Mobilization最新文献

英文中文

CONTEXTUALIZING CONTESTATION: FRAMEWORK, DESIGN, AND DATA * 语境化辩论:框架、设计和数据*

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2012-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.A4418X2Q772153X2

J. Stekelenburg, S. Walgrave, B. Klandermans, Joris Verhulst

This article presents the theoretical underpinnings, design, methods, and measures of the project, Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation. This effort examines street demonstrations that vary in atmosphere, organization, and target. The project particularly focuses on participants, exploring who participates, and why and how people got involved. Data are collected before, during, and after a number of demonstrations, and captures the entire “demonstration moment.” We develop standardized measures and techniques for sampling and data collection at the individual demonstrator level and at the contexual level. Evidence was gathered not only from the demonstrators but also from police, organizers, and the mass media. Data-gathering efforts were standardized through identical methods, questionnaires, fact sheets, and content analysis protocols. The CCC project examines demonstrations in Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Spain, Switzerland, and Sweden between 2009 and 2012. Teams from Italy, Mexico, and the Czech Republic joined the project at a later stage. The project has covered 61 demonstrations and 12,993 questionnaires have been completed to date. Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation project (CCC) is set up to combine interview data from individual demonstration participants with multilayered con-textual data. This combination provides insight into the relationship between individual participation and meaningful contextual differences. To that end, we developed standardized measures and techniques for sampling and data collection both at the individual demonstrator level and the context level (Klandermans, van Stekelenburg, van Troost, van Leeuwen, Walgrave, Verhulst, van Laer and Wouters 2010). This essay presents the CCC project, its theoretical underpinnings, design, methods, and measures. To start, we briefly elaborate upon the phenomenon of street demonstrations. 1 The

本文介绍了“陷入抗议行为:语境化争论”项目的理论基础、设计、方法和措施。这一努力考察了在气氛、组织和目标上各不相同的街头示威。该项目特别关注参与者，探索谁参与，以及人们为什么和如何参与。在许多演示之前、期间和之后收集数据，并捕获整个“演示时刻”。我们制定了标准化的措施和技术，用于在个人示范水平和环境水平上进行抽样和数据收集。证据不仅来自示威者，还来自警察、组织者和大众媒体。数据收集工作通过相同的方法、问卷调查、事实表和内容分析协议进行标准化。CCC项目考察了2009年至2012年间在比利时、荷兰、英国、西班牙、瑞士和瑞典的示范。来自意大利、墨西哥和捷克共和国的团队在后期加入了该项目。该项目包括61次示范，迄今已完成12 993份调查表。“陷入抗议行为:语境化争论项目”(CCC)的建立是为了将来自个别示威参与者的采访数据与多层语境数据相结合。这种结合提供了对个人参与和有意义的语境差异之间关系的洞察。为此，我们在个体示范水平和情境水平开发了标准化的采样和数据收集措施和技术(Klandermans, van Stekelenburg, van Troost, van Leeuwen, Walgrave, Verhulst, van Laer和Wouters 2010)。本文介绍了CCC项目及其理论基础、设计、方法和措施。首先，我们简单阐述一下街头示威的现象。1

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引用次数: 91

The Complex Agenda-Setting Power of Protest: Demonstrations, Media, Parliament, Government, and Legislation in Belgium, 1993-2000 抗议的复杂议程设定力:1993-2000年比利时的示威、媒体、议会、政府和立法

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2012-07-10 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.2.PW053M281356572H

S. Walgrave, R. Vliegenthart

We conducted pooled time-series analyses to assess how number and size of demonstrations affect the political agenda in Belgium (1993-2000). Taking twenty-five issues into account, this study finds that protest matters for the political agenda setting. This study also advances scholarly understanding of the agenda-setting power of protest by showing that the causal mechanisms of protest impact are complex and contingent. The parliamentary, governmental, and legislative attention for issues is significantly and differently affected by preceding protest activities. The media act as an intermediary variable: media coverage emerges in response to protest and, in turn, affects the political agenda afterwards. Protests on some issues have more effect than on others: in Belgium, new social movements protests are especially effective in causing parliament and government to focus attention on the issue.

我们进行了汇总时间序列分析，以评估示威活动的数量和规模如何影响比利时(1993-2000)的政治议程。考虑到25个问题，本研究发现抗议对政治议程设置很重要。本研究还通过表明抗议影响的因果机制是复杂和偶然的，推进了对抗议议程设置能力的学术理解。议会、政府和立法机构对问题的关注受到先前抗议活动的显著不同影响。媒体充当中介变量:媒体报道是对抗议活动的回应，反过来又影响随后的政治议程。针对某些问题的抗议比针对其他问题的抗议效果更好:在比利时，新社会运动的抗议在促使议会和政府关注这一问题方面尤其有效。

引用次数: 91

THE STUDY OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF ARMED GROUPS: LESSONS FROM THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT LITERATURE 武装团体的后果研究:来自社会运动文献的教训

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2012-02-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.4K31637MQUQ41016

L. Bosi, Marco Giugni

Despite the development of the political violence and terrorism literature, which has moved strongly forward in the past decade, scientific works on the consequences of armed groups are still rare. This article encourages cross-fertilization between the sparse studies of the consequences of political violence and the growing body of research on how social movements matter. First, we show the variety of potential outcomes of armed groups’ violent repertoires. We then review works on the consequences of social movements and highlight lessons for the study of armed groups. Specifically, we urge scholars to look for the interplay of internal and external factors in studying the impact of armed groups. We call for a comparative focus that dwells less on conditions and more on the processes and mechanisms affecting the impact of political violence. At the same time, we acknowledge that the literature on political violence and terrorism can inform social movement scholarship. In particular, students of social movements should pay more attention to the potential economic consequences of protest activities, the international factors constraining their impact, and the life-course patterns of movements’ targets.

尽管有关政治暴力和恐怖主义的文献在过去十年中取得了长足发展，但关于武装团体后果的科学著作仍然很少。本文鼓励对政治暴力后果的稀疏研究与对社会运动影响的日益增多的研究之间的相互促进。首先，我们展示了武装团体暴力行为的各种潜在后果。然后，我们回顾了有关社会运动后果的工作，并强调了研究武装团体的经验教训。具体而言，我们敦促学者在研究武装团体的影响时寻找内部和外部因素的相互作用。我们要求比较关注影响政治暴力影响的进程和机制，而不是条件。同时，我们承认关于政治暴力和恐怖主义的文献可以为社会运动奖学金提供信息。特别是，社会运动的学生应该更多地关注抗议活动的潜在经济后果，限制其影响的国际因素，以及运动目标的生命历程模式。

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引用次数: 28

Introduction to a Special Issue on Political Violence and Terrorism: Political Violence as Contentious Politics 政治暴力与恐怖主义特刊导论:政治暴力是有争议的政治

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2012-02-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.T401865VH16T3W57

J. Goodwin

Five lessons for future research on political violence may be drawn from the articles in this special issue. Researchers should (1) analyze political violence not as a sui generis phenomenon but as one form among others that contentious politics sometimes takes; (2) attempt to determine actors' own reasons for their choice (or rejection) of violent strategies; (3) take the "conflict situation" that encompasses the interactions of all the relevant actors (not single states, movements, or networks) as the unit of analysis for explaining collective strategic choices; (4) take the networks in which individuals interact (not single individuals) as the unit of analysis for explaining individuals' strategic choices; and (5) examine actors' decisions to eschew violence as well as their decisions to employ it in order to avoid overgeneralized explanations for the latter.

从本期特刊的文章中可以得出今后研究政治暴力的五个教训。研究人员应该(1)分析政治暴力时，不要将其视为一种特殊的现象，而应将其视为有争议的政治有时会采取的其他形式之一;(2)试图确定行为者选择(或拒绝)暴力策略的原因;(3)将包含所有相关行动者(不是单个国家、运动或网络)相互作用的“冲突情境”作为解释集体战略选择的分析单元;(4)以个体相互作用的网络(而非单个个体)为分析单位，解释个体的战略选择;(5)检查行为者避免暴力的决定以及他们使用暴力的决定，以避免对后者进行过度概括的解释。

引用次数: 15

Pushing Back and Stretching: Frame Adjustments Among Reproductive Rights Advocates in Peru 推回与伸展:秘鲁生殖权利倡导者的框架调整

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2011-12-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.4.05520N11615V7M0L

A. Coe

The paper examines how two reproductive rights coalitions in Peru adjust their framing by way of regular interactions with other collective actors. Qualitative data were gathered from the coalition ...

本文考察了秘鲁的两个生殖权利联盟如何通过与其他集体行动者的定期互动来调整其框架。从联盟中收集了定性数据。

引用次数: 18

Interests, Identities, and Relations: Drawing Boundaries in Civic Organizational Fields 利益、身份与关系:公民组织领域的边界划定

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2011-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.K301J7N67P472M17

M. Diani, Katia Pilati

This paper combines social movement and organizational theory to explore boundary definition in civic organizational fields. Drawing upon evidence from two British cities, and applying network analysis to relations between organizations interested in environmental and ethnicity and migration issues, we show that identities shape network patterns more consistently than interest in specific issues. While this finding supports previous insights from organizational and social movement research on the relation between identities and fields, we go beyond them, in showing that the role of identities is pivotal regardless of the nature of local political opportunity structures and cultures. We conclude by discussing possible strategies for exploring the link between organizational and social movement fields.

本文结合社会运动与组织理论，探讨公民组织领域的边界界定。根据来自两个英国城市的证据，并将网络分析应用于对环境、种族和移民问题感兴趣的组织之间的关系，我们表明，身份塑造网络模式比对特定问题的兴趣更一致。虽然这一发现支持了先前组织和社会运动研究中关于身份与领域之间关系的见解，但我们超越了它们，表明无论当地政治机会结构和文化的性质如何，身份的作用都是至关重要的。最后，我们讨论了探索组织和社会运动领域之间联系的可能策略。

引用次数: 28

Multiple Engagements and Network Bridging in Contentious Politics : Digital Media Use of Protest Participants 争议性政治中的多重参与和网络桥梁:抗议参与者的数字媒体使用

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2011-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.B0780274322458WK

S. Walgrave, W. Bennett, J. V. Laer, Christian Breunig

†Based on three series of protest surveys across nations, issues, and time, this study examines to what extent the use of digital media permits activists to sustain multiple engagements in different protest events and different movement organizations. We find that digital media use stimulates multiple activisms. Through information and communication technologies (ICTs), activists can maintain multiple engagements and manage weak ties with diverse protest and movement communities. The data also suggest that these multiple engagements and overlapping activisms effectively provide linkages to and integration within social movement networks. Core activists who are closely linked to protest organizations rely more on ICTs to manage their multiple commitments. Even activists less closely tied to core protest organizations can link to more diverse communities through Internet use. These basic patterns systematically hold across nations, across issues, and across time.

†基于跨国家、议题和时间的三个系列抗议调查，本研究考察了数字媒体的使用在多大程度上允许活动家在不同的抗议事件和不同的运动组织中维持多重参与。我们发现数字媒体的使用激发了多种活动。通过信息和通信技术(ict)，活动人士可以保持多种参与，并管理与各种抗议和运动社区的薄弱联系。数据还表明，这些多重参与和重叠的活动有效地提供了与社会运动网络的联系和整合。与抗议组织关系密切的核心活动人士更多地依靠信息通信技术来管理他们的多重承诺。即使是与核心抗议组织联系不那么紧密的活动人士，也可以通过互联网与更多样化的社区建立联系。这些基本模式系统地适用于不同的国家、不同的问题和不同的时代。

引用次数: 104

Political context, organizational engagement, and protest in African countries 非洲国家的政治背景、组织参与和抗议

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2011-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.T5578801065MX5W0

Katia Pilati

*† This article analyzes levels of protest mobilization in eighteen African countries—by far the region least studied by researchers of protest dynamics. Theoretically, its goal is to integrate the role of organizational engagement into political opportunity approaches to protest mobilization. Empirically, it uses African data to test whether Western-driven theories provide useful insights for analyzing protest dynamics in developing countries. The analysis yields three major findings: (1) the more open and democratic the political context, the more individuals mobilize, although the impact of the political opportunity structure in repressive contexts is less certain; (2) the more individuals are engaged in organizations, excluding religious organizations, the more they mobilize; (3) the impact of individual organizational engagement on the probability of mobilizing in protests does not change across contexts. Scholars working in the political process tradition largely agree on three dimensions that shape protest mobilization: political opportunities, organizations, and framing processes (McAdam 1999; Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). Nevertheless, most work has focused on one dimension over the others. In particular, the reductionist view of political opportunities has taken some criticism: “perceived and socially constructed opportunities have given way to ‘political opportunity structures’ (POS) and, with this change, what once was conceived of as a structural/ constructionist account of movement emergence has become a structurally determinist one” (McAdam 1999: 6). While political opportunities have generally been considered political opportunity “structures,” resource mobilization theory (RMT) focused on organizations (McCarthy and Zald 1977) and later work privileging relational approaches focused on networks among organizations and activists (Diani and McAdam 2003). Meanwhile, interpretative frames have been the favorite object of cultural approaches that analyze the cognitive, affective, and emotional sides of participation and engagement in collective action (Melucci 1989; Snow and Benford 1992; Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Polletta and Jasper 2001). In this article, I integrate perspectives on political opportunities with the analysis of the organizational dimension. I do so by examining the impact of different types of political regimes and engagement in organizations on individual mobilization. In addition, I advance some hypotheses on the moderating effect of political regimes on the impact that organizational engagement has on mobilization. I argue this approach is particularly fruitful when analyzing repressive contexts because organizational resources—both material and symbolic— may partly counterbalance the dampening effects of a closed political context. In fact, organizations convey

*†本文分析了18个非洲国家的抗议动员水平，这是迄今为止抗议动态研究人员研究最少的地区。从理论上讲，其目标是将组织参与的作用整合到抗议动员的政治机会方法中。从经验上看，它使用非洲的数据来检验西方驱动的理论是否为分析发展中国家的抗议动态提供了有用的见解。分析得出三个主要发现:(1)政治环境越开放和民主，个人动员越多，尽管政治机会结构在压制性环境中的影响不太确定;(2)除宗教组织外，个人参与的组织越多，其动员程度越高;(3)个体组织参与对抗议动员概率的影响在不同情境下没有变化。研究政治过程传统的学者在很大程度上同意塑造抗议动员的三个维度:政治机会、组织和框架过程(McAdam 1999;Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995;麦克亚当，塔罗和蒂利2001)。然而，大多数工作都集中在一个方面而不是其他方面。特别是，关于政治机会的还原论观点受到了一些批评:“感知的和社会建构的机会已经让位于‘政治机会结构’(POS)，随着这种变化，曾经被认为是运动出现的结构/建构主义解释已经成为结构决定论”(McAdam 1999)。6)虽然政治机会通常被认为是政治机会的“结构”，但资源动员理论(RMT)侧重于组织(McCarthy and Zald 1977)，后来的工作特权关系方法侧重于组织和活动家之间的网络(Diani and McAdam 2003)。与此同时，解释框架一直是分析集体行动中参与和参与的认知、情感和情感方面的文化方法最喜欢的对象(Melucci 1989;Snow and Benford 1992;Johnston and Klandermans 1995;Polletta and Jasper 2001)。在本文中，我将政治机会的观点与组织维度的分析结合起来。我通过研究不同类型的政治制度和组织参与对个人动员的影响来做到这一点。此外，我提出了一些关于政治制度对组织参与对动员的影响的调节作用的假设。我认为这种方法在分析压制性环境时特别有效，因为组织资源——无论是物质的还是象征的——可能在一定程度上抵消封闭政治环境的抑制作用。事实上，组织传达

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引用次数: 21

Quarrelling and protesting: How organizers shape a demonstration 争吵和抗议:组织者如何塑造示威

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2011-06-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.2.H686775X423496WH

M. Boekkooi, B. Klandermans, Jacquelien van Stekelenburg

On February 15, 2003, about 20 million people around the world protested against the imminent war in Iraq. In the Netherlands, 70,000 people marched in the streets of Amsterdam. This study focuses on the organization and mobilization processes preceding this event in Amsterdam. We trace how the organizers' attempts to form a coalition and the quarrels that ensued affected mobilization efforts, composition of the demonstration, media attention, and, subsequently, how and when participants were mobilized. We argue that, although infrequently studied, the specific ways that initial mobilization structures are formed are critical factors in the trajectory of mobilization. We use in-depth interviews with the organizers, newspaper content analyses, and survey data from participants to trace these effects.

2003年2月15日，全世界约有2000万人举行抗议活动，反对迫在眉睫的伊拉克战争。在荷兰，7万人在阿姆斯特丹街头游行。本研究的重点是在阿姆斯特丹举行这一活动之前的组织和动员过程。我们追踪了组织者组建联盟的尝试和随后的争吵如何影响动员工作、示威的组成、媒体的关注，以及随后参与者如何和何时被动员。我们认为，虽然很少被研究，但初始动员结构形成的具体方式是动员轨迹中的关键因素。我们使用对组织者的深度访谈、报纸内容分析和参与者的调查数据来追踪这些影响。

引用次数: 23

Making Her Own Way: The Individualization of First-Wave Feminism, 1910-1930 走自己的路:第一波女性主义的个体化，1910-1930

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY

Mobilization

Pub Date : 2011-06-01 DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.2.H4J28147N4621253

Alison Faupel, Regina Werum

Scholars of the women's movement often postulate that it dissipated after winning suffrage in 1920, but empirical studies about the movement's post-victory transformation remain scarce. We use the first wave of the women's movement to explore the conditions under which movement frames change during periods of decline. Drawing on political opportunity theory, we hypothesize that waning political and cultural opportunities for collective action should lead to a rise in individualist frames. To that end, we examine how a prominent movement organization's use of collectivist versus individualist frames changed over time. We conducted a systematic analysis of 1,735 articles from the feminist publication The Woman's Journal, spanning the pre- and post-suffrage period (1910-1930). Our analyses generally support the political opportunity framework, suggesting that trends towards individualization emerge during periods of diminishing political and cultural opportunities, which in turn challenge movements' ability ...

研究妇女运动的学者经常假设，在1920年赢得选举权后，妇女运动就消失了，但关于妇女运动胜利后转变的实证研究仍然很少。我们用第一波妇女运动来探索运动框架在衰退时期变化的条件。根据政治机会理论，我们假设集体行动的政治和文化机会的减少应该导致个人主义框架的兴起。为此，我们研究了一个著名的运动组织对集体主义和个人主义框架的使用是如何随着时间的推移而变化的。我们系统地分析了1735篇来自女权主义刊物《妇女杂志》(the Woman’s Journal)的文章，涵盖了选举权之前和之后的时期(1910-1930)。我们的分析总体上支持政治机会框架，表明个性化趋势出现在政治和文化机会减少的时期，这反过来又挑战了运动的能力……

引用次数: 10

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