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PREELECTION MOBILIZATION AND ELECTORAL OUTCOME IN AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES 独裁政权的选前动员与选举结果
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-10-09 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-3-293
M. Kadivar
Does preelection protest have an effect on the outcomes of authoritarian elections? Electoral authoritarian regimes use elections to consolidate their power and claim democratic legitimacy. Nonetheless, on some occasions authoritarian incumbents lose elections despite their advantages, and a democratic breakthrough is achieved. I propose that preelection protests contribute to such election results. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on the effectiveness of postelection upheavals, and the effects of preelection protest are still theoretically and empirically understudied. This article proposes a theory for why preelection contention has an independent effect on incumbent defeat of authoritarian regimes and democratization. I present empirical support for the association between preelection protest activities, incumbent defeat, and democratization using data from 190 elections across 65 countries with nondemocratic regimes. The findings of this analysis have important implications for studies of social...
选前抗议对独裁选举的结果有影响吗?选举专制政权利用选举来巩固其权力,并宣称其民主合法性。尽管如此,在某些情况下,独裁在位者尽管有优势,但还是会输掉选举,从而实现民主的突破。我认为,选举前的抗议活动促成了这种选举结果。现有的学术研究主要集中在选举后动荡的有效性上,而选举前抗议的影响在理论上和实证上仍未得到充分研究。本文提出了一种理论,解释为什么选前竞争对现任独裁政权的失败和民主化具有独立的影响。我利用来自65个非民主政权国家的190次选举的数据,为选前抗议活动、现任者的失败和民主化之间的联系提供了实证支持。这一分析的发现对社会……的研究具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 3
WHEN SAYING LESS IS SOMETHING NEW: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND FRAME-CONTRACTION PROCESSES 说得少是新的东西:社会运动和框架收缩过程
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-20-3-275
Marc Lavine, J. Cobb, C. Roussin
The framing strategies of social movements are typically characterized by movement actors conceptually and rhetorically expanding frames. We contend that movement actors also contract frames by del...
社会运动的框架策略通常以运动行动者在概念上和修辞上扩展框架为特征。我们认为,运动演员也会通过del。。。
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引用次数: 6
CULTIVATING PEACE: SOCIAL MOVEMENT PROFESSIONALIZATION AND NGOIZATION IN CROATIA* 培育和平:克罗地亚社会运动的职业化与非政府化*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-3-345
Laura J. Heideman
Scholars studying social movements and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have noted a rapid expansion in the number of professional organizations dedicated to creating social change. This study ...
研究社会运动和非政府组织的学者注意到,致力于创造社会变革的专业组织数量迅速增加。这项研究。。。
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引用次数: 7
Peer support in industrial action: how colleagues' anticipated social support affects willingness to strike 劳工行动中的同伴支持:同事预期的社会支持如何影响罢工意愿
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-23-3-331
Marieke Born, A. Akkerman
This article studies how the support workers expect from colleagues for strike participation affects their willingness to participate in a strike. We formulate hypotheses on the effects of anticipated social support for participation as well as anticipated social support for nonparticipation. We include the potentially mediating effect of social identification and the social costs of (non-)participation. We test our hypotheses on survey data of 725 Dutch employees collected in 2010. Using structural equation modeling techniques, we find that the support for participation has a stronger positive effect on the willingness to strike than the support for nonparticipation has on the willingness to strike. In addition, our findings suggest that union membership substitutes the effect of social support of colleagues.
本文研究了支持工作者对同事参与罢工的期望如何影响他们参与罢工的意愿。我们提出了关于预期社会支持对参与的影响以及预期社会支持对于未参与的影响的假设。我们包括社会认同的潜在中介效应和(非)参与的社会成本。我们在2010年收集的725名荷兰员工的调查数据上检验了我们的假设。使用结构方程建模技术,我们发现支持参与对罢工意愿的积极影响比支持不参与对罢工愿意的积极影响更强。此外,我们的研究结果表明,加入工会可以替代同事的社会支持。
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引用次数: 0
THE MOBILIZATION DROPOUT RACE: INTERPERSONAL NETWORKS AND MOTIVATIONS PREDICTING DIFFERENTIAL RECRUITMENT IN A NATIONAL CLIMATE CHANGE DEMONSTRATION* 动员辍学竞赛:人际网络和动机预测国家气候变化示范中的差异招聘*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-20-3-311
J. V. Laer
The question of why some people participate in collective action, while most of them do not, has puzzled social movement scholars for decades, continuing to generate a burgeoning literature on what...
为什么有些人参加集体行动,而大多数人不参加,这个问题几十年来一直困扰着社会运动学者,继续产生关于什么……
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引用次数: 14
“"What is to be done?": Agency and the causation of transformative events in Ireland's 1916 Rising and 1969 Long March” “该怎么办?”:机构和爱尔兰1916年起义和1969年长征中变革性事件的原因
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-06-29 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-2-223
L. Bosi, D. Davis
This article investigates the role of agency in the causation of transformative events by looking at the competition between rival strands within social movements. The creative activity involved in the elaboration and execution of rival strategies is used as a proxy for agency. We present a paired comparison of two very different transformative events in twentieth-century Ireland—the Easter Rising of 1916 and the Long March from Belfast to Derry in 1969—and the strategic interactions preceding them. The comparison shows how agency and structure can interact around transformative events. High levels of agency were instrumental in making the events, and in turn these events catalyzed powerful social forces. These forces were structural—that is, they reflected divisions, tensions, and power relations that were deeply engrained in the social structure over the long term. However, these structural forces could have remained dormant had it not been for the bursts of agency that brought about the transformative ...
本文通过观察社会运动中竞争对手之间的竞争,调查了机构在变革事件因果关系中的作用。参与竞争性战略的制定和执行的创造性活动被用作代理。我们对20世纪爱尔兰发生的两个截然不同的变革事件——1916年的复活节起义和1969年从贝尔法斯特到德里的长征——以及它们之前的战略互动进行了配对比较。这一比较显示了机构和结构如何在变革事件中相互作用。高水平的能动性有助于这些事件的发生,而这些事件反过来又催化了强大的社会力量。这些力量是结构性的,也就是说,它们反映了长期以来深深植根于社会结构中的分裂、紧张和权力关系。然而,如果不是机构的爆发带来了变革,这些结构性力量可能一直处于休眠状态……
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引用次数: 6
VOICING OUTRAGE UNEVENLY: DEMOCRATIC DISSATISFACTION, NONPARTICIPATION, AND PARTICIPATION FREQUENCY IN THE 15-M CAMPAIGN* 愤怒的表达不均衡:民主不满、不参与和1500万竞选的参与频率*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-06-29 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-2-201
M. Portos, J. Masullo
This article explores frequencies of participation and nonparticipation in the 15-M protest campaign in Spain. Given the nature of this campaign, we focus on democratic dissatisfaction. Our findings suggest that, relative to nonparticipants, democratic dissatisfaction is significantly associated with multiple-time participation, but not with one-time participation. In other words, those who participated only once are not substantially more dissatisfied than those who did not participate. This is remarkable because the “indignados” label and the slogan “Real Democracy Now!” suggest that democratic discontent is a central factor uniting 15-M challengers. Relying on a general survey with questions on different frequencies of participation in the 15-M campaign and on qualitative evidence from two separate rounds of interviewing, we show that not all those who participated, when compared to nonparticipants, were in fact that outraged.
本文探讨了西班牙15-M抗议运动中参与和不参与的频率。鉴于这场运动的性质,我们关注的是民主不满。我们的研究结果表明,相对于非参与者,对民主的不满与多次参与显著相关,而与一次参与无关。换句话说,那些只参加过一次的人并不比那些没有参加过的人更不满意。这是值得注意的,因为“愤怒者”的标签和口号是“真正的民主,现在!”表明,民主不满是团结1500万名挑战者的核心因素。根据一项关于15-M运动参与频率不同的一般性调查,以及来自两轮单独访谈的定性证据,我们表明,与没有参与的人相比,并非所有参与的人都那么愤怒。
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引用次数: 12
WHY ONLY SOME LIFESTYLE ACTIVISTS AVOID STATE-ORIENTED POLITICS: A CASE STUDY IN THE BELGIAN ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT* 为什么只有一些生活方式活动家避免国家导向的政治:比利时环境运动的案例研究*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-06-29 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-2-245
J. D. Moor, Sofie Marien, M. Hooghe
Lifestyle politics are often defined as a political strategy used to avoid state-oriented politics. However, recent studies indicate that in some cases, lifestyle activists engage in actions that target the state. This study investigates why some lifestyle activists combine these forms of engagement, while others do not. We explore whether such differences can be explained by variations in activists' perceptions of the political opportunity structure. In particular, we consider whether perceptions of input structures and output structures offer relevant predictors for combining lifestyle politics with state-oriented actions. The article presents an in-depth case study of a Belgian environmental lifestyle movement organization, using a mixed methods approach including participant observation, qualitative interviewing, and surveys. The findings reveal that lifestyle activists' perceptions of the openness of the system matter, but that beliefs in the state's ability to act are more diverse and therefore have...
生活方式政治通常被定义为一种政治策略,用于避免国家导向的政治。然而,最近的研究表明,在某些情况下,生活方式活动家会采取针对国家的行动。这项研究调查了为什么一些生活方式活动家将这些参与形式结合在一起,而另一些人则没有。我们探讨了这种差异是否可以用活动家对政治机会结构的看法的变化来解释。特别是,我们考虑对投入结构和产出结构的感知是否为将生活方式政治与国家导向的行动相结合提供了相关的预测因素。本文采用参与者观察、定性访谈和调查等混合方法,对比利时一家环境生活方式运动组织进行了深入的案例研究。研究结果表明,生活方式活动家对制度开放性的看法很重要,但对国家行动能力的信念更为多样,因此。。。
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引用次数: 15
ROUTING AROUND ORGANIZATIONS: SELF-DIRECTED POLITICAL CONSUMPTION* 围绕组织的路径选择:自我导向的政治消费*
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-06-01 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-2-131
J. Earl, L. Copeland, Bruce Bimber
Recent research on activism in the context of digital media has argued that organizing can happen outside of organizations and even without SMOs. This work has been focused primarily on the “supply side” of participation. In this article, we expand this line of work by focusing on the “demand side.” We examine the distinction between self-directed and organizationally directed activism from the perspective of the individual, finding that shifts toward movement societies, the rise of lifestyle politics, and, to a lesser extent, changing citizenship norms explain citizen preferences for self-directed versus organizationally directed political consumption. We also analyze the relationship between political interest, different kinds of digital media use, and preferences for self-directed activism. We use original data from a survey in the U.S. on political consumption.
最近对数字媒体背景下的激进主义的研究表明,组织可以在组织之外发生,甚至没有SMO。这项工作主要侧重于参与的“供应方”。在这篇文章中,我们通过关注“需求方”来扩展这一领域,不断变化的公民规范解释了公民对自我导向与组织导向的政治消费的偏好。我们还分析了政治利益、不同类型的数字媒体使用和对自我导向激进主义的偏好之间的关系。我们使用了美国一项关于政治消费的调查的原始数据。
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引用次数: 55
HOW THE STUDY OF WHITE SUPREMACISM IS HELPED AND HINDERED BY SOCIAL MOVEMENT RESEARCH 社会运动研究如何帮助和阻碍白人至上主义的研究
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2017-04-06 DOI: 10.17813/1086-671X-22-1-1
Kathleen Blee
Scholars of white supremacism adopted the framework of social movement research later and less completely than did scholars of progressive movements. Although the shift to considering racist groups as a social movement had many analytic benefits, it also nudged analysis away from some of the most central aspects of white supremacism. This article suggests how social movement research and scholarship on organized racism can benefit from a more reflective engagement with each other.
研究白人至上主义的学者采用社会运动研究的框架较晚,而且不如研究进步运动的学者完全。虽然将种族主义团体视为一种社会运动的转变有很多分析上的好处,但它也使分析远离了白人至上主义的一些最核心的方面。这篇文章表明,社会运动研究和关于有组织种族主义的学术研究如何能从相互之间更多的反思中受益。
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引用次数: 20
期刊
Mobilization
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