Pub Date : 2005-08-12DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.730350353753L022
S. Soule, J. Earl
In an attempt to make sense of shifts in the social movement sector and its relationship to conventional politics over the past forty years, some have proposed that Western nations are increasingly becoming "movement societies." Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of the movement society: (1) over time expansion of protest; (2) over time diffusion of protest; (3) over time institutionalization of protest; and (4) over time institutionalization of state responses to protest. Using newly available data on over 19,000 protest events occurring in the U.S. between 1960 and 1986, we evaluate these four claims. Our findings suggest that movement society scholars are correct in some respects: the size of protest events has grown over time, the percentage of events at which at least one social movement organization is present has increased over time, the number of distinct protest claims has increased over time, and violent forms of protest policing have decreased over time. However, our findings call ...
{"title":"A Movement Society Evaluated: Collective Protest in The United States, 1960-1986","authors":"S. Soule, J. Earl","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.730350353753L022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.730350353753L022","url":null,"abstract":"In an attempt to make sense of shifts in the social movement sector and its relationship to conventional politics over the past forty years, some have proposed that Western nations are increasingly becoming \"movement societies.\" Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of the movement society: (1) over time expansion of protest; (2) over time diffusion of protest; (3) over time institutionalization of protest; and (4) over time institutionalization of state responses to protest. Using newly available data on over 19,000 protest events occurring in the U.S. between 1960 and 1986, we evaluate these four claims. Our findings suggest that movement society scholars are correct in some respects: the size of protest events has grown over time, the percentage of events at which at least one social movement organization is present has increased over time, the number of distinct protest claims has increased over time, and violent forms of protest policing have decreased over time. However, our findings call ...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.3.730350353753L022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.028028U600744073
K. Andrews, Bob Edwards
Based on a survey of the population of local environmental organizations in North Carolina, this article addresses fundamental questions about how local organizations are structured, their orientation toward strategy and social change, their activities, and their perceived impacts. By comparing subsets of local organizations in terms of their geographic scope, degree of professionalization, and tactical repertoires, we identify important patterns. First, locally oriented organizations that focus on a neighborhood, city, or county are more likely to be affiliated with a national organization than regional or state organizations, but they are less likely to participate in coalitions than groups working at the regional or state level. Second, organizations relying on a mixture of volunteers and professionals are more formalized and report higher levels of success at mobilizing people than those that rely exclusively on volunteers or professionals. However, groups that are volunteer-based are more likely to e...
{"title":"The organizational structure of local environmentalism","authors":"K. Andrews, Bob Edwards","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.028028U600744073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.028028U600744073","url":null,"abstract":"Based on a survey of the population of local environmental organizations in North Carolina, this article addresses fundamental questions about how local organizations are structured, their orientation toward strategy and social change, their activities, and their perceived impacts. By comparing subsets of local organizations in terms of their geographic scope, degree of professionalization, and tactical repertoires, we identify important patterns. First, locally oriented organizations that focus on a neighborhood, city, or county are more likely to be affiliated with a national organization than regional or state organizations, but they are less likely to participate in coalitions than groups working at the regional or state level. Second, organizations relying on a mixture of volunteers and professionals are more formalized and report higher levels of success at mobilizing people than those that rely exclusively on volunteers or professionals. However, groups that are volunteer-based are more likely to e...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.028028U600744073","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.RP8H757H42752W76
Debra C. Minkoff, J. McCarthy
We draw upon diverse theoretical perspectives in organizational analysis to identify four areas where a more serious interface between this "cognate" field and social movement research promises to deepen our understanding of social movement organizations (SMOs). These areas include conceptualizing social movements as organizational fields, thinking of activists as part of a labor market situated in the social movement sector, analyzing SMOs in terms of entrepreneurship and organizational change, and finally, looking more closely at processes of organizational decision making. We discuss studies by social movement scholars that implicitly or explicitly engage the cognate scholarship with an eye to identifying those areas where systematic research is lacking. We close by sketching some methodological approaches for addressing each of the lacunae we identify.
{"title":"Reinvigorating the study of organizational processes in social movements","authors":"Debra C. Minkoff, J. McCarthy","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.RP8H757H42752W76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.RP8H757H42752W76","url":null,"abstract":"We draw upon diverse theoretical perspectives in organizational analysis to identify four areas where a more serious interface between this \"cognate\" field and social movement research promises to deepen our understanding of social movement organizations (SMOs). These areas include conceptualizing social movements as organizational fields, thinking of activists as part of a labor market situated in the social movement sector, analyzing SMOs in terms of entrepreneurship and organizational change, and finally, looking more closely at processes of organizational decision making. We discuss studies by social movement scholars that implicitly or explicitly engage the cognate scholarship with an eye to identifying those areas where systematic research is lacking. We close by sketching some methodological approaches for addressing each of the lacunae we identify.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.2.RP8H757H42752W76","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.N40611874K23L1V7
Marco Giugni, R. Koopmans, F. Passy, P. Statham
Inspired by spatial theories of political behavior and by work on the impact of immigration on national identity, in this article we propose an explanation of the extreme right’s claim making based on the interplay of three factors: national models of citizenship, the dynamics of political alignments and party competition, and the strategic/organizational repertoires of the extreme right, in particular the electoral strength of extreme-right parties. Confronting a number of hypotheses derived from this theoretical framework with original data on the extreme right’s claim making in five European countries (the Netherlands, Britain, France, Germany, and Switzerland), we show how political-institutional and cultural-discursive opportunities account for differences in the extent, forms, and content of xenophobic and extreme-right claim making. Our study shows that national configurations of citizenship affect in significant ways the mobilization of the extreme right, both directly and indirectly. More precisely, our two-country comparison confirms the hypothesis that the claim making of the extreme right depends on a specific political opportunity structure formed by the combination of discursive opportunities deriving from the prevailing model of citizenship and by the political space made available by mainstream parties for far-right mobilization.
{"title":"Institutional and Discursive Opportunities for Extreme-Right Mobilization in Five Countries","authors":"Marco Giugni, R. Koopmans, F. Passy, P. Statham","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.N40611874K23L1V7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.N40611874K23L1V7","url":null,"abstract":"Inspired by spatial theories of political behavior and by work on the impact of immigration on national identity, in this article we propose an explanation of the extreme right’s claim making based on the interplay of three factors: national models of citizenship, the dynamics of political alignments and party competition, and the strategic/organizational repertoires of the extreme right, in particular the electoral strength of extreme-right parties. Confronting a number of hypotheses derived from this theoretical framework with original data on the extreme right’s claim making in five European countries (the Netherlands, Britain, France, Germany, and Switzerland), we show how political-institutional and cultural-discursive opportunities account for differences in the extent, forms, and content of xenophobic and extreme-right claim making. Our study shows that national configurations of citizenship affect in significant ways the mobilization of the extreme right, both directly and indirectly. More precisely, our two-country comparison confirms the hypothesis that the claim making of the extreme right depends on a specific political opportunity structure formed by the combination of discursive opportunities deriving from the prevailing model of citizenship and by the political space made available by mainstream parties for far-right mobilization.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.N40611874K23L1V7","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.A62814651H028540
Doug McAdam, R. Sampson, Simón E. Weffer, H. MacIndoe
We argue that the disproportionate attention accorded the struggles of the sixties has created a stylized image of social movements that threatens to distort our understanding of popular contention, not only in earlier periods and in nondemocratic contexts, but also in the contemporary U.S. This stylized view tends to equate movements with (a) disruptive protest in public settings, (b) loosely coordinated national struggles over political issues, (c) urban and/or campus based protest activities, and (d) claim making by disadvantaged minorities. Drawing on a larger study of trends and patterns in collective civic engagement in metropolitan Chicago, we employ new data on some 1,000 protest events between 1970 to 2000 to assess these four stylized views and address a number of related questions. The data do not support the common imagery of social movements—since 1980 there has been a marked transformation of the movement form to the point where public protest is now largely peaceful, routine, suburban, loca...
{"title":"There Will be Fighting in The Streets: The Distorting Lens of Social Movement Theory","authors":"Doug McAdam, R. Sampson, Simón E. Weffer, H. MacIndoe","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.A62814651H028540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.A62814651H028540","url":null,"abstract":"We argue that the disproportionate attention accorded the struggles of the sixties has created a stylized image of social movements that threatens to distort our understanding of popular contention, not only in earlier periods and in nondemocratic contexts, but also in the contemporary U.S. This stylized view tends to equate movements with (a) disruptive protest in public settings, (b) loosely coordinated national struggles over political issues, (c) urban and/or campus based protest activities, and (d) claim making by disadvantaged minorities. Drawing on a larger study of trends and patterns in collective civic engagement in metropolitan Chicago, we employ new data on some 1,000 protest events between 1970 to 2000 to assess these four stylized views and address a number of related questions. The data do not support the common imagery of social movements—since 1980 there has been a marked transformation of the movement form to the point where public protest is now largely peaceful, routine, suburban, loca...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.A62814651H028540","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2005-02-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.T5767064661W2U34
R. Koopmans
Theories of political opportunity structure (POS) have received ambiguous empirical support. Quite a few studies make a convincing case for POS, some find it to have no measurable effect, others show that it can have different effects in different contexts. The lack of a theory of the mechanisms that link POS to movement action is identified as the fundamental problem behind these divergent results. I suggest a dynamic and relational solution to the structureagency problem that employs an evolutionary mode of causal explanation. I show how such an approach helps us to understand why in spite of limited information and frequent errors of judgment, actors' choices may ultimately reflect structural opportunities. I also discuss how an evolutionary approach can help explain deviations from the predictions of POS theory, e.g., why adaptation to changes in POS is slow, why opportunities are sometimes missed, and why those that are perceived cannot always be seized. I conclude with a discussion of some methodolo...
{"title":"The Missing Link Between Structure and Agency: Outline of an Evolutionary Approach to Social Movements","authors":"R. Koopmans","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.T5767064661W2U34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.T5767064661W2U34","url":null,"abstract":"Theories of political opportunity structure (POS) have received ambiguous empirical support. Quite a few studies make a convincing case for POS, some find it to have no measurable effect, others show that it can have different effects in different contexts. The lack of a theory of the mechanisms that link POS to movement action is identified as the fundamental problem behind these divergent results. I suggest a dynamic and relational solution to the structureagency problem that employs an evolutionary mode of causal explanation. I show how such an approach helps us to understand why in spite of limited information and frequent errors of judgment, actors' choices may ultimately reflect structural opportunities. I also discuss how an evolutionary approach can help explain deviations from the predictions of POS theory, e.g., why adaptation to changes in POS is slow, why opportunities are sometimes missed, and why those that are perceived cannot always be seized. I conclude with a discussion of some methodolo...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2005-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.10.1.T5767064661W2U34","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67438517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2003-10-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.8.3.1H361H315L806060
K. Fallon
Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as...
{"title":"Getting Out the Vote: Women's Democratic Political Mobilization in Ghana","authors":"K. Fallon","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.8.3.1H361H315L806060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.8.3.1H361H315L806060","url":null,"abstract":"Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2003-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-10-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.7.3.F066785L1N7388T8
Sean Scalmer
The history of the Peace Pledge Union of Britain illuminates the process of social movement repertoire diffusion. In the late 1950s and 1960s British pacifists successfully used nonviolent direct action, but this was based upon a long-term engagement with Gandhism. Systematic coding of movement literature suggests that the translation of Gandhian methods involved more than twenty years of intellectual study and debate. Rival versions of Gandhian repertoire were constructed and defended. These were embedded in practical, sometimes competing projects within the pacifist movement, and were the subject of intense argument and conflict, the relevance of Gandhism was established through complex framing processes, multiple discourses, and increasing practical experimentation. This article offers methodological and conceptual tools for the study of diffusion. A wider argument for the importance of the reception as will as performance of contention is offered.
{"title":"The Labor of Diffusion: The Peace Pledge Union and The Adaptation of The Gandhian Repertoire","authors":"Sean Scalmer","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.7.3.F066785L1N7388T8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.7.3.F066785L1N7388T8","url":null,"abstract":"The history of the Peace Pledge Union of Britain illuminates the process of social movement repertoire diffusion. In the late 1950s and 1960s British pacifists successfully used nonviolent direct action, but this was based upon a long-term engagement with Gandhism. Systematic coding of movement literature suggests that the translation of Gandhian methods involved more than twenty years of intellectual study and debate. Rival versions of Gandhian repertoire were constructed and defended. These were embedded in practical, sometimes competing projects within the pacifist movement, and were the subject of intense argument and conflict, the relevance of Gandhism was established through complex framing processes, multiple discourses, and increasing practical experimentation. This article offers methodological and conceptual tools for the study of diffusion. A wider argument for the importance of the reception as will as performance of contention is offered.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-10-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.7.3.884Q162027U25668
Érik Neveu
Anglophone scholars often miss the important contributions to social movement studies by French researchers. This is especially true since the early nineties when numerous books and articles presented findings that are highly relevant to the international community of social movement researchers. Although the variety of fieldwork, topics, and approaches challenges efforts to synthesize, this report organizes recent trends in French social movement research by four thematic groupings: (1) the question of violence—its demise as a repertoire and the "civilizing of policing"; (2) changes in activism and militant behaviors—which focuses on new styles of commitment; (3) new social movements—referring less to a perspective than to movement types, such as immigrant, expert, and transnational movements; and (4) the biographical turn—a shift toward the subjective and "micro" dimensions of ideologies, life stories, and lived experiences.
{"title":"Trend Report: The Contentious French","authors":"Érik Neveu","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.7.3.884Q162027U25668","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.7.3.884Q162027U25668","url":null,"abstract":"Anglophone scholars often miss the important contributions to social movement studies by French researchers. This is especially true since the early nineties when numerous books and articles presented findings that are highly relevant to the international community of social movement researchers. Although the variety of fieldwork, topics, and approaches challenges efforts to synthesize, this report organizes recent trends in French social movement research by four thematic groupings: (1) the question of violence—its demise as a repertoire and the \"civilizing of policing\"; (2) changes in activism and militant behaviors—which focuses on new styles of commitment; (3) new social movements—referring less to a perspective than to movement types, such as immigrant, expert, and transnational movements; and (4) the biographical turn—a shift toward the subjective and \"micro\" dimensions of ideologies, life stories, and lived experiences.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2002-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2002-06-01DOI: 10.17813/MAIQ.7.2.70RG70L202524UW6
E. J. Perry
Previous explanations of the Chinese Communist revolution have highlighted (variously) the role of ideology, organization, and/or social structure. While acknowledging the importance of all these factors, this article draws attention to a largely neglected feature of the revolutionary process: the mass mobilization of emotions. Building upon pre-existing traditions of popular protest and political culture, the Communists systematized “emotion work” as part of a conscious strategy of psychological engineering. Attention to the emotional dimensions of mass mobilization was a key ingredient in the Communists’ revolutionary victory, distinguishing their approach from that of their Guomindang rivals. Moreover, patterns of emotion work developed during the wartime years lived on in the People’s Republic of China, shaping a succession of state-sponsored mass campaigns under Mao. Even in post-Mao China, this legacy continues to exert a powerful influence over the attitudes and actions of state authorities and ordinary citizens alike.
{"title":"Moving The Masses: Emotion Work In The Chinese Revolution","authors":"E. J. Perry","doi":"10.17813/MAIQ.7.2.70RG70L202524UW6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/MAIQ.7.2.70RG70L202524UW6","url":null,"abstract":"Previous explanations of the Chinese Communist revolution have highlighted (variously) the role of ideology, organization, and/or social structure. While acknowledging the importance of all these factors, this article draws attention to a largely neglected feature of the revolutionary process: the mass mobilization of emotions. Building upon pre-existing traditions of popular protest and political culture, the Communists systematized “emotion work” as part of a conscious strategy of psychological engineering. Attention to the emotional dimensions of mass mobilization was a key ingredient in the Communists’ revolutionary victory, distinguishing their approach from that of their Guomindang rivals. Moreover, patterns of emotion work developed during the wartime years lived on in the People’s Republic of China, shaping a succession of state-sponsored mass campaigns under Mao. Even in post-Mao China, this legacy continues to exert a powerful influence over the attitudes and actions of state authorities and ordinary citizens alike.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2002-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/MAIQ.7.2.70RG70L202524UW6","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67439822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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