters. For the recruitment of new strikers, on the other hand, factors such as trade union membership and support for left-wing parties are more important.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.18.3.R3377266074133W5","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-10DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.18.2.YW182663441J0015
Marieke Born, A. Akkerman, R. Torenvlied
We investigate two questions regarding the effect of information on participation in labor strikes: First, how are social identification and trust used as filters for information? Second, we investigate how cross-pressures affect willingness to participate. Using a dataset of 468 union members, we test hypotheses about the relationships between information, identification, trust, and participation with structural equation modeling. Specifically, we find that information from and identification with the union are highly important determinants of participation. Regarding information from management, trust is the most important determinant for preventing workers from participation. We also find a difference between workers who have previous strike experience and those who do not. These findings indicate that workers use different mechanisms for filtering information, depending on the source of information. This is a new discovery in mobilization research.
{"title":"Trust Your Boss or Listen to the Union? Information, Social Identification, Trust, and Strike Participation","authors":"Marieke Born, A. Akkerman, R. Torenvlied","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.18.2.YW182663441J0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.18.2.YW182663441J0015","url":null,"abstract":"We investigate two questions regarding the effect of information on participation in labor strikes: First, how are social identification and trust used as filters for information? Second, we investigate how cross-pressures affect willingness to participate. Using a dataset of 468 union members, we test hypotheses about the relationships between information, identification, trust, and participation with structural equation modeling. Specifically, we find that information from and identification with the union are highly important determinants of participation. Regarding information from management, trust is the most important determinant for preventing workers from participation. We also find a difference between workers who have previous strike experience and those who do not. These findings indicate that workers use different mechanisms for filtering information, depending on the source of information. This is a new discovery in mobilization research.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.18.2.YW182663441J0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-20DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.GJ8KM668P18611HJ
R. Leenders
This article addresses how and why the popular mobilization in Syria took off in the "peripheral" Dar'a region. Accordingly, it focuses on the province's dense social networks involving clans, labor migration, cross-border movements, and crime. It argues that Dar'a's social networks were important early in Syrian protest for several reasons: (1) They served as sites where nonconforming views on Ba'ath subordination could develop and be shared. (2) They contributed to the transfer, circulation, and interpretation of information whereby the shifting opportunities emanating from events in the region were recognized and the regime's threats were framed in ways that compelled people to act. (3) They provided an important sense of solidarity and presented the background against which recruitment for mobilization took place. (4) Finally, they provided key skills and resources for mobilization to be effective. Thanks to their miscibility, Dar'a's dense social networks substituted for the role attributed to broker...
{"title":"Collective Action and Mobilization in Dar'a: An Anatomy of the Onset of Syria's Popular Uprising","authors":"R. Leenders","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.GJ8KM668P18611HJ","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.GJ8KM668P18611HJ","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses how and why the popular mobilization in Syria took off in the \"peripheral\" Dar'a region. Accordingly, it focuses on the province's dense social networks involving clans, labor migration, cross-border movements, and crime. It argues that Dar'a's social networks were important early in Syrian protest for several reasons: (1) They served as sites where nonconforming views on Ba'ath subordination could develop and be shared. (2) They contributed to the transfer, circulation, and interpretation of information whereby the shifting opportunities emanating from events in the region were recognized and the regime's threats were framed in ways that compelled people to act. (3) They provided an important sense of solidarity and presented the background against which recruitment for mobilization took place. (4) Finally, they provided key skills and resources for mobilization to be effective. Thanks to their miscibility, Dar'a's dense social networks substituted for the role attributed to broker...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.GJ8KM668P18611HJ","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.10326742N0556V15
Charles Kurzman
If this special issue on Middle East protest had been published two years ago, it probably would have focused more on accounting for the failure of opposition movements than accountting for their successes. Since the "Arab Spring" emerged in the winter of 2011, however, observers have rushed to explain mass revolts in the region. This introduction to the special issue reviews some of the explanations offered for these extraordinary events, and finds that the factors that are frequently cited in these explanations do not map comfortably onto the sites of greatest protest in the region. The essay then suggests an alternative approach, one that looks past causation in an attempt to understand the lived experience of the uprisings. The goal is to examine how actors changed as they perceived the possibility of protest, how they made meaning of their lives through the act of protesting, or not protesting, during moments of exceptional confusion and stress. This approach focuses on the twists of history that con...
{"title":"The Arab Spring Uncoiled","authors":"Charles Kurzman","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.10326742N0556V15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.10326742N0556V15","url":null,"abstract":"If this special issue on Middle East protest had been published two years ago, it probably would have focused more on accounting for the failure of opposition movements than accountting for their successes. Since the \"Arab Spring\" emerged in the winter of 2011, however, observers have rushed to explain mass revolts in the region. This introduction to the special issue reviews some of the explanations offered for these extraordinary events, and finds that the factors that are frequently cited in these explanations do not map comfortably onto the sites of greatest protest in the region. The essay then suggests an alternative approach, one that looks past causation in an attempt to understand the lived experience of the uprisings. The goal is to examine how actors changed as they perceived the possibility of protest, how they made meaning of their lives through the act of protesting, or not protesting, during moments of exceptional confusion and stress. This approach focuses on the twists of history that con...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.10326742N0556V15","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.905210228N564037
A. Holmes
*† This article analyzes the 2011 uprising in Egypt in order to understand how an entrenched autocratic ruler could be toppled in a mere eighteen days. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, I argue that a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, as well as “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. My research is based on participant observation in and around Tahrir Square as well as dozens of interviews with Egyptian citizens.
{"title":"THERE ARE WEEKS WHEN DECADES HAPPEN: STRUCTURE AND STRATEGY IN THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION","authors":"A. Holmes","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.905210228N564037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.905210228N564037","url":null,"abstract":"*† This article analyzes the 2011 uprising in Egypt in order to understand how an entrenched autocratic ruler could be toppled in a mere eighteen days. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, I argue that a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, as well as “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. My research is based on participant observation in and around Tahrir Square as well as dozens of interviews with Egyptian citizens.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.4.905210228N564037","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.C5176254116U7881
D. Blocq, P. G. Klandermans, J. Stekelenburg, Vũ, F. Wetenschappen
This article explores how variation in political embeddedness of social movement organi-zations (SMOs) influences the management of emotions. By variation in the political embed-dedness of SMOs, we mean variation in the strength and the number of ties between SMOs and the political establishment. By management of emotions, we mean the efforts of SMO leaders to evoke particular emotions among SMO members. Using data from protest surveys conducted at demonstrations regarding climate change in Belgium and the Netherlands in 2009, we find that protestors who are members of more politically embedded SMOs are generally less angry than protestors who are members of less politically embedded SMOs. The finding that this pattern is especially strong among SMO members who heard about the dem-onstration through an SMO confirms the assumed role of SMO leaders in the management of emotions.
{"title":"Political embeddedmess and the management of emotions","authors":"D. Blocq, P. G. Klandermans, J. Stekelenburg, Vũ, F. Wetenschappen","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.C5176254116U7881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.C5176254116U7881","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how variation in political embeddedness of social movement organi-zations (SMOs) influences the management of emotions. By variation in the political embed-dedness of SMOs, we mean variation in the strength and the number of ties between SMOs and the political establishment. By management of emotions, we mean the efforts of SMO leaders to evoke particular emotions among SMO members. Using data from protest surveys conducted at demonstrations regarding climate change in Belgium and the Netherlands in 2009, we find that protestors who are members of more politically embedded SMOs are generally less angry than protestors who are members of less politically embedded SMOs. The finding that this pattern is especially strong among SMO members who heard about the dem-onstration through an SMO confirms the assumed role of SMO leaders in the management of emotions.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.C5176254116U7881","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.5M40368417V63828
Nina Eggert, Marco Giugni
We assess whether the distinction between old and new social movements still holds by examining the social class and value orientations of participants in old and new social movement protests. We argue that new cleavages have emerged from globalization, affecting not only electoral politics, but also contentious politics, and thereby having a homogenization effect on the structural basis of movements of the left. Moreover, we hypothesize that traditional cleavages, such as class mediate the homogenization effect of new cleavages. We look at participants in May Day and climate change demonstrations in Belgium and Sweden, two countries that differ in terms of strength of class cleavage. Results show that there is evidence of homogenization between old and new social movements and that this effect is more important when the class cleavage is stronger.
{"title":"Homogenizing Old and New Social Movements: A Comparison of Partipants in May Day and Climate Change Demonstrations","authors":"Nina Eggert, Marco Giugni","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.5M40368417V63828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.5M40368417V63828","url":null,"abstract":"We assess whether the distinction between old and new social movements still holds by examining the social class and value orientations of participants in old and new social movement protests. We argue that new cleavages have emerged from globalization, affecting not only electoral politics, but also contentious politics, and thereby having a homogenization effect on the structural basis of movements of the left. Moreover, we hypothesize that traditional cleavages, such as class mediate the homogenization effect of new cleavages. We look at participants in May Day and climate change demonstrations in Belgium and Sweden, two countries that differ in terms of strength of class cleavage. Results show that there is evidence of homogenization between old and new social movements and that this effect is more important when the class cleavage is stronger.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.5M40368417V63828","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.93G42727640W5102
B. Klandermans
In fall 2009, an interdisciplinary team of roughly twenty scholars from six different countries set out to collect data on street demonstrations. At the time of this writing, almost 70 demonstrations are covered and nearly 15,000 demonstrators surveyed, and we expect to cover an additional ten demonstrations in the future. Since 2009 the team has grown. The project now has more than thirty participants from nine different countries. Involvement has grown from a focus on the six original countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) to now include scholarship on Italy, Mexico, and the Czech Republic. This special issue is a first report on the findings generated by what we believe is the largest comparative study ever of participants in collective action. Street demonstrations have become more and more common throughout the world. Almost daily, newspapers report on street demonstrations taking place in some city, somewhere. The research project, entitled Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation (CCC), aims to increase our understanding of the dynamics of street demonstrations. Politics and societies have changed substantially during the last few decades (van Stekelenburg, Roggeband, and Klandermans forthcoming 2013). Increasingly, supranational political institutions have gained prominence and their impact on people’s daily lives has grown. At the same time, in many societies a new social fabric seems to be evolving. Loosely coupled networks have become a prime mode of structuring society, accelerated by the Internet, social media, and cell phones. In this new political and societal context, it remains poorly understood how people mobilize for change, who takes to the streets, and why. Studies of protest behavior tend to focus on single protest events or alternatively to employ general population surveys. Either type of study inevitably strips the data of contextual variation. Consequently, fundamental questions about how context influences contestation remain unanswered. Questions such as who participates in protests, why they participate, and how they are mobilized all lack, to date, comparative, evidence-based answers. The composition of the demonstrating crowd, the motivation of the participants, and the mobilization techniques that brought them to the streets are contingent on contextual variation, but, void of systematic comparison, we can only guess what the influence of the context may be. Tilly (2008) has argued that, like most contentious performances, street demonstrations obey the rules of strong repertoires. That is to say, participants in street demonstrations enact available scripts within which they innovate, but mostly in small ways. As a consequence, street demonstrations are the same and different every time they occur. Street demonstrations vary on a continuum from ritual parades to violent protest events. In this issue we will compare May Day parades and climate change demonstra
2009年秋天，一个由来自6个不同国家的大约20名学者组成的跨学科团队开始收集街头示威的数据。在撰写本文时，我们已经涵盖了近70个示威活动，并调查了近15,000名示威者，我们希望在未来再涵盖10个示威活动。自2009年以来，该团队不断壮大。该项目目前有来自9个不同国家的30多名参与者。参与已经从最初的六个国家(比利时、荷兰、英国、西班牙、瑞典和瑞士)发展到现在包括意大利、墨西哥和捷克共和国的奖学金。本期特刊是关于我们认为是迄今为止对集体行动参与者进行的最大规模的比较研究所产生的结果的第一份报告。街头示威在世界各地变得越来越普遍。几乎每天，报纸都会报道在某个城市某个地方发生的街头示威活动。该研究项目名为“陷入抗议行动:语境化争论”(CCC)，旨在加深我们对街头示威动态的理解。在过去的几十年里，政治和社会发生了巨大的变化(van Stekelenburg, Roggeband, and Klandermans即将于2013年出版)。超国家的政治机构越来越突出，它们对人们日常生活的影响也越来越大。与此同时，在许多社会中，一种新的社会结构似乎正在形成。松散耦合的网络已经成为构建社会的主要模式，互联网、社交媒体和手机加速了这一进程。在这种新的政治和社会背景下，人们对人们如何动员变革，谁走上街头以及为什么走上街头仍然知之甚少。对抗议行为的研究往往集中在单个抗议事件上，或者采用一般人口调查。无论哪种类型的研究都不可避免地剥离了上下文差异的数据。因此，关于语境如何影响争论的基本问题仍然没有答案。迄今为止，诸如谁参加抗议、他们为什么参加以及如何动员他们等问题都缺乏可比性的、基于证据的答案。示威人群的组成，参与者的动机，以及使他们走上街头的动员技术，都取决于上下文的变化，但是，由于缺乏系统的比较，我们只能猜测上下文的影响可能是什么。Tilly(2008)认为，像大多数有争议的表演一样，街头示威也遵循强剧目的规则。也就是说，街头示威的参与者按照现有的剧本进行创新，但主要是在小方面进行创新。因此，每次发生的街头示威都是相同的和不同的。街头示威活动从仪式性的游行到暴力抗议活动，变化多端。本期我们将比较五一节游行和气候变化示威。尽管五一节游行具有高度的仪式性质，但它们所传达的政治基调却各不相同。另一方面，气候变化示威活动则在仪式表现和更具争议性的事件之间摇摆不定。
{"title":"Between rituals and riots: The dynamics of street demonstrations","authors":"B. Klandermans","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.93G42727640W5102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.93G42727640W5102","url":null,"abstract":"In fall 2009, an interdisciplinary team of roughly twenty scholars from six different countries set out to collect data on street demonstrations. At the time of this writing, almost 70 demonstrations are covered and nearly 15,000 demonstrators surveyed, and we expect to cover an additional ten demonstrations in the future. Since 2009 the team has grown. The project now has more than thirty participants from nine different countries. Involvement has grown from a focus on the six original countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, the UK, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) to now include scholarship on Italy, Mexico, and the Czech Republic. This special issue is a first report on the findings generated by what we believe is the largest comparative study ever of participants in collective action. Street demonstrations have become more and more common throughout the world. Almost daily, newspapers report on street demonstrations taking place in some city, somewhere. The research project, entitled Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation (CCC), aims to increase our understanding of the dynamics of street demonstrations. Politics and societies have changed substantially during the last few decades (van Stekelenburg, Roggeband, and Klandermans forthcoming 2013). Increasingly, supranational political institutions have gained prominence and their impact on people’s daily lives has grown. At the same time, in many societies a new social fabric seems to be evolving. Loosely coupled networks have become a prime mode of structuring society, accelerated by the Internet, social media, and cell phones. In this new political and societal context, it remains poorly understood how people mobilize for change, who takes to the streets, and why. Studies of protest behavior tend to focus on single protest events or alternatively to employ general population surveys. Either type of study inevitably strips the data of contextual variation. Consequently, fundamental questions about how context influences contestation remain unanswered. Questions such as who participates in protests, why they participate, and how they are mobilized all lack, to date, comparative, evidence-based answers. The composition of the demonstrating crowd, the motivation of the participants, and the mobilization techniques that brought them to the streets are contingent on contextual variation, but, void of systematic comparison, we can only guess what the influence of the context may be. Tilly (2008) has argued that, like most contentious performances, street demonstrations obey the rules of strong repertoires. That is to say, participants in street demonstrations enact available scripts within which they innovate, but mostly in small ways. As a consequence, street demonstrations are the same and different every time they occur. Street demonstrations vary on a continuum from ritual parades to violent protest events. In this issue we will compare May Day parades and climate change demonstra","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.93G42727640W5102","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.U11178371006U588
Abby Peterson, Mattias Wahlström, Magnus Wennerhag, Camilo Christancho, Jose-Manuel Sabucedo
†In this article, we argue that there is an element of rituality in all political demonstrations. This rituality can be either primarily oriented toward the past and designed to consolidate the configuration of political power—hence official—or oriented towards the future and focused on challenging existing power structures—hence oppositional. We apply this conceptual framework in a comparison of May Day demonstrations in Belgium, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom in 2010. The demonstrations display significant differences in terms of officiality and oppositionality. Our study provides strong evidence that these differences cannot be explained solely—if at all—by stable elements of the national political opportunity structures. Instead, differences in degrees of oppositionality and officiality among May Day demonstrations should be primarily understood in terms of cultural traditions in combination with volatile factors such as the political orientation of the incumbent government and the level of grievances.
{"title":"May Day demonstrations in five European countries","authors":"Abby Peterson, Mattias Wahlström, Magnus Wennerhag, Camilo Christancho, Jose-Manuel Sabucedo","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.U11178371006U588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.U11178371006U588","url":null,"abstract":"†In this article, we argue that there is an element of rituality in all political demonstrations. This rituality can be either primarily oriented toward the past and designed to consolidate the configuration of political power—hence official—or oriented towards the future and focused on challenging existing power structures—hence oppositional. We apply this conceptual framework in a comparison of May Day demonstrations in Belgium, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom in 2010. The demonstrations display significant differences in terms of officiality and oppositionality. Our study provides strong evidence that these differences cannot be explained solely—if at all—by stable elements of the national political opportunity structures. Instead, differences in degrees of oppositionality and officiality among May Day demonstrations should be primarily understood in terms of cultural traditions in combination with volatile factors such as the political orientation of the incumbent government and the level of grievances.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.U11178371006U588","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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