Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.26735/978-603-8361-10-8
Abdulrazaq Al-Morjan, Kyounggon Kim, Amir Osman, Sundaresan Ramachandran, Alexander Resch
"تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى رصد المخاطر البيئية في المؤسسات التعليمية؛ فالمخاطر البيئية في وقتنا الحالي أصبحت أكثر أهمية من أي وقت مضى للأشخاص والمجتمعات والدول، وذلك للتحديات والتهديدات التي تنتج عنها، كما تهدف إلى التعرف على أهم إستراتيجيات التأهب والاستعداد لمكافحتها والوقاية منها، ومحاولة التوصل لنموذج لحماية المؤسسات التعليمية من تهديداتها. وقد اعتمدت الدراسة على الجمع بين المنهج التحليلي، والمسح الاجتماعي، وتم رصد المخاطر البيئية من خلال الاستبيان الذي تم تطبيقه على (163) مدرسة موزعة على أربع دول عربية (المملكة العربية السعودية، الأردن، مصر، السودان). وميزت نتائج الدراسة بين ثلاثة مستويات للمخاطر القائمة أو المحتملة في المؤسسات التعليمية: المخاطر البيئية الأكثر حدوثًا: وتتمثل في: ارتفاع درجات الحرارة داخل فصول المدرسة ومبانيها، انقطاع الكهرباء عن مرافق المدرسة، انقطاع إمدادات مياه الشرب، سواء بشكل كلي أو جزئي. المخاطر البيئية الأقل حدوثًا: وتتمثل في: تعرض الهواء الداخلي للمدرسة لبعض الملوثات، وانتشار مرض معدٍ في المدرسة، وتلوث مياه الشرب. المخاطر البيئية النادر حدوثها: وتتمثل في: تعرض المدرسة لمخاطر السيول والفيضانات والزلازل، واندلاع حريق في أحد المباني وحدوث تسرب كيميائي من معامل المدرسة. وأوصت الدراسة بضرورة وضع برنامج للوقاية من المخاطر البيئية ومكافحتها، وفي هذا السياق، تم وضع مقترح لهذا البرنامج يعتبر توصية رئيسة للدراسة، وبمثابة إستراتيجية كلية وشاملة، وقابلة للتطبيق في المؤسسات التعليمية."
{"title":"دور المؤسسات المالية في الحد من الجرائم المعلوماتية","authors":"Abdulrazaq Al-Morjan, Kyounggon Kim, Amir Osman, Sundaresan Ramachandran, Alexander Resch","doi":"10.26735/978-603-8361-10-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26735/978-603-8361-10-8","url":null,"abstract":"\"تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى رصد المخاطر البيئية في المؤسسات التعليمية؛ فالمخاطر البيئية في وقتنا الحالي أصبحت أكثر أهمية من أي وقت مضى للأشخاص والمجتمعات والدول، وذلك للتحديات والتهديدات التي تنتج عنها، كما تهدف إلى التعرف على أهم إستراتيجيات التأهب والاستعداد لمكافحتها والوقاية منها، ومحاولة التوصل لنموذج لحماية المؤسسات التعليمية من تهديداتها. وقد اعتمدت الدراسة على الجمع بين المنهج التحليلي، والمسح الاجتماعي، وتم رصد المخاطر البيئية من خلال الاستبيان الذي تم تطبيقه على (163) مدرسة موزعة على أربع دول عربية (المملكة العربية السعودية، الأردن، مصر، السودان). وميزت نتائج الدراسة بين ثلاثة مستويات للمخاطر القائمة أو المحتملة في المؤسسات التعليمية: المخاطر البيئية الأكثر حدوثًا: وتتمثل في: ارتفاع درجات الحرارة داخل فصول المدرسة ومبانيها، انقطاع الكهرباء عن مرافق المدرسة، انقطاع إمدادات مياه الشرب، سواء بشكل كلي أو جزئي. المخاطر البيئية الأقل حدوثًا: وتتمثل في: تعرض الهواء الداخلي للمدرسة لبعض الملوثات، وانتشار مرض معدٍ في المدرسة، وتلوث مياه الشرب. المخاطر البيئية النادر حدوثها: وتتمثل في: تعرض المدرسة لمخاطر السيول والفيضانات والزلازل، واندلاع حريق في أحد المباني وحدوث تسرب كيميائي من معامل المدرسة. وأوصت الدراسة بضرورة وضع برنامج للوقاية من المخاطر البيئية ومكافحتها، وفي هذا السياق، تم وضع مقترح لهذا البرنامج يعتبر توصية رئيسة للدراسة، وبمثابة إستراتيجية كلية وشاملة، وقابلة للتطبيق في المؤسسات التعليمية.\"","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43863456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.26735/978-603-8235-98-0
Khaled Abu Douh, Ayad AlShammari, Ibtihal Al-Talhi
تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى رصد المخاطر البيئية في المؤسسات التعليمية؛ فالمخاطر البيئية في وقتنا الحالي أصبحت أكثر أهمية من أي وقت مضى للأشخاص والمجتمعات والدول، وذلك للتحديات والتهديدات التي تنتج عنها، كما تهدف إلى التعرف على أهم إستراتيجيات التأهب والاستعداد لمكافحتها والوقاية منها، ومحاولة التوصل لنموذج لحماية المؤسسات التعليمية من تهديداتها. وقد اعتمدت الدراسة على الجمع بين المنهج التحليلي، والمسح الاجتماعي، وتم رصد المخاطر البيئية من خلال الاستبيان الذي تم تطبيقه على (163) مدرسة موزعة على أربع دول عربية (المملكة العربية السعودية، الأردن، مصر، السودان). وميزت نتائج الدراسة بين ثلاثة مستويات للمخاطر القائمة أو المحتملة في المؤسسات التعليمية: ü المخاطر البيئية الأكثر حدوثًا: وتتمثل في: ارتفاع درجات الحرارة داخل فصول المدرسة ومبانيها، انقطاع الكهرباء عن مرافق المدرسة، انقطاع إمدادات مياه الشرب، سواء بشكل كلي أو جزئي. ü المخاطر البيئية الأقل حدوثًا: وتتمثل في: تعرض الهواء الداخلي للمدرسة لبعض الملوثات، وانتشار مرض معدٍ في المدرسة، وتلوث مياه الشرب. ü المخاطر البيئية النادر حدوثها: وتتمثل في: تعرض المدرسة لمخاطر السيول والفيضانات والزلازل، واندلاع حريق في أحد المباني وحدوث تسرب كيميائي من معامل المدرسة. وأوصت الدراسة بضرورة وضع برنامج للوقاية من المخاطر البيئية ومكافحتها، وفي هذا السياق، تم وضع مقترح لهذا البرنامج يعتبر توصية رئيسة للدراسة، وبمثابة إستراتيجية كلية وشاملة، وقابلة للتطبيق في المؤسسات التعليمية.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.26735/978-603-8361-04-7
Ali Al-Rashidi, Osman Ahmed Eltaher, Sherif Shukry Abed Rabbo, Mohammed Saeed Al-Qahtani
. تهدف الدراسة إلى التعرف على الوضع الراهن لاستخدام الذكاء الاصطناعي في تعزيز السلامة المرورية بالدول العربية من خلال تحديد مجالاته الرئيسة المستخدمة، والتعرف على واقع استخدامه في السلامة المرورية، والتحديات التي تؤثر سلبًا في هذا الاستخدام. كما تهدف الدراسة إلى التعرف على التأثير المحتمل للذكاء الاصطناعي في الحَدّ من الحوادث المرورية وتحديد الممارسات العالمية لاستخدامه في مجالات الحركة المرورية على الطرق. ولتحقيق تلك الأهداف تم استخدام منهجي الوصفي الوثائقي والوصفي المسحي باستخدام الاستبانة كأداة للدراسة، حيث تم تصميمها وجرى إرسالها إلى كافة الدول العربية (22 دولة)، ووردت الردود من 8 دول فقط، هي: (السعودية، اليمن، الإمارات العربية، الكويت، الأردن، فلسطين، تونس، موريتانيا). وأشارت نتائج الاستبانة إلى محدودية استخدام الدول العربية لأنظمة الذكاء الاصطناعي في المجالات المختلفة لإدارة الحركة المرورية. واتضح أن أنظمة إدارة مركبات الطوارئ قد احتلت المرتبة الأولى في الاستخدام بمتوسط (1.89± 0.05)، وجاءت نظم إدارة الطرق الرئيسة والسريعة بالمرتبة الثانية بمتوسط (1.78± 0.83)، في حين لم تتوافر أنظمة إدارة الشاحنات، وأنظمة أولوية السير لمركبات النقل العام، وأنظمة التنبؤ بالحوادث المرورية، وهو ما يشير إلى أن الوضع الراهن لاستخدام أنظمة الذكاء الاصطناعي في مجالات إدارة حركة المرور على الطرق بالدول العربية المستجيبة لا يزال في بداياته. والخلاصة، فإن الذكاء الاصطناعي يمكن أن يعالج مشكلات الحركة المرورية على الطرق في مجالات إدارة الحركة المرورية، والسلامة المرورية، والنقل العام، والتنقل الحضري، ولكي يتم ذلك ينبغي على الجهات المعنية في الدول العربية تحديد أولويات تطبيق نظم الذكاء الاصطناعي المطلوبة، والتعامل مع الأطر التنظيمية التي تضع حواجز تَحدّ من تبني التقنيات الناشئة المبتكرة في مجالات الحركة المرورية، وإزالة كافة العقبات التنظيمية التي يمكن أن تؤثر سلبًا في تبني استخدام نظم الذكاء الاصطناعي، وتوفير قواعد آمنة للبيانات المرورية الرقمية المتعلقة بأنظمة الذكاء الاصطناعي، وإتاحة الفرص للقطاع الخاص للمشاركة في تطوير البنية التحتية لتطبيقات نظم الذكاء الاصطناعي المطلوبة في الحركة المرورية من خلال نظام الخصخصة، وضرورة مواكبة التطور المتسارع في التقنيات الحديثة لتعزيز السلامة المرورية.
{"title":"استخدام الذكاء الاصطناعي في تعزيز السلامة المرورية بالدول العربية","authors":"Ali Al-Rashidi, Osman Ahmed Eltaher, Sherif Shukry Abed Rabbo, Mohammed Saeed Al-Qahtani","doi":"10.26735/978-603-8361-04-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26735/978-603-8361-04-7","url":null,"abstract":". تهدف الدراسة إلى التعرف على الوضع الراهن لاستخدام الذكاء الاصطناعي في تعزيز السلامة المرورية بالدول العربية من خلال تحديد مجالاته الرئيسة المستخدمة، والتعرف على واقع استخدامه في السلامة المرورية، والتحديات التي تؤثر سلبًا في هذا الاستخدام. كما تهدف الدراسة إلى التعرف على التأثير المحتمل للذكاء الاصطناعي في الحَدّ من الحوادث المرورية وتحديد الممارسات العالمية لاستخدامه في مجالات الحركة المرورية على الطرق. ولتحقيق تلك الأهداف تم استخدام منهجي الوصفي الوثائقي والوصفي المسحي باستخدام الاستبانة كأداة للدراسة، حيث تم تصميمها وجرى إرسالها إلى كافة الدول العربية (22 دولة)، ووردت الردود من 8 دول فقط، هي: (السعودية، اليمن، الإمارات العربية، الكويت، الأردن، فلسطين، تونس، موريتانيا). وأشارت نتائج الاستبانة إلى محدودية استخدام الدول العربية لأنظمة الذكاء الاصطناعي في المجالات المختلفة لإدارة الحركة المرورية. واتضح أن أنظمة إدارة مركبات الطوارئ قد احتلت المرتبة الأولى في الاستخدام بمتوسط (1.89± 0.05)، وجاءت نظم إدارة الطرق الرئيسة والسريعة بالمرتبة الثانية بمتوسط (1.78± 0.83)، في حين لم تتوافر أنظمة إدارة الشاحنات، وأنظمة أولوية السير لمركبات النقل العام، وأنظمة التنبؤ بالحوادث المرورية، وهو ما يشير إلى أن الوضع الراهن لاستخدام أنظمة الذكاء الاصطناعي في مجالات إدارة حركة المرور على الطرق بالدول العربية المستجيبة لا يزال في بداياته. والخلاصة، فإن الذكاء الاصطناعي يمكن أن يعالج مشكلات الحركة المرورية على الطرق في مجالات إدارة الحركة المرورية، والسلامة المرورية، والنقل العام، والتنقل الحضري، ولكي يتم ذلك ينبغي على الجهات المعنية في الدول العربية تحديد أولويات تطبيق نظم الذكاء الاصطناعي المطلوبة، والتعامل مع الأطر التنظيمية التي تضع حواجز تَحدّ من تبني التقنيات الناشئة المبتكرة في مجالات الحركة المرورية، وإزالة كافة العقبات التنظيمية التي يمكن أن تؤثر سلبًا في تبني استخدام نظم الذكاء الاصطناعي، وتوفير قواعد آمنة للبيانات المرورية الرقمية المتعلقة بأنظمة الذكاء الاصطناعي، وإتاحة الفرص للقطاع الخاص للمشاركة في تطوير البنية التحتية لتطبيقات نظم الذكاء الاصطناعي المطلوبة في الحركة المرورية من خلال نظام الخصخصة، وضرورة مواكبة التطور المتسارع في التقنيات الحديثة لتعزيز السلامة المرورية.","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42540129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2019827
Leah Matchett
Abstract Frustration with large multilateral organizations is on the rise, leading some states to seek consensus in exclusive “minilateral” groupings. However, there is little to no research on how such an organization relates to the broader multilateral regime. I use the case of the Nuclear Security Summits (NSS) to examine the consequences of exclusion. I find states excluded from the NSS are more likely to criticize the Summits, even where they share policy preferences with included states. A comparison of follow-on initiatives shows that those more associated with the Summits are less likely to gain support from excluded states in the broader regime and that pushback is directly tied to the exclusion of the NSS. This suggests previously underappreciated costs of minilateral organization and the difficulties that can emerge when minilateral organizations attempt to affect a multilateral regime.
{"title":"Minilateralism and Backlash in the Nuclear Security Summit: The Consequences of Nuclear Governance outside the IAEA","authors":"Leah Matchett","doi":"10.1080/09636412.2021.2019827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2021.2019827","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Frustration with large multilateral organizations is on the rise, leading some states to seek consensus in exclusive “minilateral” groupings. However, there is little to no research on how such an organization relates to the broader multilateral regime. I use the case of the Nuclear Security Summits (NSS) to examine the consequences of exclusion. I find states excluded from the NSS are more likely to criticize the Summits, even where they share policy preferences with included states. A comparison of follow-on initiatives shows that those more associated with the Summits are less likely to gain support from excluded states in the broader regime and that pushback is directly tied to the exclusion of the NSS. This suggests previously underappreciated costs of minilateral organization and the difficulties that can emerge when minilateral organizations attempt to affect a multilateral regime.","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"823 - 859"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43037836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2010889
Tongfi Kim, Luis Simón
Abstract Under what circumstances is a protégé likely to perceive its patron’s extended deterrence commitments in another region as positive or negative for its own security? Protégés from distant regions see complementary reputational links between the credibility of a patron’s extended deterrence commitments in each other’s region. However, they are in a competitive relationship when it comes to the allocation of the patron’s resources. We call this the reputation versus prioritization trade-off. We argue that whether protégés assign more importance to their patron’s reputation or to being prioritized by said patron is a function of their dynamic perceptions of their regional security environment. These are, in turn, determined by their perception of their patron’s resource constraints and the threat posed by an adversary. To test our argument, we examine how Japan has perceived America’s evolving security commitment in Europe and how Poland has perceived the evolving US commitment in Asia.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2010887
Do Young Lee
Abstract What extended deterrence strategies are available to nuclear patrons, and what factors determine which strategy they adopt? How does each strategy manifest as force employment? The bulk of the literature on extended deterrence focuses on its effectiveness. The question of how nuclear patrons select between and employ strategies of extended deterrence, however, has largely been overlooked. Addressing the first, or strategy adoption, question, I argue that the interaction of two variables—(1) the type of threat posed to a client by an enemy; and (2) the likelihood of an enemy’s quick victory over a client—determines a nuclear patron’s strategy among four options: a conventional defense pact, forward conventional deployment, a nuclear defense pact, and forward nuclear deployment. Addressing the second, or strategy implementation, question, I argue that each strategy is embodied as the unique mixture of conventional and nuclear forces pre-positioned in either forward or rear areas. I test my theory of extended deterrence in two ways. First, I conduct a congruence test. Second, I perform two case studies—US extended deterrence to South Korea and the Philippines. I conclude with a discussion of policy implications for the current US security commitments to Seoul and Manila.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2023625
A. Calcara, Luis Simón
Abstract There is an intense debate in international relations scholarship on whether the benefits accrued by arms production globalization outweigh the risks of depending on foreign suppliers. Europe is an interesting case: although regional protection could help Europeans mitigate exposure to global actors, the prospect of regional integration generates concerns about autonomy within Europe itself. We depict European defense cooperation as a “two-level playing field,” whereby market size informs a country’s hedging between global-external and European-internal competitors. First tiers push for defense market integration because they expect to be strengthened vis-à-vis global players but also because market size gives them a competitive advantage over fellow Europeans. Second tiers resist market integration, as they worry it might lead to first-tier dominance. To probe our hypotheses, we examine the behavior of two first tiers (France and Germany) and two second tiers (Poland and Sweden) in the context of the European Defense Fund.
{"title":"Market Size and the Political Economy of European Defense","authors":"A. Calcara, Luis Simón","doi":"10.1080/09636412.2021.2023625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2021.2023625","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There is an intense debate in international relations scholarship on whether the benefits accrued by arms production globalization outweigh the risks of depending on foreign suppliers. Europe is an interesting case: although regional protection could help Europeans mitigate exposure to global actors, the prospect of regional integration generates concerns about autonomy within Europe itself. We depict European defense cooperation as a “two-level playing field,” whereby market size informs a country’s hedging between global-external and European-internal competitors. First tiers push for defense market integration because they expect to be strengthened vis-à-vis global players but also because market size gives them a competitive advantage over fellow Europeans. Second tiers resist market integration, as they worry it might lead to first-tier dominance. To probe our hypotheses, we examine the behavior of two first tiers (France and Germany) and two second tiers (Poland and Sweden) in the context of the European Defense Fund.","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"860 - 892"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43209391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2021280
J. Alley, M. Fuhrmann
Abstract How do alliance commitments affect US military spending? This question is at the heart of debates about the value of alliances and the future of US grand strategy. One perspective, which we call the budget hawk view, asserts that alliances are exorbitantly expensive, as they require military investments to deter third-party adversaries and reassure allies, encourage free riding, and facilitate reckless allied behavior. A competing view, which we label the bargain hunter perspective, claims that US alliance commitments are relatively cheap and might even reduce military spending. Allies provide key military capabilities, reassurance and extended deterrence are cheaper than they might initially seem, and alliances reduce the need for costly military interventions by promoting peace. Despite the importance of this debate, few studies have attempted to determine how alliance commitments affect US military spending. We use over-time variation in the number of US alliance commitments to estimate their financial toll. A statistical model of US defense expenditures from 1947 to 2019 shows that one new alliance commitment has a large positive association with defense budget levels in subsequent years. Military alliances benefit the United States in many ways but, consistent with the budget hawk view, they are expensive.
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Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2021055
T. Fazal
Why have states stopped declaring war in their conflicts with each other? I was among the first to tackle this question in a 2012 article published in Security Studies and a subsequent book. I argue that the decline in use of declarations of war was driven by the increase in number and change in character of international humanitarian law (IHL)—the laws of war governing the use of force. When scholars address new questions, there is a firstmover advantage, but I fully recognize that being first does not necessarily mean being correct. Thus, I very much appreciate Katherine Irajpanah and Kenneth A. Schultz’s thoughtful engagement with my work. In the nearly ten years since the publication of my article, my thinking about international law and norms has evolved, although not in a way that would lead me to recant my original argument. To begin, I note that Irajpanah and Schultz (hereafter “IS”) and I agree that declarations of war are more than curious bygones. War declarations served important purposes in signaling in international conflict, and their decline can be informative as to the nature of interstate war today. We also agree that declarations of war have important implications for domestic politics and that, more generally, they help bound war in time; that war has fuzzy borders at both its start and end today is not cause for celebration. IS take issue with my “provocative” claim that the proliferation of IHL is related to the decline in declarations of war. They focus on an alternative explanation that I find less persuasive: in effect, that the United Nations (UN) system has created a substitute for declarations of war—self-defense claims. A key part of their argument speaks to what they view as one of
{"title":"The Decline in Declarations of War: An Exchange","authors":"T. Fazal","doi":"10.1080/09636412.2021.2021055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2021.2021055","url":null,"abstract":"Why have states stopped declaring war in their conflicts with each other? I was among the first to tackle this question in a 2012 article published in Security Studies and a subsequent book. I argue that the decline in use of declarations of war was driven by the increase in number and change in character of international humanitarian law (IHL)—the laws of war governing the use of force. When scholars address new questions, there is a firstmover advantage, but I fully recognize that being first does not necessarily mean being correct. Thus, I very much appreciate Katherine Irajpanah and Kenneth A. Schultz’s thoughtful engagement with my work. In the nearly ten years since the publication of my article, my thinking about international law and norms has evolved, although not in a way that would lead me to recant my original argument. To begin, I note that Irajpanah and Schultz (hereafter “IS”) and I agree that declarations of war are more than curious bygones. War declarations served important purposes in signaling in international conflict, and their decline can be informative as to the nature of interstate war today. We also agree that declarations of war have important implications for domestic politics and that, more generally, they help bound war in time; that war has fuzzy borders at both its start and end today is not cause for celebration. IS take issue with my “provocative” claim that the proliferation of IHL is related to the decline in declarations of war. They focus on an alternative explanation that I find less persuasive: in effect, that the United Nations (UN) system has created a substitute for declarations of war—self-defense claims. A key part of their argument speaks to what they view as one of","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"893 - 904"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48495419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2021.2010888
Hicham Bou Nassif
Abstract Why do some individuals leave everything behind to join extremist organizations abroad? The literature on foreign fighters has grown impressively and yielded important insights in recent years. Three problems persist, however: (1) scholarship grounded in empirical fieldwork remains uncommon. This deficit reflects the scarcity of micro-level data based on individual profiles of jihadi recruits; (2) the studies available overwhelmingly center on Western jihadists even though the majority of foreign fighters who join groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or al Qaeda hail from Arab countries; (3) an artificial rivalry between different explanatory approaches has produced an inconclusive picture of the determinants of radicalization. In this article, I reconsider the various pathways for transnational Jihadi recruitment by drawing upon a unique dataset pertaining to seventy Lebanese militants. I selectively combine elements from multiple perspectives to ponder the pathways of ISIS recruits, but my conclusions can be modified to apply to other circumstances.
{"title":"Rethinking Pathways of Transnational Jihad: Evidence from Lebanese ISIS Recruits","authors":"Hicham Bou Nassif","doi":"10.1080/09636412.2021.2010888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2021.2010888","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Why do some individuals leave everything behind to join extremist organizations abroad? The literature on foreign fighters has grown impressively and yielded important insights in recent years. Three problems persist, however: (1) scholarship grounded in empirical fieldwork remains uncommon. This deficit reflects the scarcity of micro-level data based on individual profiles of jihadi recruits; (2) the studies available overwhelmingly center on Western jihadists even though the majority of foreign fighters who join groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or al Qaeda hail from Arab countries; (3) an artificial rivalry between different explanatory approaches has produced an inconclusive picture of the determinants of radicalization. In this article, I reconsider the various pathways for transnational Jihadi recruitment by drawing upon a unique dataset pertaining to seventy Lebanese militants. I selectively combine elements from multiple perspectives to ponder the pathways of ISIS recruits, but my conclusions can be modified to apply to other circumstances.","PeriodicalId":47478,"journal":{"name":"Security Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"797 - 822"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49133326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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