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THE REBEL ALLIANCE STRIKES BACK: UNDERSTANDING THE POLITICS OF BACKLASH MOBILIZATION 反叛者联盟反击:理解反冲动员的政治
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-06 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-1-39
Christopher M. Sullivan, C. Davenport
How does repression influence backlash (i.e., challenges against political authorities that follow acts of government coercion)? This study argues that to adequately study backlash, it is necessary to analytically open up a social movement and examine why specific individuals in the same movement organization increase their participation following repression while other members drop out. The study uses original panel data on organizational behavior and individual participation in a black-nationalist insurgency group called the Republic of New Africa. Results show that the effects of repression are more complex than previously imagined. At the organizational level, repression leads to backlash challenges. At the individual level, however, repression has mixed effects. Challengers who personally experience repression become more likely to participate in post-repression challenging activities. At the same time, those within the organization who did not directly experience repression withdraw.
镇压如何影响反弹(即在政府强制行为之后对政治当局的挑战)?本研究认为,为了充分研究反弹,有必要分析地打开一个社会运动,并研究为什么在同一运动组织中的特定个人在受到压制后增加参与,而其他成员则退出。这项研究使用了一个名为新非洲共和国的黑人民族主义叛乱组织的组织行为和个人参与的原始小组数据。结果表明,抑制的影响比以前想象的要复杂得多。在组织层面,压制会导致反弹挑战。然而,在个人层面上,压抑的影响是复杂的。亲身经历过压抑的挑战者更有可能参与压抑后的挑战活动。与此同时,那些在组织内部没有直接经历过压抑的人会退出。
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引用次数: 20
PARTY SYSTEMS, PARTY-SOCIETY LINKAGES, AND CONTENTIOUS ACTS: CYPRUS IN A COMPARATIVE, SOUTHERN EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE* 政党制度、政党社会联系和争议行为:比较南欧视角下的塞浦路斯*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-06 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-1-97
G. Charalambous, Gregoris Ioannou
Southern European countries are currently experiencing a dramatic economic slump and fully fledged austerity measures. Accordingly, the standard of living of the majority of southern European populaces has fallen significantly. Nevertheless, the dynamics of social contention in the form of strikes and demonstrations that accompany these experiences remain understudied. Why, in certain southern European countries, has collective upset arising from economic deprivation translated into frequent and large-scale contentious acts, while in others it has not? Drawing on the case of Cyprus from a comparative, southern European perspective, we seek to explain how relations within the party system, as well as between parties and civil society, can create the conditions that obstruct open social conflict. The intensity and nature of party-society linkages with causal roots in a country's history can be a sufficient condition for the relative absence of protest.
南欧国家目前正在经历急剧的经济衰退和全面的紧缩措施。因此,大多数南欧人口的生活水平大幅下降。然而,伴随这些经历而来的罢工和示威形式的社会争论的动态仍然没有得到充分的研究。为什么在某些南欧国家,经济匮乏引起的集体不安转化为频繁和大规模的争议行为,而在其他国家却没有?从南欧的比较角度来看,我们试图解释政党制度内部以及政党与民间社会之间的关系如何能够创造阻碍公开社会冲突的条件。政党社会联系的强度和性质与一个国家历史上的因果根源可能是相对没有抗议的充分条件。
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引用次数: 3
HALF A LOAF IS (NOT) BETTER THAN NONE: HOW AUSTERITY-RELATED GRIEVANCES AND EMOTIONS TRIGGERED PROTESTS IN SPAIN* 半个面包总比没有好:与紧缩相关的不满和情绪如何引发西班牙的抗议*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-06 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-1-77
Carol Galais, J. Lorenzini
Demonstrations have become more visible across Europe since the Great Recession. To clarify the connection between crisis and protest, we open the black box of crisis-related grievances, suggesting a typology for this subjective phenomenon and addressing the mediating role of emotions on protest. Using panel data, we explore the dimensionality of thirty different items that Spanish citizens have claimed to endure as a consequence of the crisis, and then we test their potential of these grievances as triggers of protest. Results show that both financial deprivation and grievances related to worker-citizens' status and rights encourage protest activity. Crisis-related grievances trigger negative emotions, and curiously enough, both anger and anxiety boost protest. Our findings hold, regardless of political ideology, previous participation, or perceptions of self-efficacy.
自大衰退以来,欧洲各地的示威活动越来越明显。为了澄清危机和抗议之间的联系,我们打开了与危机相关的不满的黑匣子,为这种主观现象提出了一种类型,并解决了情绪对抗议的中介作用。利用小组数据,我们探究了西班牙公民声称因危机而忍受的30种不同项目的维度,然后我们测试了他们将这些不满情绪作为抗议导火索的潜力。结果表明,经济剥夺和与工人公民地位和权利有关的不满都鼓励了抗议活动。与危机相关的不满会引发负面情绪,奇怪的是,愤怒和焦虑都会引发抗议。无论政治意识形态、先前的参与或自我效能感如何,我们的研究结果都成立。
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引用次数: 30
The Educational Contexts of Islamist Activism: Elite Students and Religious Institutions in Egypt 伊斯兰激进主义的教育背景:埃及的精英学生和宗教机构
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-1-57
Neil Ketchley, Michael Biggs
The literature on student activism finds that protesters come from prestigious universities and from the social sciences and humanities. Studies of political Islam, however, emphasize the prominence of engineering and medical students from secular institutions. Contributing to both literatures, this paper investigates Islamist students targeted by security forces in Egypt following the coup of 2013. Matching 1,352 arrested students to the population of male undergraduates, it analyzes how the arrest rate varied across 348 university faculties. We find that activists came disproportionately from institutions that provided a religiously inflected education. This contradicts the conventional emphasis on secular institutions. Most importantly, we find that Islamists tended to come from faculties that required higher grades and that admitted students who studied science in secondary school. Controlling for grades, engineering and medicine were not especially prominent. These findings suggest that Islamist stud...
关于学生激进主义的文献发现,抗议者来自著名大学以及社会科学和人文学科。然而,对政治伊斯兰的研究强调了来自世俗机构的工程和医学学生的突出地位。本文对2013年埃及政变后被安全部队盯上的伊斯兰学生进行了调查,为这两篇文献做出了贡献。将1352名被捕学生与男性本科生进行匹配,分析了348所大学院系的被捕率如何变化。我们发现,积极分子不成比例地来自那些提供宗教教育的机构。这与传统上对世俗制度的强调相矛盾。最重要的是,我们发现伊斯兰主义者往往来自要求更高成绩的学院,这些学院招收了在中学学习科学的学生。对成绩、工程和医学的控制并不是特别突出。这些发现表明伊斯兰主义者。。。
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引用次数: 9
Book Review: Generations, Political Participation, and Social Change in Western Europe 书评:西欧的代际、政治参与和社会变革
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22.1.121
Rosalind Shorrocks
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引用次数: 0
LOUD AND CLEAR: THE EFFECT OF PROTEST SIGNALS ON CONGRESSIONAL ATTENTION 响亮而清晰:抗议信号对国会注意力的影响
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-1-17
M. Fassiotto, S. Soule
We examine the effect of public protest on policy by considering how protests may matter to lawmakers. Research on this topic suggests that protest signals information to lawmakers about citizen preferences. Empirical work finds that the strength of the signal sent by protest can influence its effectiveness in achieving desired policy goals. We build on this insight by arguing that signal clarity is also important. Public protests sending focused and clear messages to lawmakers are more likely to impact policy than protests with unfocused messages. Using data on women's protests from 1961–1995, we confirm past findings on the importance of signal strength and find support for our new argument about the importance of signal clarity.
我们通过考虑抗议活动对立法者的影响来研究公众抗议对政策的影响。对这一主题的研究表明,抗议向立法者发出了有关公民偏好的信息。实证研究发现,抗议发出的信号强度会影响其实现预期政策目标的有效性。在此基础上,我们认为信号清晰度也很重要。向立法者发出有重点和明确信息的公众抗议比没有重点信息的抗议更有可能影响政策。利用1961年至1995年妇女抗议活动的数据,我们证实了过去关于信号强度重要性的研究结果,并为我们关于信号清晰度重要性的新论点找到了支持。
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引用次数: 27
Book review of M. Mayer, C. Thörn, and H. Thörn (eds). Urban Uprisings. Challenging Neoliberal Urbanism in Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan M.Mayer、C.Thörn和H.Thön的书评(编辑)。城市起义。挑战欧洲的新自由主义城市主义。伦敦:Palgrave Macmillan
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22.4.511
C. Listerborn
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引用次数: 14
TAKING AUSTERITY TO THE STREETS: FIGHTING AUSTERITY MEASURES OR AUSTERITY STATES 走上街头:反对紧缩措施或紧缩国家
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-21-4-431
B. Klandermans, J. Stekelenburg
We present data on eighteen demonstrations against austerity politics. A distinction is made between demonstrations against the austerity measures governments are taking (11) and demonstrations against the governments that are taking these measures (7). In total, 3434 demonstrators completed a survey questionnaire inquiring about demographic characteristics, social and political embeddedness, mobilization channels, satisfaction with the way democracy works in their country, identification and motivation. We propose a theoretical framework for the comparison of participants in the two types of demonstrations. Employing anovas, manovas, and logistic regression analyses hypotheses derived from the theoretical framework are tested. With a proportion of correct classifications of 75.6% our model was able to satisfactorily account for the differences between the two types of demonstrations.
我们提供了18次反对紧缩政治的示威活动的数据。反对政府采取紧缩措施的示威(11)和反对政府采取紧缩措施的示威(7)是有区别的。总共有3434名示威者完成了一份调查问卷,调查内容包括人口特征、社会和政治嵌入、动员渠道、对本国民主运作方式的满意度、认同和动机。我们提出了一个理论框架来比较两种类型的示威的参与者。采用方差分析、方差分析和逻辑回归分析,对从理论框架中得出的假设进行了检验。由于正确分类的比例为75.6%,我们的模型能够令人满意地解释两种类型的演示之间的差异。
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引用次数: 26
Sampling Social Movement Organizations 抽样社会运动组织
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-07-07 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-21-2-231
K. Andrews, Bob Edwards, Akram Al-Turk, A. Hunter
Scholars of nonprofits, interest groups, civic associations, and social movement organizations employ samples of organizations derived from directories or other available listings. In most cases, we are unable to evaluate the representativeness of these samples. Using data on the population of environmental organizations in North Carolina, we assess the methodological strengths and weaknesses of widely used strategies. We find that reliance on any single source yields bias on theoretically important characteristics of organizations. We show that scholars can reduce bias significantly by combining sources, creating what we call a “peak list” compiled from different types of sources. Compared to any single source, our peak list differed less from the population on the thirty-one organizational characteristics including geographical coverage, issues, discursive frames, targets, and organizational demographics such as age, organizational form, and resources. From these analyses, we offer methodological recomm...
非营利组织、利益集团、公民协会和社会运动组织的学者使用来自目录或其他可用列表的组织样本。在大多数情况下,我们无法评估这些样本的代表性。利用北卡罗来纳州环境组织的人口数据,我们评估了广泛使用的策略的方法优势和劣势。我们发现,对任何单一来源的依赖都会对理论上重要的组织特征产生偏差。我们表明,学者们可以通过结合来源,创建我们所谓的“峰值列表”,从不同类型的来源编译显著减少偏见。与任何单一来源相比,我们的高峰列表在31个组织特征上与人口差异较小,包括地理覆盖范围、问题、话语框架、目标和组织人口统计(如年龄、组织形式和资源)。根据这些分析,我们提出了方法学上的建议。
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引用次数: 9
Social Movements, Strategic Choice, and Recourse to the Polls* 社会运动、战略选择与诉诸民意*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-07-07 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-21-2-177
Amanda Pullum
In 2011, twenty-one state legislatures held floor votes on one or more bills seeking to limit teachers' collective bargaining rights, tenure protections, or both. In eighteen states, these bills became law. Teachers' unions took varying approaches to fighting against these pieces of legislation, but only in a few states did they turn to the ballot box, despite widespread availability of electoral tactics. In this study, I use fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to determine why most teachers' unions did not turn to the ballot. I find two causal “pathways”: one in which political opportunity structures and union strength make legislative compromise possible, and another in which these conditions, along with the nature of the legislative threat, make success at the ballot seem unlikely. Social movement scholars must reexamine the role that threat plays in strategic choice processes, and prospect theory can help make sense of these choices.
2011年,21个州的立法机构就一项或多项旨在限制教师集体谈判权、终身教职保护或两者兼而有之的法案进行了投票。在18个州,这些法案成为法律。教师工会采取了不同的方法来反对这些立法,但只有在少数几个州,尽管选举策略广泛可用,他们还是转向了投票箱。在本研究中,我使用模糊集定性比较分析(fsQCA)来确定为什么大多数教师工会不转向投票。我发现了两条因果“路径”:一条是政治机会结构和工会力量使立法妥协成为可能,另一条是这些条件,加上立法威胁的性质,使投票成功似乎不太可能。社会运动学者必须重新审视威胁在战略选择过程中所扮演的角色,而前景理论可以帮助理解这些选择。
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引用次数: 4
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Mobilization
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