Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.A4418X2Q772153X2
J. Stekelenburg, S. Walgrave, B. Klandermans, Joris Verhulst
This article presents the theoretical underpinnings, design, methods, and measures of the project, Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation. This effort examines street demonstrations that vary in atmosphere, organization, and target. The project particularly focuses on participants, exploring who participates, and why and how people got involved. Data are collected before, during, and after a number of demonstrations, and captures the entire “demonstration moment.” We develop standardized measures and techniques for sampling and data collection at the individual demonstrator level and at the contexual level. Evidence was gathered not only from the demonstrators but also from police, organizers, and the mass media. Data-gathering efforts were standardized through identical methods, questionnaires, fact sheets, and content analysis protocols. The CCC project examines demonstrations in Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Spain, Switzerland, and Sweden between 2009 and 2012. Teams from Italy, Mexico, and the Czech Republic joined the project at a later stage. The project has covered 61 demonstrations and 12,993 questionnaires have been completed to date. Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation project (CCC) is set up to combine interview data from individual demonstration participants with multilayered con-textual data. This combination provides insight into the relationship between individual participation and meaningful contextual differences. To that end, we developed standardized measures and techniques for sampling and data collection both at the individual demonstrator level and the context level (Klandermans, van Stekelenburg, van Troost, van Leeuwen, Walgrave, Verhulst, van Laer and Wouters 2010). This essay presents the CCC project, its theoretical underpinnings, design, methods, and measures. To start, we briefly elaborate upon the phenomenon of street demonstrations. 1 The
本文介绍了“陷入抗议行为:语境化争论”项目的理论基础、设计、方法和措施。这一努力考察了在气氛、组织和目标上各不相同的街头示威。该项目特别关注参与者，探索谁参与，以及人们为什么和如何参与。在许多演示之前、期间和之后收集数据，并捕获整个“演示时刻”。我们制定了标准化的措施和技术，用于在个人示范水平和环境水平上进行抽样和数据收集。证据不仅来自示威者，还来自警察、组织者和大众媒体。数据收集工作通过相同的方法、问卷调查、事实表和内容分析协议进行标准化。CCC项目考察了2009年至2012年间在比利时、荷兰、英国、西班牙、瑞士和瑞典的示范。来自意大利、墨西哥和捷克共和国的团队在后期加入了该项目。该项目包括61次示范，迄今已完成12 993份调查表。“陷入抗议行为:语境化争论项目”(CCC)的建立是为了将来自个别示威参与者的采访数据与多层语境数据相结合。这种结合提供了对个人参与和有意义的语境差异之间关系的洞察。为此，我们在个体示范水平和情境水平开发了标准化的采样和数据收集措施和技术(Klandermans, van Stekelenburg, van Troost, van Leeuwen, Walgrave, Verhulst, van Laer和Wouters 2010)。本文介绍了CCC项目及其理论基础、设计、方法和措施。首先，我们简单阐述一下街头示威的现象。1
{"title":"CONTEXTUALIZING CONTESTATION: FRAMEWORK, DESIGN, AND DATA *","authors":"J. Stekelenburg, S. Walgrave, B. Klandermans, Joris Verhulst","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.A4418X2Q772153X2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.A4418X2Q772153X2","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the theoretical underpinnings, design, methods, and measures of the project, Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation. This effort examines street demonstrations that vary in atmosphere, organization, and target. The project particularly focuses on participants, exploring who participates, and why and how people got involved. Data are collected before, during, and after a number of demonstrations, and captures the entire “demonstration moment.” We develop standardized measures and techniques for sampling and data collection at the individual demonstrator level and at the contexual level. Evidence was gathered not only from the demonstrators but also from police, organizers, and the mass media. Data-gathering efforts were standardized through identical methods, questionnaires, fact sheets, and content analysis protocols. The CCC project examines demonstrations in Belgium, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Spain, Switzerland, and Sweden between 2009 and 2012. Teams from Italy, Mexico, and the Czech Republic joined the project at a later stage. The project has covered 61 demonstrations and 12,993 questionnaires have been completed to date. Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation project (CCC) is set up to combine interview data from individual demonstration participants with multilayered con-textual data. This combination provides insight into the relationship between individual participation and meaningful contextual differences. To that end, we developed standardized measures and techniques for sampling and data collection both at the individual demonstrator level and the context level (Klandermans, van Stekelenburg, van Troost, van Leeuwen, Walgrave, Verhulst, van Laer and Wouters 2010). This essay presents the CCC project, its theoretical underpinnings, design, methods, and measures. To start, we briefly elaborate upon the phenomenon of street demonstrations. 1 The","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.3.A4418X2Q772153X2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-07-10DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.2.PW053M281356572H
S. Walgrave, R. Vliegenthart
We conducted pooled time-series analyses to assess how number and size of demonstrations affect the political agenda in Belgium (1993-2000). Taking twenty-five issues into account, this study finds that protest matters for the political agenda setting. This study also advances scholarly understanding of the agenda-setting power of protest by showing that the causal mechanisms of protest impact are complex and contingent. The parliamentary, governmental, and legislative attention for issues is significantly and differently affected by preceding protest activities. The media act as an intermediary variable: media coverage emerges in response to protest and, in turn, affects the political agenda afterwards. Protests on some issues have more effect than on others: in Belgium, new social movements protests are especially effective in causing parliament and government to focus attention on the issue.
{"title":"The Complex Agenda-Setting Power of Protest: Demonstrations, Media, Parliament, Government, and Legislation in Belgium, 1993-2000","authors":"S. Walgrave, R. Vliegenthart","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.2.PW053M281356572H","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.2.PW053M281356572H","url":null,"abstract":"We conducted pooled time-series analyses to assess how number and size of demonstrations affect the political agenda in Belgium (1993-2000). Taking twenty-five issues into account, this study finds that protest matters for the political agenda setting. This study also advances scholarly understanding of the agenda-setting power of protest by showing that the causal mechanisms of protest impact are complex and contingent. The parliamentary, governmental, and legislative attention for issues is significantly and differently affected by preceding protest activities. The media act as an intermediary variable: media coverage emerges in response to protest and, in turn, affects the political agenda afterwards. Protests on some issues have more effect than on others: in Belgium, new social movements protests are especially effective in causing parliament and government to focus attention on the issue.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.2.PW053M281356572H","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.4K31637MQUQ41016
L. Bosi, Marco Giugni
Despite the development of the political violence and terrorism literature, which has moved strongly forward in the past decade, scientific works on the consequences of armed groups are still rare. This article encourages cross-fertilization between the sparse studies of the consequences of political violence and the growing body of research on how social movements matter. First, we show the variety of potential outcomes of armed groups’ violent repertoires. We then review works on the consequences of social movements and highlight lessons for the study of armed groups. Specifically, we urge scholars to look for the interplay of internal and external factors in studying the impact of armed groups. We call for a comparative focus that dwells less on conditions and more on the processes and mechanisms affecting the impact of political violence. At the same time, we acknowledge that the literature on political violence and terrorism can inform social movement scholarship. In particular, students of social movements should pay more attention to the potential economic consequences of protest activities, the international factors constraining their impact, and the life-course patterns of movements’ targets.
{"title":"THE STUDY OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF ARMED GROUPS: LESSONS FROM THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT LITERATURE","authors":"L. Bosi, Marco Giugni","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.4K31637MQUQ41016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.4K31637MQUQ41016","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the development of the political violence and terrorism literature, which has moved strongly forward in the past decade, scientific works on the consequences of armed groups are still rare. This article encourages cross-fertilization between the sparse studies of the consequences of political violence and the growing body of research on how social movements matter. First, we show the variety of potential outcomes of armed groups’ violent repertoires. We then review works on the consequences of social movements and highlight lessons for the study of armed groups. Specifically, we urge scholars to look for the interplay of internal and external factors in studying the impact of armed groups. We call for a comparative focus that dwells less on conditions and more on the processes and mechanisms affecting the impact of political violence. At the same time, we acknowledge that the literature on political violence and terrorism can inform social movement scholarship. In particular, students of social movements should pay more attention to the potential economic consequences of protest activities, the international factors constraining their impact, and the life-course patterns of movements’ targets.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.4K31637MQUQ41016","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.T401865VH16T3W57
J. Goodwin
Five lessons for future research on political violence may be drawn from the articles in this special issue. Researchers should (1) analyze political violence not as a sui generis phenomenon but as one form among others that contentious politics sometimes takes; (2) attempt to determine actors' own reasons for their choice (or rejection) of violent strategies; (3) take the "conflict situation" that encompasses the interactions of all the relevant actors (not single states, movements, or networks) as the unit of analysis for explaining collective strategic choices; (4) take the networks in which individuals interact (not single individuals) as the unit of analysis for explaining individuals' strategic choices; and (5) examine actors' decisions to eschew violence as well as their decisions to employ it in order to avoid overgeneralized explanations for the latter.
{"title":"Introduction to a Special Issue on Political Violence and Terrorism: Political Violence as Contentious Politics","authors":"J. Goodwin","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.T401865VH16T3W57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.T401865VH16T3W57","url":null,"abstract":"Five lessons for future research on political violence may be drawn from the articles in this special issue. Researchers should (1) analyze political violence not as a sui generis phenomenon but as one form among others that contentious politics sometimes takes; (2) attempt to determine actors' own reasons for their choice (or rejection) of violent strategies; (3) take the \"conflict situation\" that encompasses the interactions of all the relevant actors (not single states, movements, or networks) as the unit of analysis for explaining collective strategic choices; (4) take the networks in which individuals interact (not single individuals) as the unit of analysis for explaining individuals' strategic choices; and (5) examine actors' decisions to eschew violence as well as their decisions to employ it in order to avoid overgeneralized explanations for the latter.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2012-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.17.1.T401865VH16T3W57","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-12-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.4.05520N11615V7M0L
A. Coe
The paper examines how two reproductive rights coalitions in Peru adjust their framing by way of regular interactions with other collective actors. Qualitative data were gathered from the coalition ...
{"title":"Pushing Back and Stretching: Frame Adjustments Among Reproductive Rights Advocates in Peru","authors":"A. Coe","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.4.05520N11615V7M0L","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.4.05520N11615V7M0L","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines how two reproductive rights coalitions in Peru adjust their framing by way of regular interactions with other collective actors. Qualitative data were gathered from the coalition ...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.16.4.05520N11615V7M0L","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.K301J7N67P472M17
M. Diani, Katia Pilati
This paper combines social movement and organizational theory to explore boundary definition in civic organizational fields. Drawing upon evidence from two British cities, and applying network analysis to relations between organizations interested in environmental and ethnicity and migration issues, we show that identities shape network patterns more consistently than interest in specific issues. While this finding supports previous insights from organizational and social movement research on the relation between identities and fields, we go beyond them, in showing that the role of identities is pivotal regardless of the nature of local political opportunity structures and cultures. We conclude by discussing possible strategies for exploring the link between organizational and social movement fields.
{"title":"Interests, Identities, and Relations: Drawing Boundaries in Civic Organizational Fields","authors":"M. Diani, Katia Pilati","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.K301J7N67P472M17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.K301J7N67P472M17","url":null,"abstract":"This paper combines social movement and organizational theory to explore boundary definition in civic organizational fields. Drawing upon evidence from two British cities, and applying network analysis to relations between organizations interested in environmental and ethnicity and migration issues, we show that identities shape network patterns more consistently than interest in specific issues. While this finding supports previous insights from organizational and social movement research on the relation between identities and fields, we go beyond them, in showing that the role of identities is pivotal regardless of the nature of local political opportunity structures and cultures. We conclude by discussing possible strategies for exploring the link between organizational and social movement fields.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.K301J7N67P472M17","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438851","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.B0780274322458WK
S. Walgrave, W. Bennett, J. V. Laer, Christian Breunig
†Based on three series of protest surveys across nations, issues, and time, this study examines to what extent the use of digital media permits activists to sustain multiple engagements in different protest events and different movement organizations. We find that digital media use stimulates multiple activisms. Through information and communication technologies (ICTs), activists can maintain multiple engagements and manage weak ties with diverse protest and movement communities. The data also suggest that these multiple engagements and overlapping activisms effectively provide linkages to and integration within social movement networks. Core activists who are closely linked to protest organizations rely more on ICTs to manage their multiple commitments. Even activists less closely tied to core protest organizations can link to more diverse communities through Internet use. These basic patterns systematically hold across nations, across issues, and across time.
{"title":"Multiple Engagements and Network Bridging in Contentious Politics : Digital Media Use of Protest Participants","authors":"S. Walgrave, W. Bennett, J. V. Laer, Christian Breunig","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.B0780274322458WK","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.B0780274322458WK","url":null,"abstract":"†Based on three series of protest surveys across nations, issues, and time, this study examines to what extent the use of digital media permits activists to sustain multiple engagements in different protest events and different movement organizations. We find that digital media use stimulates multiple activisms. Through information and communication technologies (ICTs), activists can maintain multiple engagements and manage weak ties with diverse protest and movement communities. The data also suggest that these multiple engagements and overlapping activisms effectively provide linkages to and integration within social movement networks. Core activists who are closely linked to protest organizations rely more on ICTs to manage their multiple commitments. Even activists less closely tied to core protest organizations can link to more diverse communities through Internet use. These basic patterns systematically hold across nations, across issues, and across time.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.B0780274322458WK","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-09-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.T5578801065MX5W0
Katia Pilati
*† This article analyzes levels of protest mobilization in eighteen African countries—by far the region least studied by researchers of protest dynamics. Theoretically, its goal is to integrate the role of organizational engagement into political opportunity approaches to protest mobilization. Empirically, it uses African data to test whether Western-driven theories provide useful insights for analyzing protest dynamics in developing countries. The analysis yields three major findings: (1) the more open and democratic the political context, the more individuals mobilize, although the impact of the political opportunity structure in repressive contexts is less certain; (2) the more individuals are engaged in organizations, excluding religious organizations, the more they mobilize; (3) the impact of individual organizational engagement on the probability of mobilizing in protests does not change across contexts. Scholars working in the political process tradition largely agree on three dimensions that shape protest mobilization: political opportunities, organizations, and framing processes (McAdam 1999; Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). Nevertheless, most work has focused on one dimension over the others. In particular, the reductionist view of political opportunities has taken some criticism: “perceived and socially constructed opportunities have given way to ‘political opportunity structures’ (POS) and, with this change, what once was conceived of as a structural/ constructionist account of movement emergence has become a structurally determinist one” (McAdam 1999: 6). While political opportunities have generally been considered political opportunity “structures,” resource mobilization theory (RMT) focused on organizations (McCarthy and Zald 1977) and later work privileging relational approaches focused on networks among organizations and activists (Diani and McAdam 2003). Meanwhile, interpretative frames have been the favorite object of cultural approaches that analyze the cognitive, affective, and emotional sides of participation and engagement in collective action (Melucci 1989; Snow and Benford 1992; Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Polletta and Jasper 2001). In this article, I integrate perspectives on political opportunities with the analysis of the organizational dimension. I do so by examining the impact of different types of political regimes and engagement in organizations on individual mobilization. In addition, I advance some hypotheses on the moderating effect of political regimes on the impact that organizational engagement has on mobilization. I argue this approach is particularly fruitful when analyzing repressive contexts because organizational resources—both material and symbolic— may partly counterbalance the dampening effects of a closed political context. In fact, organizations convey
*†本文分析了18个非洲国家的抗议动员水平，这是迄今为止抗议动态研究人员研究最少的地区。从理论上讲，其目标是将组织参与的作用整合到抗议动员的政治机会方法中。从经验上看，它使用非洲的数据来检验西方驱动的理论是否为分析发展中国家的抗议动态提供了有用的见解。分析得出三个主要发现:(1)政治环境越开放和民主，个人动员越多，尽管政治机会结构在压制性环境中的影响不太确定;(2)除宗教组织外，个人参与的组织越多，其动员程度越高;(3)个体组织参与对抗议动员概率的影响在不同情境下没有变化。研究政治过程传统的学者在很大程度上同意塑造抗议动员的三个维度:政治机会、组织和框架过程(McAdam 1999;Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995;麦克亚当，塔罗和蒂利2001)。然而，大多数工作都集中在一个方面而不是其他方面。特别是，关于政治机会的还原论观点受到了一些批评:“感知的和社会建构的机会已经让位于‘政治机会结构’(POS)，随着这种变化，曾经被认为是运动出现的结构/建构主义解释已经成为结构决定论”(McAdam 1999)。6)虽然政治机会通常被认为是政治机会的“结构”，但资源动员理论(RMT)侧重于组织(McCarthy and Zald 1977)，后来的工作特权关系方法侧重于组织和活动家之间的网络(Diani and McAdam 2003)。与此同时，解释框架一直是分析集体行动中参与和参与的认知、情感和情感方面的文化方法最喜欢的对象(Melucci 1989;Snow and Benford 1992;Johnston and Klandermans 1995;Polletta and Jasper 2001)。在本文中，我将政治机会的观点与组织维度的分析结合起来。我通过研究不同类型的政治制度和组织参与对个人动员的影响来做到这一点。此外，我提出了一些关于政治制度对组织参与对动员的影响的调节作用的假设。我认为这种方法在分析压制性环境时特别有效，因为组织资源——无论是物质的还是象征的——可能在一定程度上抵消封闭政治环境的抑制作用。事实上，组织传达
{"title":"Political context, organizational engagement, and protest in African countries","authors":"Katia Pilati","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.T5578801065MX5W0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.T5578801065MX5W0","url":null,"abstract":"*† This article analyzes levels of protest mobilization in eighteen African countries—by far the region least studied by researchers of protest dynamics. Theoretically, its goal is to integrate the role of organizational engagement into political opportunity approaches to protest mobilization. Empirically, it uses African data to test whether Western-driven theories provide useful insights for analyzing protest dynamics in developing countries. The analysis yields three major findings: (1) the more open and democratic the political context, the more individuals mobilize, although the impact of the political opportunity structure in repressive contexts is less certain; (2) the more individuals are engaged in organizations, excluding religious organizations, the more they mobilize; (3) the impact of individual organizational engagement on the probability of mobilizing in protests does not change across contexts. Scholars working in the political process tradition largely agree on three dimensions that shape protest mobilization: political opportunities, organizations, and framing processes (McAdam 1999; Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). Nevertheless, most work has focused on one dimension over the others. In particular, the reductionist view of political opportunities has taken some criticism: “perceived and socially constructed opportunities have given way to ‘political opportunity structures’ (POS) and, with this change, what once was conceived of as a structural/ constructionist account of movement emergence has become a structurally determinist one” (McAdam 1999: 6). While political opportunities have generally been considered political opportunity “structures,” resource mobilization theory (RMT) focused on organizations (McCarthy and Zald 1977) and later work privileging relational approaches focused on networks among organizations and activists (Diani and McAdam 2003). Meanwhile, interpretative frames have been the favorite object of cultural approaches that analyze the cognitive, affective, and emotional sides of participation and engagement in collective action (Melucci 1989; Snow and Benford 1992; Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Polletta and Jasper 2001). In this article, I integrate perspectives on political opportunities with the analysis of the organizational dimension. I do so by examining the impact of different types of political regimes and engagement in organizations on individual mobilization. In addition, I advance some hypotheses on the moderating effect of political regimes on the impact that organizational engagement has on mobilization. I argue this approach is particularly fruitful when analyzing repressive contexts because organizational resources—both material and symbolic— may partly counterbalance the dampening effects of a closed political context. In fact, organizations convey","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.16.3.T5578801065MX5W0","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.2.H686775X423496WH
M. Boekkooi, B. Klandermans, Jacquelien van Stekelenburg
On February 15, 2003, about 20 million people around the world protested against the imminent war in Iraq. In the Netherlands, 70,000 people marched in the streets of Amsterdam. This study focuses on the organization and mobilization processes preceding this event in Amsterdam. We trace how the organizers' attempts to form a coalition and the quarrels that ensued affected mobilization efforts, composition of the demonstration, media attention, and, subsequently, how and when participants were mobilized. We argue that, although infrequently studied, the specific ways that initial mobilization structures are formed are critical factors in the trajectory of mobilization. We use in-depth interviews with the organizers, newspaper content analyses, and survey data from participants to trace these effects.
{"title":"Quarrelling and protesting: How organizers shape a demonstration","authors":"M. Boekkooi, B. Klandermans, Jacquelien van Stekelenburg","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.16.2.H686775X423496WH","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.16.2.H686775X423496WH","url":null,"abstract":"On February 15, 2003, about 20 million people around the world protested against the imminent war in Iraq. In the Netherlands, 70,000 people marched in the streets of Amsterdam. This study focuses on the organization and mobilization processes preceding this event in Amsterdam. We trace how the organizers' attempts to form a coalition and the quarrels that ensued affected mobilization efforts, composition of the demonstration, media attention, and, subsequently, how and when participants were mobilized. We argue that, although infrequently studied, the specific ways that initial mobilization structures are formed are critical factors in the trajectory of mobilization. We use in-depth interviews with the organizers, newspaper content analyses, and survey data from participants to trace these effects.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2011-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.16.2.H4J28147N4621253
Alison Faupel, Regina Werum
Scholars of the women's movement often postulate that it dissipated after winning suffrage in 1920, but empirical studies about the movement's post-victory transformation remain scarce. We use the first wave of the women's movement to explore the conditions under which movement frames change during periods of decline. Drawing on political opportunity theory, we hypothesize that waning political and cultural opportunities for collective action should lead to a rise in individualist frames. To that end, we examine how a prominent movement organization's use of collectivist versus individualist frames changed over time. We conducted a systematic analysis of 1,735 articles from the feminist publication The Woman's Journal, spanning the pre- and post-suffrage period (1910-1930). Our analyses generally support the political opportunity framework, suggesting that trends towards individualization emerge during periods of diminishing political and cultural opportunities, which in turn challenge movements' ability ...
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