Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-279
Richard L. Wood, Brad R. Fulton, Rebecca Sager
This multimethod study investigates strategic collaboration in alliances connecting politically engaged religious and secular social movement organizations. We assess the impact of religious-secular strategic alliances on movement political efficacy by analyzing data from a national survey of the community organizing field to compare organizations that do/do not participate in religious-secular alliances. The conceptual framework draws on the literatures in social movements, political sociology, and organizational sociology to argue that political efficacy is fundamentally shaped by an organization's strategic capacity and mobilizing capacity. We analyze four organizational outputs that serve as indicators of strategic capacity and find that participating in religious-secular alliances is associated with greater strategic capacity but lower mobilizing capacity. A complementary ethnographic case study identifies likely mechanisms underlying both findings. Our analysis suggests that collaboration across the religious-secular divide can increase a movement’s political efficacy within a democratic polity but with accompanying complexities that participants must manage.
{"title":"STRATEGIC ALLIANCES: THE POLITICAL EFFICACY OF RELIGIOUSSECULAR TIES*","authors":"Richard L. Wood, Brad R. Fulton, Rebecca Sager","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-279","url":null,"abstract":"This multimethod study investigates strategic collaboration in alliances connecting politically engaged religious and secular social movement organizations. We assess the impact of religious-secular strategic alliances on movement political efficacy by analyzing data from a national survey of the community organizing field to compare organizations that do/do not participate in religious-secular alliances. The conceptual framework draws on the literatures in social movements, political sociology, and organizational sociology to argue that political efficacy is fundamentally shaped by an organization's strategic capacity and mobilizing capacity. We analyze four organizational outputs that serve as indicators of strategic capacity and find that participating in religious-secular alliances is associated with greater strategic capacity but lower mobilizing capacity. A complementary ethnographic case study identifies likely mechanisms underlying both findings. Our analysis suggests that collaboration across the religious-secular divide can increase a movement’s political efficacy within a democratic polity but with accompanying complexities that participants must manage.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135429205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-375
Manuela Caiani, Batuhan Eren
This article investigates the emergence and diffusion of antipopulist mobilizations. Resembling the iconic image depicting a school of small fish chasing a big one, the Italian 6000 Sardine and the Finnish Silakkaliike (Herrings) emerged as two movements with antipopulist claims. Although the scholarship on populism is abundant, antipopulism remains mostly neglected, especially its mobilization from below. Drawing on extensive fieldwork including a groundedtheory approach applied to twenty-seven interviews with activists from these two movements, plus the analysis of offline and online organizational documents, this study shows the mechanisms—cognitive, affective and relational—of their national and crossnational diffusion, relating them to the opportunities of the context. Exploring the internal movement dynamics and actors’ perceptions and motivations, this study also contributes to the conceptualization of antipopulism from below, defining the main characteristics and the ideological underpinnings of these two antipopulist movements.
{"title":"A EUROPEAN ANTIPOPULIST MOVEMENT? THE EMERGENCE AND DIFFUSION OF THE ITALIAN SARDINES AND FINNISH HERRINGS*","authors":"Manuela Caiani, Batuhan Eren","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-375","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the emergence and diffusion of antipopulist mobilizations. Resembling the iconic image depicting a school of small fish chasing a big one, the Italian 6000 Sardine and the Finnish Silakkaliike (Herrings) emerged as two movements with antipopulist claims. Although the scholarship on populism is abundant, antipopulism remains mostly neglected, especially its mobilization from below. Drawing on extensive fieldwork including a groundedtheory approach applied to twenty-seven interviews with activists from these two movements, plus the analysis of offline and online organizational documents, this study shows the mechanisms—cognitive, affective and relational—of their national and crossnational diffusion, relating them to the opportunities of the context. Exploring the internal movement dynamics and actors’ perceptions and motivations, this study also contributes to the conceptualization of antipopulism from below, defining the main characteristics and the ideological underpinnings of these two antipopulist movements.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135434341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-343
Lesley J. Wood, Dyllan Goldstein
What is the best source for tracking protest activity? Newspaper sources remain dominant, but other options are tempting. This article compares three differently sourced catalogs of protest events in Toronto from July 15 to September 15, 2020. The widely discussed Movement for Black Lives and housing justice cycles of protest are visible in all three catalogs, but apart from this, the field of protest they reveal is very different. While the coverage by the newspaper with the largest circulation, the Toronto Star, shows Toronto protest as state-centered, domestic, and progressive, other catalogs that include television, radio, and social media content reveal a more diverse, fragmented, and globalized protest field. Catalogs sourced from Nexis Uni and Twitter show the significant presence of diasporic protest. These observations suggest new limits to relying on mainstream newspapers for representing the full array of protest activity. We recommend that, moving forward, researchers experiment with media aggregators to incorporate sources such as television coverage and social media into their research while remaining aware of the additional challenges such data generate.
{"title":"CATALOGING PROTEST: NEWSPAPERS, NEXIS UNI, OR TWITTER?*","authors":"Lesley J. Wood, Dyllan Goldstein","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-343","url":null,"abstract":"What is the best source for tracking protest activity? Newspaper sources remain dominant, but other options are tempting. This article compares three differently sourced catalogs of protest events in Toronto from July 15 to September 15, 2020. The widely discussed Movement for Black Lives and housing justice cycles of protest are visible in all three catalogs, but apart from this, the field of protest they reveal is very different. While the coverage by the newspaper with the largest circulation, the Toronto Star, shows Toronto protest as state-centered, domestic, and progressive, other catalogs that include television, radio, and social media content reveal a more diverse, fragmented, and globalized protest field. Catalogs sourced from Nexis Uni and Twitter show the significant presence of diasporic protest. These observations suggest new limits to relying on mainstream newspapers for representing the full array of protest activity. We recommend that, moving forward, researchers experiment with media aggregators to incorporate sources such as television coverage and social media into their research while remaining aware of the additional challenges such data generate.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135429203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-359
Anna Zhelnina
Social movements attain a variety of incremental gains as they strive to achieve their primary goals. The gains include new worldviews (“frames” and “cognitive toolkits”) and relationships (social networks, alliances, and adversities). Even if a movement does not achieve its primary goals, the accumulated gains can pull people further into new arenas of collective action, transforming the configuration of the political field., This article builds on the literature on intermovement interaction and the strategic interaction perspective to apply a microsociological approach to the transfer of gains aamong arenas. The empirical material for the analysis comes from the mobilization in response to an urban renewal project in Moscow and its subsequent “spillover” into electoral arenas of Moscow’s politics. I collected data from 2017–2019, including interviews, observations, and digital ethnographies of online communities created to organize supporters and opponents of the proposal. I identify the microlevel mechanisms facilitating and blocking the transfer. I also demonstrate that individual players simultaneously assess potential gains and losses at multiple levels: in their private lives, civic communities, and national politics.
{"title":"GAINS AND LOSSES IN THE URBAN POLITICAL FIELD: MULTILAYERED OUTCOMES OF MOBILIZATION IN MOSCOW’S HOUSING CONTROVERSY*","authors":"Anna Zhelnina","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-359","url":null,"abstract":"Social movements attain a variety of incremental gains as they strive to achieve their primary goals. The gains include new worldviews (“frames” and “cognitive toolkits”) and relationships (social networks, alliances, and adversities). Even if a movement does not achieve its primary goals, the accumulated gains can pull people further into new arenas of collective action, transforming the configuration of the political field., This article builds on the literature on intermovement interaction and the strategic interaction perspective to apply a microsociological approach to the transfer of gains aamong arenas. The empirical material for the analysis comes from the mobilization in response to an urban renewal project in Moscow and its subsequent “spillover” into electoral arenas of Moscow’s politics. I collected data from 2017–2019, including interviews, observations, and digital ethnographies of online communities created to organize supporters and opponents of the proposal. I identify the microlevel mechanisms facilitating and blocking the transfer. I also demonstrate that individual players simultaneously assess potential gains and losses at multiple levels: in their private lives, civic communities, and national politics.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135429207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-323
Diana Fu
Public confessions are repression spectacles that have appeared in different regimes and historical periods. This study theorizes an indoctrination dimension of repression—the turning of punishment into a control tool that displays the regime’s apparent transformative power. Whereas repression is often defined by its inhibiting dimension, this study argues that authorities stage repressive spectacles not only to deter further dissent but also as an instrument of “thought reform,” a governance tradition in China. The study finds two indoctrinating narratives based on an interpretive analysis of a dataset of televised confessions in China. First, confessions show a doctrine of political dissident as traitorous and immoral. Second, they convey a doctrine of rectification that displays the seemingly transformative power of the regime, one in which transgressors perform law-abiding citizens. These findings advance the conceptual refinement of repression by analyzing its indoctrination dimension.
{"title":"THE INDOCTRINATION DIMENSION OF REPRESSION: TELEVISED CONFESSIONS IN CHINA*","authors":"Diana Fu","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-323","url":null,"abstract":"Public confessions are repression spectacles that have appeared in different regimes and historical periods. This study theorizes an indoctrination dimension of repression—the turning of punishment into a control tool that displays the regime’s apparent transformative power. Whereas repression is often defined by its inhibiting dimension, this study argues that authorities stage repressive spectacles not only to deter further dissent but also as an instrument of “thought reform,” a governance tradition in China. The study finds two indoctrinating narratives based on an interpretive analysis of a dataset of televised confessions in China. First, confessions show a doctrine of political dissident as traitorous and immoral. Second, they convey a doctrine of rectification that displays the seemingly transformative power of the regime, one in which transgressors perform law-abiding citizens. These findings advance the conceptual refinement of repression by analyzing its indoctrination dimension.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135429202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social movement theorists have highlighted the importance of accounting for the fluidity of collective identities and the ways in which they change over time. Capitalizing on the availability of social media data and the shift from collective to connective action, new methods can be used to model identity change over a medium-to-long time span. We analyze Facebook data to make the case that a complex and longitudinal approach to the study of collective identity is not only possible but also necessary. Our analyses explore the formation and transformation of identity in the context of a local branch of the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) movement in France. By employing a mixed-method design that combines automated topic modeling, content analysis, and dictionary-based linguistic inquiry, we show how collective identities are discussed through complex and conflictual processes that form perpetual identity work.
{"title":"A LONGITUDINAL APPROACH TO ONLINE “COLLECTIVE IDENTITY WORK”: THE CASE OF THE GILETS JAUNES IN THE VAR DEPARTMENT*","authors":"Davide Morselli, Maite Beramendi, Zakaria Bendali, Olivier Fillieule","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-28-3-301","url":null,"abstract":"Social movement theorists have highlighted the importance of accounting for the fluidity of collective identities and the ways in which they change over time. Capitalizing on the availability of social media data and the shift from collective to connective action, new methods can be used to model identity change over a medium-to-long time span. We analyze Facebook data to make the case that a complex and longitudinal approach to the study of collective identity is not only possible but also necessary. Our analyses explore the formation and transformation of identity in the context of a local branch of the Gilets Jaunes (Yellow Vests) movement in France. By employing a mixed-method design that combines automated topic modeling, content analysis, and dictionary-based linguistic inquiry, we show how collective identities are discussed through complex and conflictual processes that form perpetual identity work.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135429204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-02DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-25-3-295
Sander van Haperen, J. Uitermark, A. V. D. Zeeuw
The Movement for Black Lives has connected millions of people online. How are their outrage and hope mediated through social media? To address this question, this article extends Randall Collins’s Interaction Ritual Theory to social media. Employing semisupervised image recognition methods on a million Instagram posts with the hashtag #blacklivesmatter, we identify four different interaction ritual types, each with distinct geographies. Instagram posts featuring interactions with physical copresence are concentrated in urban areas. We identify two different types of such areas: arenas where contention plays out and milieus where movement identities are affirmed. Instagram posts that do not feature physical copresence are more geographically dispersed. These posts, including memes and selfies, allow people to engage with the movement even when they are not embedded in activist environments. Our analysis helps to understand how different forms of engagement are embedded in particular places and connected through the circulation of social media posts.
{"title":"MEDIATED INTERACTION RITUALS: A GEOGRAPHY OF EVERYDAY LIFE AND CONTENTION IN BLACK LIVES MATTER*","authors":"Sander van Haperen, J. Uitermark, A. V. D. Zeeuw","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-25-3-295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-3-295","url":null,"abstract":"The Movement for Black Lives has connected millions of people online. How are their outrage and hope mediated through social media? To address this question, this article extends Randall Collins’s Interaction Ritual Theory to social media. Employing semisupervised image recognition methods on a million Instagram posts with the hashtag #blacklivesmatter, we identify four different interaction ritual types, each with distinct geographies. Instagram posts featuring interactions with physical copresence are concentrated in urban areas. We identify two different types of such areas: arenas where contention plays out and milieus where movement identities are affirmed. Instagram posts that do not feature physical copresence are more geographically dispersed. These posts, including memes and selfies, allow people to engage with the movement even when they are not embedded in activist environments. Our analysis helps to understand how different forms of engagement are embedded in particular places and connected through the circulation of social media posts.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"25 1","pages":"295-313"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43289935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-439
Guya Accornero
In this article, I analyze how former activists opposed to Estado Novo, Portugal's fascist regime, see their past, as well as the emotions and perceptions associated with it. I argue that what Antonio Costa Pinto called a “double legacy” shapes these activists' process of remembering. This means that the legacies of dictatorship in Portugal's consolidated democracy are strongly shaped by how it ended and by how democracy was implemented in the country—that is, through a revolution and a radical “cut with the past.” I use semistructured interviews and open questionnaires to study how former activists are affected by and contribute to building this double legacy. By adopting an interactionist perspective and by bridging the scholarship on transition and oral history, this research aims to strengthen the dialogue between social movement and memory studies, and also stresses the relevance of the co-construction of individual and collective memory.
{"title":"“EVERYTHING WAS POSSIBLE”: EMOTIONS AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE PAST AMONG FORMER PORTUGUESE ANTIFASCIST ACTIVISTS*","authors":"Guya Accornero","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-439","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I analyze how former activists opposed to Estado Novo, Portugal's fascist regime, see their past, as well as the emotions and perceptions associated with it. I argue that what Antonio Costa Pinto called a “double legacy” shapes these activists' process of remembering. This means that the legacies of dictatorship in Portugal's consolidated democracy are strongly shaped by how it ended and by how democracy was implemented in the country—that is, through a revolution and a radical “cut with the past.” I use semistructured interviews and open questionnaires to study how former activists are affected by and contribute to building this double legacy. By adopting an interactionist perspective and by bridging the scholarship on transition and oral history, this research aims to strengthen the dialogue between social movement and memory studies, and also stresses the relevance of the co-construction of individual and collective memory.","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"24 1","pages":"439-453"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-439","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42937512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-511
Lourdes A Vera, Lindsey Dillon, Sara Wylie, Jennifer Liss Ohayon, Aaron Lemelin, Phil Brown, Christopher Sellers, Dawn Walker
The dismantlement of evidence-based environmental governance by the Trump Administration requires new forms of activism that uphold science and environmental regulatory agencies while critiquing the politics of knowledge production. The Environmental Data and Governance Initiative (EDGI) emerged after the November 2016 U.S. Presidential elections, becoming an organization of over 175 volunteer researchers, technologists, archivists, and activists innovating more just forms of government accountability and environmental regulation. Our successes include: 1) leading a public movement to archive vulnerable federal data evidencing climate change and environmental injustice; 2) conducting multi-sited interviews of current and former federal agency personnel regarding the transition into the Trump administration; 3) tracking changes to federal websites. In this article, we conduct a "social movement organizational autoethnography" on the field of movements intersecting within EDGI and on our theory, tactics, and practices. We offer ideas for expanding and iterating on methods of public, collaborative scholarship and advocacy.
{"title":"DATA RESISTANCE: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONAL AUTOETHNOGRAPHY OF THE ENVIRONMENTAL DATA AND GOVERNANCE INITIATIVE.","authors":"Lourdes A Vera, Lindsey Dillon, Sara Wylie, Jennifer Liss Ohayon, Aaron Lemelin, Phil Brown, Christopher Sellers, Dawn Walker","doi":"10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-511","DOIUrl":"10.17813/1086-671x-24-4-511","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The dismantlement of evidence-based environmental governance by the Trump Administration requires new forms of activism that uphold science and environmental regulatory agencies while critiquing the politics of knowledge production. The Environmental Data and Governance Initiative (EDGI) emerged after the November 2016 U.S. Presidential elections, becoming an organization of over 175 volunteer researchers, technologists, archivists, and activists innovating more just forms of government accountability and environmental regulation. Our successes include: 1) leading a public movement to archive vulnerable federal data evidencing climate change and environmental injustice; 2) conducting multi-sited interviews of current and former federal agency personnel regarding the transition into the Trump administration; 3) tracking changes to federal websites. In this article, we conduct a \"social movement organizational autoethnography\" on the field of movements intersecting within EDGI and on our theory, tactics, and practices. We offer ideas for expanding and iterating on methods of public, collaborative scholarship and advocacy.</p>","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"23 4","pages":"511-529"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7213639/pdf/nihms-1032625.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"37923970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-01DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-23-1-83
Mattias Wahlström, Abby Peterson, Magnus Wennerhag
Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of “conscience adherents” and “conscience constituents,” first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, ba...
{"title":"“CONSCIENCE ADHERENTS” REVISITED: NON-LGBT PRIDE PARADE PARTICIPANTS*","authors":"Mattias Wahlström, Abby Peterson, Magnus Wennerhag","doi":"10.17813/1086-671X-23-1-83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17813/1086-671X-23-1-83","url":null,"abstract":"Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of “conscience adherents” and “conscience constituents,” first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, ba...","PeriodicalId":47309,"journal":{"name":"Mobilization","volume":"23 1","pages":"83-100"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2018-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.17813/1086-671X-23-1-83","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44682797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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