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Kwame Nkrumah: visions of liberation by Jeffrey S. Ahlman Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2021. Pp. 240. $16.95 (pbk). 夸梅·恩克鲁玛:解放的愿景杰弗里·s·阿尔曼雅典,俄亥俄州:俄亥俄大学出版社,2021年。240页。16.95美元(pbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000380
M. Langan
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引用次数: 0
Salafism and Political Order in Africa by Sebastian Elischer Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. 322. $89.99 (hbk) $29.99 (pbk). 《萨拉菲主义与非洲政治秩序》,塞巴斯蒂安·埃利舍著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。322页。89.99美元(hbk) 29.99美元(pbk)
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000367
J. Saalfeld
setting of multiple, inter-related regional and international actors, such as the Southern African Development Community, the International Organization of the Francophonie, the Indian Ocean Commission, different UN agencies and Western states. Over the course of eight chapters, Witt makes a dedicated effort to identify (African) ROs as ‘sites’ where knowledge regimes are produced and disseminated, and interventions as moments during which these knowledge regimes are enacted, but also contested, in processes of transnational ordermaking (discussed in Chapter ). Following these methodological and theoretical considerations, the book offers a very thorough and extremely well-narrated account of the historical emergence and contested making of what Witt calls the ‘African anti-coup norm’, identifying and analysing actors, changing discourses and concerns. It convincingly demonstrates a strategic de-politicisation, to the detriment of more substantial provisions regarding ‘human rights’, leading to a seemingly inevitable strengthening and legitimation of the AU, even if continuously contested by other regional and international actors (see Chapter ). Subsequent chapters offer a close reading of the historical, socioeconomic and political context of the complexMalagasy crisis (re)emerging in  (Chapter ), and present the intervention scenario (Chapter ) as well as the intervention logic (Chapter ). In these, although they are at times a bit lengthy and repetitive, Witt provides an empirically rich and analytically compelling account of the key actors, their different problem perceptions and solutions suggested, as well as the specific forms that they gave to their interventions and the complex often competitive interactions among them. Finally, she links these elaborations back to the book’s main argument, discussing actual ordering effects both on Madagascar and internationally more generally (Chapter ), and pointing to larger patterns of conflict intervention in Africa, beyond Madagascar, that have resulted in similar outcomes (Chapter ). On a critical note, some key terms, such as ‘space’, ‘practice’, as well as ‘order’ itself, would have been worth developing more conceptually and with more precision. Moreover, reference to different intervening actors, across Chapters ,  and , could have been more systematic, to make it easier to keep track of who did what, when and how this related to efforts employed by other actors. However, these are only minor issues in an otherwise entirely fascinating book that makes a valuable contribution to both African peace and security research and (global) IR.
建立多个相互关联的区域和国际行为体,如南部非洲发展共同体、法语国家国际组织、印度洋委员会、不同的联合国机构和西方国家。在八章的过程中,Witt致力于将(非洲)ro确定为产生和传播知识制度的“地点”,并将干预作为这些知识制度在跨国秩序制定过程中制定(但也有争议)的时刻(在章中讨论)。遵循这些方法论和理论考量,这本书对威特所谓的“非洲反政变规范”的历史出现和有争议的形成进行了非常彻底和非常详尽的叙述,识别和分析了行动者,改变了话语和关注。它令人信服地展示了一种战略性的去政治化,损害了更多关于“人权”的实质性条款,导致非盟看似不可避免的加强和合法化,即使其他地区和国际行动者不断提出异议(见章)。随后的章节详细解读了(章)重新出现的复杂的马达加斯加危机的历史、社会经济和政治背景,并提出了干预方案(章)以及干预逻辑(章)。在这些书中,虽然有时有些冗长和重复,但威特提供了丰富的经验和令人信服的分析,描述了关键角色,他们对不同问题的看法和提出的解决方案,以及他们给予干预的具体形式,以及他们之间复杂的、经常竞争的相互作用。最后,她将这些阐述与本书的主要论点联系起来,讨论了在马达加斯加和更广泛的国际范围内的实际秩序影响(章),并指出在马达加斯加以外的非洲,更大的冲突干预模式导致了类似的结果(章)。值得注意的是,一些关键术语,如“空间”、“实践”以及“秩序”本身,应该更概念化、更精确地发展。此外,在、和章中提到不同的干预行为者本可以更系统,以便更容易地跟踪谁做了什么,何时以及如何将其与其他行为者所采取的努力联系起来。然而,在这本对非洲和平与安全研究以及(全球)国际关系做出宝贵贡献的引人入胜的书中,这些只是次要问题。
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引用次数: 0
Political Leadership in Africa: leaders and development south of the Sahara by Giovanni Carbone & Alessandro Pellegata Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. 386. $99.99 (hbk). – ERRATUM 《非洲的政治领导:撒哈拉以南的领导人与发展》,乔瓦尼·卡波恩和亚历山德罗·佩列加塔著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年。386页。99.99美元(hbk)。——错误
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000015
U. Krishna
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引用次数: 0
Street Sounds: listening to everyday life in modern Egypt by Ziad Fahmy Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2020. Pp. 312. $90 (hbk), $28 (pbk). 街头之声:聆听现代埃及的日常生活齐亚德·法赫米斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2020年。312页。90美元(hbk), 28美元(pbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000379
J. Shannon
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引用次数: 1
How people appraise their government: corruption perception of police and political legitimacy in Africa 人们如何评价他们的政府:非洲警察的腐败观念和政治合法性
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000392
William Hatungimana
Abstract Recent protests against police brutality in Nigeria and the Arab Spring, which was sparked by an incident of police brutality in Tunisia, led to public demands that brought political reforms. This paper explores the question, how do citizens evaluate their government in regards to corruption? Using the Afrobarometer Wave 6 dataset, I investigate the relationship between the public's perception of police and upper-level government officials’ corruption in African countries. Due to lack of transparency, the public has no direct information from upper-level bureaucracy but can evaluate corruption of upper-level government officials through direct experience with police. My finding demonstrates that regardless of regime type, the corruption perception of police influences the corruption perception of upper-level government officials. The public cues to evaluate their government quality are likely derived from interactions with police. Therefore corruption perception of police can affect government legitimacy.
最近在尼日利亚发生的针对警察暴行的抗议活动和由突尼斯警察暴行事件引发的阿拉伯之春导致了公众的要求,并带来了政治改革。本文探讨的问题是,公民如何评价他们的政府在腐败方面?利用非洲晴雨表第6波数据集,我调查了非洲国家公众对警察的看法与上层政府官员腐败之间的关系。由于缺乏透明度,公众无法从上层官僚机构获得直接信息,但可以通过与警察的直接经验来评估上层政府官员的腐败。我的研究结果表明,无论政权类型如何,警察的腐败感知都会影响上级政府官员的腐败感知。公众评估政府质量的线索可能来自与警方的互动。因此,警察的腐败认知会影响政府的合法性。
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引用次数: 3
‘Once a combatant, always a combatant’? Revisiting assumptions about Liberian former combatant networks “曾经是战士,永远是战士”?重新审视关于利比里亚前战斗人员网络的假设
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000409
Ilmari Käihkö
Abstract Building on 15 months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article draws from military sociology to revisit past portrayals of Liberian former combatant networks and assesses four central assumptions connected to them: that formal wartime command structures continue as informal networks long after the end of the war; that former combatants are united by a wartime identity and form a community to an extent separated from the surrounding society; that wartime experiences have had a major disciplining effect on former combatants; and that former combatants are both good mobilisers and easy to mobilise in elections and armed conflict alike. Finding limited evidence close to two decades after the end of war to support these assumptions, I ultimately ask whether it would be more productive to both theory and Liberians alike to widen investigation from former combatants to structural issues that affect many more in the country.
摘要在15个月的民族志实地调查的基础上,本文借鉴军事社会学,重新审视了过去对利比里亚前战斗人员网络的描述,并评估了与之相关的四个核心假设:正式的战时指挥结构在战争结束后很长一段时间内仍作为非正式网络存在;前战斗人员因战时身份而团结在一起,并在一定程度上与周围社会分离;战时经历对前战斗人员产生了重大的惩戒作用;前战斗人员是很好的动员者,在选举和武装冲突中都很容易动员起来。在战争结束近20年后,我发现支持这些假设的证据有限,我最终想知道,将调查范围从前战斗人员扩大到影响该国更多人的结构性问题,对理论界和利比里亚人来说是否更有成效。
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引用次数: 1
Constraining Dictatorship: from personalized rule to institutionalized regimes by Anne Meng Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. 278. $105 (hbk). 《制约独裁:从个性化统治到制度化政权》,Anne Meng著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年。第278页$105(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000331
Andrew Wojtanik
neopatrimonialism’, and where Mamdani talks of the colonial bifurcated state, Tapscott reads postcolonial neopatrimonial bifurcated state (f). Wittingly or otherwise, the tendency here is to flatten the diversity of literature on the postcolonial state, and to suppose that all are varieties of neopatrimonialism. Early in the book, Tapscott rightly notes that ‘arbitrary governance is indeed tied to historical factors, such as the postcolonial nature of the state’ (). The book’s historical chapter (Chapter ), however, surprisingly locks the debate to the postcolonial period. If the distinctive feature of the state in Africa is its postcolonial nature, what is the place of colonial political modernity in the emergence of institutionalised arbitrariness? Asking such a question would definitely imply approaching this book’s research object differently, and questioning knowledge produced through a conception of postcolonial temporality as the beginning of time. Overall, if this book’s major downside is its limited historicisation of the state in Uganda, its strength is in its detailed engagement with various manifestations of state power in contemporary Uganda. In the latter, Tapscott makes an important contribution.
“新继承主义”,马姆达尼在谈到殖民地的分叉国家时,塔普斯科特读到了后殖民地的新继承分叉国家(f) 。不管是有意还是无意,这里的趋势是淡化后殖民国家文学的多样性,并假设所有这些都是新继承主义的变体。在书的早期,Tapscott正确地指出,“武断的治理确实与历史因素有关,比如国家的后殖民性质。”(). 这本书的历史章节), 然而,令人惊讶的是,这场争论锁定在后殖民时期。如果非洲国家的显著特征是其后殖民性质,那么殖民政治现代性在制度化任意性出现中的地位是什么?提出这样一个问题肯定意味着以不同的方式对待本书的研究对象,并质疑通过后殖民时代性作为时间开始的概念产生的知识。总的来说,如果说这本书的主要缺点是它对乌干达国家的历史化有限,那么它的优势在于它与当代乌干达国家权力的各种表现形式的详细接触。在后者中,塔普斯科特做出了重要贡献。
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引用次数: 3
Arbitrary States: social control and modern authoritarianism in Museveni's Uganda by Rebecca Tapscott Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. Pp. 256. $100 (hbk). 《专制国家:穆塞韦尼统治下的乌干达的社会控制与现代威权主义》,丽贝卡·塔普斯科特著,牛津:牛津大学出版社,2021年。256页。100美元(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x2100032x
Adventino Banjwa
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引用次数: 0
Affirmative action measures and electoral candidates’ positioning in Zambia 赞比亚的平权行动措施和选举候选人的定位
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000264
Vibeke Wang, Ragnhild L. Muriaas, Yvette Peters
ABSTRACT While the increase of women in elected office has received much scholarly attention, less attention has been paid to the dynamics of resisting gender quotas in countries that fail to adopt such measures despite regional and international pressure. We develop a context-sensitive typology of affirmative action measures that includes gender quotas and funding incentives and explore determinants of electoral candidates’ positioning in the context of Zambia. Using a sequential mixed-methods approach and unique data, we examine how candidates of different gender, party affiliation, and level of electoral success position themselves when asked to choose between different options. Intriguingly, electoral success and party allegiance – whether a candidate is affiliated with a current or former government party – are more important than gender. This finding is relevant for the debate on feminist democratic representation by showing that candidates are likely to have their more radical views muted when getting into position.
摘要尽管民选职位中女性人数的增加受到了学术界的广泛关注,但在那些不顾地区和国际压力而未能采取此类措施的国家,抵制性别配额的动态却很少受到关注。我们制定了一种对环境敏感的平权行动措施类型,其中包括性别配额和资金激励措施,并探讨了赞比亚选举候选人定位的决定因素。使用顺序混合方法和独特数据,我们研究了不同性别、党派和选举成功水平的候选人在被要求在不同选项之间做出选择时如何定位自己。有趣的是,选举的成功和对政党的忠诚——无论候选人是隶属于现任还是前任政府政党——都比性别更重要。这一发现与关于女权主义民主代表权的辩论有关,因为这表明候选人在上任时可能会压制他们更激进的观点。
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引用次数: 0
MOA volume 59 issue 4 Cover and Back matter MOA第59卷第4期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x21000318
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Modern African Studies
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