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The Market for Foreign Bases 外国基地市场

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2271387

Renanah Miles Joyce, Brian Blankenship

引用次数: 0

Buying Survival: Why Do Leaders Hire Mercenaries? 购买生存：领导人为何雇佣雇佣军？

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2268521

Leonardo Gentil-Fernandes, Kelly Morrison, Jacob Otto

引用次数: 0

Is multi-method research more convincing than single-method research? An analysis of International Relations journal articles, 1980–2018 多方法研究是否比单一方法研究更有说服力?1980-2018年国际关系期刊文章分析

2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2262388

Anton Peez

While some social scientists see multi-method research (MMR) as a promising strategy for strong causal inference, others argue that it does little to strengthen the validity of research. This paper offers a systematic review of how MMR has been used in mainstream International Relations (IR) and specifically in security studies. Using the TRIP Journal Article Database and Web of Science citation data, I examine whether MMR has reached its full potential. MMR has grown in prominence since the 2000s. Scholars use it most often to examine domestic rather than interstate issues. They cite MMR articles less than they cite quantitative single-method articles and about as often as they cite qualitative single-method research. This suggests that MMR is not more influential, nor perceived as more persuasive. However, this gap has decreased in recent years. The study provides insights into IR at the research design and disciplinary levels, the utility of MMR, and knowledge accumulation in social science.

虽然一些社会科学家认为多方法研究(MMR)是一种强有力的因果推理的有前途的策略，但其他人认为它对加强研究的有效性几乎没有帮助。本文系统地回顾了MMR在主流国际关系(IR)尤其是安全研究中的应用。利用TRIP期刊文章数据库和Web of Science引文数据，我研究了MMR是否已经充分发挥了它的潜力。自2000年代以来，MMR越来越受重视。学者们通常用它来研究国内问题，而不是州际问题。他们引用MMR文章的次数少于引用定量单方法文章的次数，而引用定性单方法研究的次数也差不多。这表明MMR并没有更有影响力，也没有被认为更有说服力。然而，这一差距近年来有所缩小。该研究从研究设计和学科水平、MMR的效用和社会科学的知识积累方面提供了对IR的见解。

引用次数: 0

International Security and Black Politics: A Biographical Note Toward an Institutional Critique 国际安全与黑人政治：迈向制度批判的传记说明

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2246874

Robbie Shilliam

Abstract In this afterword, I claim that the distance that sets apart the study of black politics and international security is neither neutral nor natural but crafted through racism. Using the biography of John Herz, alongside other scholars, I shed light on an intellectual tradition that treats black politics and international security as mutually constitutive phenomena. I demonstrate, however, that during the Cold War their study was fractured into two discrete institutional configurations. I claim that academic institutions are entangled in the curtailment of the black freedom struggle in the US. To orient security studies towards the challenge posed by Black Lives Matter might require no less than an institutional reconfiguration of the field.

摘要在这篇后记中，我声称黑人政治和国际安全研究之间的距离既不是中立的，也不是自然形成的，而是通过种族主义精心设计的。通过约翰-赫茨的传记以及其他学者的研究，我揭示了将黑人政治和国际安全视为相互构成现象的思想传统。然而，我证明，在冷战时期，他们的研究被分裂成两种不同的机构配置。我声称，学术机构与美国黑人自由斗争的缩减息息相关。要使安全研究面向 "黑人生命事件 "提出的挑战，可能需要对该领域进行机构重组。

引用次数: 0

Three Approaches to the Study of Race and International Relations 种族与国际关系研究的三种方法

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2246896

Adom Getachew

引用次数: 0

Introducing the Special Issue on “Race and Security” 介绍 "种族与安全 "特刊

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2250231

Ronald R. Krebs

引用次数: 0

How Central is Race to International Relations? 种族对国际关系有多重要？

IF 1.8 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2250718

Jack Snyder

Abstract While I agree that it is high time for more research on the conceptual and empirical questions of race raised in this special issue, I argue that mainstream approaches including realism and liberalism shed more light on the central mechanisms that drive international politics than do theories that put race in the central position. This is not because mainstream theories ignore identity politics, but because their theories of political identity are more closely tied to the powerful driving mechanisms of the nation-state and social modernization. Mainstream IR has, in recent decades, worked hard to understand the continuing power of nationalism and ethnicity using concepts that can also illuminate the category of race.

摘要虽然我同意现在是时候对本期特刊中提出的种族概念和实证问题进行更多的研究了，但我认为包括现实主义和自由主义在内的主流方法比将种族置于中心位置的理论更能揭示推动国际政治的核心机制。这并不是因为主流理论忽视了身份政治，而是因为它们的政治身份理论与民族国家和社会现代化的强大驱动机制联系更为紧密。近几十年来，主流国际关系学一直在努力利用同样可以阐明种族范畴的概念来理解民族主义和种族的持续力量。

引用次数: 0

Intergenerational Immobility: A Legacy of Racial Violence 代际不流动:种族暴力的遗产

2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2256664

Adrian Arellano

Abstract What are the long-run consequences of racial violence on intergenerational mobility? Do its impacts extend to the broader community? Using newly available longitudinal data covering much of the US population from 1989–2015, this study documents two results. First, it establishes a statistical association between the severity of lynching of Black Americans and long-run economic outcomes across the Southern United States. Counties that experienced racial violence most intensely in the past have lower levels of Black upward mobility today. Second, although most lynch victims were Black males, their long-run consequences are equally observable for the current generation of both Black males and females. Living in counties that experienced lynchings in the 19th and 20th centuries reduces Black upwardly mobile in the 21st century. These findings demonstrate that collective violence may hinder long-term intergenerational mobility for the broader affected community, irrespective of temporal proximity or sex.

种族暴力对代际流动的长期影响是什么?它的影响会延伸到更广泛的社区吗?利用1989年至2015年期间覆盖大部分美国人口的最新纵向数据，该研究记录了两个结果。首先，它建立了美国黑人私刑的严重程度与美国南部长期经济结果之间的统计关联。过去经历过最激烈种族暴力的县，今天黑人向上流动的水平较低。其次，尽管大多数私刑受害者是黑人男性，但对当代黑人男性和女性来说，其长期后果同样明显。生活在19世纪和20世纪经历过私刑的县，使黑人在21世纪无法向上流动。这些发现表明，集体暴力可能会阻碍更广泛的受影响社区的长期代际流动，而不考虑时间邻近或性别。

引用次数: 0

The Bomb as God: a metaphor that impedes nuclear disarmament 核弹是上帝:一个阻碍核裁军的隐喻

2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2256655

Jacques E. C. Hymans

Abstract“Nuclear embeddedness” refers to a state’s persistent failure to reconsider its possession of a nuclear arsenal. The sedimentation of the metaphor of the Bomb as God in a state’s political culture consolidates “nuclear embeddedness.” Because metaphorizing something as God puts it beyond even boundedly rational calculation, the metaphor of the Bomb as God effectively blocks a state from seeing its way clear to nuclear renunciation. The article probes the plausibility of this hypothesis with historical analyses of the nuclear policies of the U.S., India, Pakistan, and North Korea, and with case studies of three high-level American, British, and French nuclear officials who ultimately turned against the Bomb. AcknowledgmentsThanks to Fiona Adamson, Lynn Eden, Robert English, Ron Hassner, Rieko Kage, Joshua Kertzer, Nancy Kokaz, Ronald Krebs, Richard Ned Lebow, Reid Pauly, Benoît Pelopidas, M. V. Ramana, Brian Rathbun, William Walker, Anna Weichselbraun, David Welch, participants at a 2019 conference at the Princeton Program on Science and Global Security, the 2020 Peace Science Society annual conference, an online seminar organized by Michal Smetana and Michal Onderco in 2021, and the Security Studies editors and reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Earlier talks at the Balsillie School of International Affairs, the Duke University political science department, and the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs were also valuable experiences as I was trying to feel my way forward on the topic of nuclear disarmament. The USC Center for International Studies provided generous funding support.Notes1 William Walker, “On Nuclear Embeddedness and (Ir)Reversibility” (working paper, Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University, February 2020): 7. [https://sgs.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/2020-02/walker-2020.pdf]2 Walker, “On Nuclear Embeddedness and (Ir)Reversibility,” 20.3 Toby Dalton and George Perkovich, “Thinking the Other Unthinkable: Disarmament in North Korea and Beyond.” Livermore Papers on Global Security No. 8 (July 2020): 7, 45. [https://cgsr.llnl.gov/content/assets/docs/CGSR-LivermorePaper8.pdf]4 Dalton and Perkovich, “Thinking the Other Unthinkable,” 10.5 “Disarmament” would be the standard word to use here, but “disarmament” could also mean mere nuclear arms reductions, so “renunciation” is clearer.6 Paul S. Boyer, By the Bomb’s Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age, 2nd ed. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 367.7 Harry Roberts and Emily Gibbs, “Nuclear Culture,” Oxford Bibliographies Online in Military History, 30 October 2019, doi: 10.1093/obo/9780199791279-0187; Justin Anderson and Amanda Moodie, “Weapons of Mass Destruction,” Oxford Bibliographies Online in International Relations, 3 June 2019, doi: 10.1093/obo/9780199743292-0221.8 Charles L. Glaser, “Was Nuclear Disarmament Ever Alive?” in Bård Nikolas Vik

摘要“核嵌入”是指一个国家一直未能重新考虑其拥有核武库的问题。原子弹作为上帝的隐喻在国家政治文化中的沉淀巩固了“核嵌入性”。因为把某物比喻成上帝甚至超出了有限的理性计算，把核弹比喻成上帝有效地阻止了一个国家看清放弃核武器的道路。本文通过对美国、印度、巴基斯坦和朝鲜核政策的历史分析，以及对最终反对原子弹的美国、英国和法国三位高级核官员的案例研究，探讨了这一假设的合理性。感谢Fiona Adamson, Lynn Eden, Robert English, Ron Hassner, Rieko Kage, Joshua Kertzer, Nancy Kokaz, Ronald Krebs, Richard Ned Lebow, Reid Pauly, beno<e:1> Pelopidas, M. V. Ramana, Brian Rathbun, William Walker, Anna Weichselbraun, David Welch，参加2019年普林斯顿科学与全球安全项目会议，2020年和平科学学会年会，由michael Smetana和michael Onderco组织的在线研讨会，以及《安全研究》的编辑和审稿人对本文早期版本的有益评论。早些时候在贝尔西利国际事务学院、杜克大学政治科学系和贝尔弗科学与国际事务中心的演讲也是我在核裁军问题上摸索前进道路的宝贵经验。南加州大学国际研究中心提供了慷慨的资金支持。注1 William Walker，“关于核嵌入性和(Ir)可逆性”(工作论文，普林斯顿大学科学与全球安全项目，2020年2月):7。[https://sgs.princeton.edu/sites/default/files/2020-02/walker-2020.pdf]2 Walker，“关于核嵌入性和(Ir)可逆性”，20.3 Toby Dalton和George Perkovich，“思考其他不可想象的:朝鲜及其他地区的裁军”。《利弗莫尔全球安全论文集》第8期(2020年7月):7,45。[https://cgsr.llnl.gov/content/assets/docs/CGSR-LivermorePaper8.pdf]道尔顿和佩尔科维奇，《认为对方不可想象》，“裁军”将是这里使用的标准词汇，但“裁军”也可能仅仅意味着裁减核武器，因此“放弃”就更清楚了保罗·s·博伊尔，《原子弹的早期光芒:原子时代黎明的美国思想与文化》，第2版(北卡罗来纳州教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社，1994年)，367.7哈里·罗伯茨和艾米丽·吉布斯，《核文化》，牛津军事历史参考书目在线，2019年10月30日，doi: 10.1093/obo/9780199791279-0187;《大规模杀伤性武器》，牛津国际关系在线参考书目，2019年6月3日，doi: 10.1093/obo/9780199743292-0221.8查尔斯·l·格拉萨:《核裁军曾经存在吗?Nikolas Vik Steen和Olav Njolstad主编。，《核裁军:关键评估》(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社，2019)，25-42;Kenneth N. Waltz，《核神话与政治现实》，《美国政治科学评论》，第84期。Joseph S. Nye, Jr.，《核伦理学》(纽约:The Free Press, 1986);Keir A. Lieber和Daryl G. Press，《核革命的神话:原子时代的权力政治》(康奈尔大学出版社，2021)，第129-131页;布鲁诺·特拉斯，《零的不合逻辑》，《华盛顿季刊》第33期，第2期。安德鲁·基德，“坚强的孩子vs.达摩克利斯之剑:核武器与战争的预期成本”，《安全研究》，2010年第28期。塔尼莎·法扎尔:《国家死亡:征服、占领和吞并的政治与地理》(普林斯顿，新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社，2007);12 .约翰·穆勒，《原子痴迷:从广岛到基地组织的核危言耸听》(牛津，英国:牛津大学出版社，2010)13 .罗伯特·鲍威尔，《核威慑理论:对可信性的探索》(剑桥，英国:剑桥大学出版社，1990)“核不对称危机中的核不确定性、不首先使用与危机稳定性”，《核不扩散评论》第24期，第3-4期(2017):343-355.14。Brendan Rittenhouse Green，《失败的革命:核竞争、军备控制和冷战》(剑桥大学出版社，2020);理查德·内德·勒博和贾尼斯·格罗斯·斯坦，《我们都输掉了冷战》(普林斯顿大学出版社，1994年);里德·b·c·保利和罗斯·麦克德莫特，《核边缘政策的心理学》，《国际安全》第47期，第2期。Todd S. Sechser和Matthew Fuhrmann，《危机谈判与核讹诈》，《国际组织》第67期，no. 16。[1]张建军，李建军。米勒，“质疑核武器对冲突的影响”，《冲突解决期刊》第59期，第2期。1 (2015): 74-92.18 Graham Allison，核恐怖主义:最终可预防的灾难(纽约:时代图书，2004)，131-132.19 Ahsan I. Butt，“核武器会影响枪支-黄油的权衡吗?”《来自巴基斯坦及其他地区的核替代证据》，《冲突、安全与发展》，第15期。斯科特·d·萨根，“国家为什么要制造核武器?”三个寻找炸弹的模型"《国际安全》第21期。3 (1997): 76;卡斯滕·弗雷，《核神话与核禁忌》《和平评论》第18期，不。23 .弗朗西斯·j·加文，《核国家之道:美国原子时代的历史与战略》(伊萨卡，纽约:康奈尔大学出版社，2012)，特别是8.22文·q·鲍恩，哈桑·艾尔巴蒂米，克里斯托弗·霍布斯和马修·莫兰，《对核裁军核查的信任》(伦敦:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦，2018)25 .托马斯·尼科尔斯，《无用:核武器与美国国家安全》(费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社，2013年)，44-46.24迈克尔·克里彭，《核和平的输赢:军备控制的兴起、消亡与复兴》(加州斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社，2021年)本杰明·扎拉，《下一次核军备竞赛将与上一次有何不同》，《原子科学家公报》第75期，第2期。贾罗德·海斯:“习惯逻辑下的核裁军与稳定”，《核不扩散评论》第22期，第3-4期(2015):505-515.27。Paul C. Avey，“MAD与禁忌:美国专家对核威慑、胁迫和不使用规范的看法”，《外交政策分析》第17期。2(2021): 1-14.28参见，例如，Eric M. Blanchard，“隐喻和IR的Alkerian重新制定”，载于ren<s:1>马林-班尼特主编，“Alker和IR:一个相互关联的世界中的全球研究”(伦敦:Routledge出版社，2011)，149-161.29雅克·德里达，“没有启示录，不是现在(全速前进，七枚导弹，七枚导弹)，”Diacritics 14, No。2(1984年夏):23.30杰夫·史密斯，《不考虑不可思议的事:核武器与西方文化》(印第安纳州布卢明顿:印第安纳大学出版社，1989年)，21.31史密斯，《不考虑不可思议的事》，2.32佩吉·罗森塔尔，《作为文化形象的核蘑菇云》

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引用次数: 0

Hawks Become Us: The Sense of Power and Militant Foreign Policy Attitudes 鹰派成为我们:权力意识和好战的外交政策态度

2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Security Studies

Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2023.2252736

Caleb Pomeroy

AbstractHow does power shape foreign policy attitudes? Drawing on advances in psychological research on power, I argue that the sense of relative state power explains foreign policy hawkishness. The intuitive sense that “our state” is stronger than “your state” activates militant internationalism, an orientation centered on the efficacy of force and deterrence to achieve state aims. Beyond general orientation towards the world, this sense of power explains discrete attitudes towards pressing security issues, from threat perception in the South China Sea to nuclear weapons use against Iran. Five original surveys across the US, China, and Russia, as well as an experiment fielded on the US public, lend support to these claims. The psychological effects of state power overshadow dispositional traits common in behavioral IR, like individuals’ personalities and moral proclivities. More surprisingly, power changes individuals, making hawks of even the most dovish. Taken together, the paper presents a “first image reversed” challenge to standard bottom-up accounts of foreign policy opinion and offers unique explanatory leverage in a potential era of US decline, China’s rise, and Russian belligerence. AcknowledgementsFor feedback and advice, the author thanks Polina Beliakova, Rick Herrmann, Kara Hooser, Yuji Idomoto, Josh Kertzer, Alex Yu-Ting Lin, David Peterson, Brian Rathbun, Randy Schweller, the anonymous reviewers, and audiences at Ohio State, USC, and ISA 2021. For funding assistance and/or survey space, the author thanks Ohio State’s Program for the Study of Realist Foreign Policy, Dartmouth College’s Dickey Center, USC’s Korean Studies Institute, and Elizabeth Cooksey and Ohio State’s CHRR. For translation assistance, the author is indebted to Evgeniia Iakhnis and Haoming Xiong. Finally, thanks to the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and the Levada Center for sharing their survey data. The paper’s original surveys were deemed exempt by the Institutional Review Boards at The Ohio State University (#2021E0239, #2021E0578, #2022E0350) and Dartmouth College (#00032660).Data Availability StatementThe data and materials that support the findings of this paper are available on Harvard Dataverse at https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/MVIVTWNotes1 For more on this surge of research, see Brian C. Rathbun, “Towards a Dual Process Model of Foreign Policy Ideology,” Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences 34 (August 2020): 211–16; Joshua D. Kertzer and Dustin Tingley, “Political Psychology in International Relations: Beyond the Paradigms,” Annual Review of Political Science 21, no. 1 (May 2018): 319–39.2 Joshua D. Kertzer, Kathleen E. Powers, Brian C. Rathbun, and Ravi Iyer, “Moral Support: How Moral Values Shape Foreign Policy Attitudes,” Journal of Politics 76, no. 3 (July 2014): 825–40; Brian C. Rathbun, Joshua D. Kertzer, Jason Reifler, Paul Goren, and Thomas J. Scotto, “Taking Foreign Policy Personally: Personal Values and Foreign Policy Attitudes,” Internationa

权力如何塑造外交政策态度?根据权力心理学研究的进展，我认为相对国家权力的感觉解释了外交政策的鹰派。“我们的国家”比“你们的国家”更强大的直觉激发了好战的国际主义，这是一种以武力和威慑效力为中心的取向，以实现国家目标。除了对世界的总体取向之外，这种权力感解释了对紧迫安全问题的不同态度，从对南中国海威胁的看法到对伊朗使用核武器。在美国、中国和俄罗斯进行的五项原始调查，以及一项针对美国公众的实验，都支持了这些说法。国家权力的心理影响掩盖了行为IR中常见的性格特征，如个人的个性和道德倾向。更令人惊讶的是，权力会改变个人，即使是最温和的人也会变成鹰派。总而言之，这篇论文对标准的自下而上的外交政策观点提出了“第一形象颠倒”的挑战，并在美国衰落、中国崛起、俄罗斯好战的潜在时代提供了独特的解释力。对于反馈和建议，作者感谢Polina Beliakova, Rick Herrmann, Kara Hooser, Yuji Idomoto, Josh Kertzer, Alex Yu-Ting Lin, David Peterson, Brian Rathbun, Randy Schweller，匿名评论者以及俄亥俄州立大学，南加州大学和ISA 2021的观众。作者感谢俄亥俄州立大学现实主义外交政策研究项目、达特茅斯学院迪基中心、南加州大学韩国研究所、伊丽莎白·库克西和俄亥俄州立大学人权研究中心提供的资金援助和/或调查空间。在翻译方面，作者感谢伊芙根尼娅·伊克尼斯和熊浩明。最后，感谢芝加哥全球事务委员会和勒瓦达中心分享他们的调查数据。该论文的原始调查被俄亥俄州立大学(#2021E0239， #2021E0578， #2022E0350)和达特茅斯学院(#00032660)的机构审查委员会视为豁免。数据可用性声明支持本文发现的数据和材料可在Harvard Dataverse网站https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/MVIVTWNotes1上获得，有关这一研究浪潮的更多信息，请参见Brian C. Rathbun，“走向外交政策意识形态的双重过程模型”，《行为科学当前观点》34(2020年8月):211-16;Joshua D. Kertzer和Dustin Tingley，“国际关系中的政治心理学:超越范式”，《政治学年度评论》，第21期。[2]张晓明，张晓明，张晓明，“道德支持:道德价值观对外交政策态度的影响”，《政治研究》第76期。3(2014年7月):825-40;Brian C. Rathbun, Joshua D. Kertzer, Jason Reifler, Paul Goren，和Thomas J. Scotto，“个人外交政策:个人价值观和外交政策态度”，《国际研究季刊》第60期，第2期。1(2016年2月):124-37;Timothy B. Gravelle, Jason Reifler和Thomas J. Scotto，“人格特质和外交政策态度:一项跨国探索性研究”，《人格与个体差异》153(2020年1月):109607;Caleb Pomeroy和Brian C. Rathbun，“只是生意?美国和俄罗斯公众中的道德谴责和良性暴力”，《和平研究杂志》(2023)，即将出版;Sarah Kreps和Sarah Maxey，“道德机制:人道主义干预的支持来源”，《冲突解决杂志》第62期。拉斯本，“外交政策意识形态的双重过程模型”。4 Michael Tomz, Jessica L.P. Weeks和Keren Yarhi-Milo，“民主国家关于军事力量的公众舆论和决策”，《国际组织》第74期，第2期。1(冬季2020):119-43;埃里克·林-格林伯格，《士兵、民意测验专家和国际危机:公众舆论和军方对使用武力的建议》，《外交政策分析》第17期，第2期。3(2021年4月8日);Jonathan A. Chu和Stefano Recchia，《公众舆论是否影响外交政策领导人的偏好?》《来自英国议会的实验证据》，《政治杂志》，第84期。贝克利，迈克尔，“国家的力量:衡量什么是重要的”，《国际安全》第43期，第1874-77.5页。张晓明，“权力、方法与抑制”，《心理评论》第110期，第7- 11页。2(2003年4月):265-84;Adam D. Galinsky, Derek D. Rucker和Joe C. Magee，“权力:过去的发现，现在的考虑和未来的方向”，APA人格与社会心理学手册，第3卷:人际关系。中文信息学报，2015,421-60;安娜·吉诺特，《权力如何影响人:激活、渴望和追求目标》，《心理学年度评论》第68期。[j] .中国农业大学学报(自然科学版)(2017年1月3日):353-81.7。 Magee和Adam D. Galinsky，“社会等级:权力和地位的自我强化本质”，《管理学院年鉴》第2期，第2期。1(2008年1月):361;Eric M. Anicich和Jacob B. Hirsh，“中等权力心理学:纵向代码转换、角色冲突和行为抑制”，《管理评论》第42期。4(2017年10月):662.24贝克利:《国家的力量》;Therese Anders, Christopher J Fariss和Jonathan N Markowitz，“在枪炮或黄油之前的面包:引入国内生产盈余(SDP)”，《国际研究季刊》第64期。2(2020年4月24日):392-405.25阿尼奇和赫什，“中等权力的心理学”622;Cameron Anderson, Oliver P. John和Dacher Keltner，“个人权力感”，《人格杂志》第80期。2(2012年2月):313-316;Ana Guinote，“行为变异性和权力的情境焦点理论”，《欧洲社会心理学评论》第18期，第2期。William C. Wohlforth，“权力的感知:1914年前的平衡中的俄罗斯”，《世界政治》第39期，第259.26。27邓勉林，郑慕凡，Ana Guinote，“权力何时触发接近动机?”权力领域中的威胁和感知控制的作用>，《社会与人格心理学指南》第12期。5(2018年5月):2;Keltner等人，《权力、方法和抑制》。28安德鲁·j·埃利奥特主编，《接近与回避动机手册》(纽约，纽约:心理学出版社，2008)，5-6;杰弗里·艾伦·格雷，《恐惧与压力的心理学》，第二版(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，1987年)，第29页Marlon Mooijman, Wilco W. van Dijk, Naomi Ellemers, Eric van Dijk，“为什么领导者会惩罚:一个权力的视角”，《个性与社会心理学杂志》109期。Galinsky et al.，“权力:过去的发现，现在的考虑和未来的方向。”(2015年7月):75-89.3031多米尼克·约翰逊和多米尼克·蒂尔尼，《卢比孔河战争理论:通往冲突的道路如何走向不归路》，《国际安全》第36期，第2期。Keltner et .，“权力、方法与抑制”。33李丽妮·哈迪、史丹利·费尔德曼、查尔斯·塔伯、加里亚

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