Legislative Studies Quarterly最新文献

Social relations have the potential to shape who assumes policy leadership positions in legislative politics. Applying a relational event modeling framework, this paper investigates if homophily and reciprocity predict patterns of collaboration between lawmakers as they negotiate proposed legislation. Specifically, it examines if members of the European Parliament (EP) who serve as rapporteurs or shadow rapporteurs are more likely to select into working with colleagues who share their personal attributes or with whom they have previously collaborated. It conceives of EP policy-making as an evolving two-mode network comprised of legislators and jointly produced policy documents as nodes, and (shadow-) rapporteurships as ties. Conditional logistic regression analyses confirm that previous collaboration, shared native language and gender, as well as policy expertise, increase the likelihood of MEPs becoming (shadow-)rapporteurs. In contrast, party loyalty shows no clear, unambiguous effect.

Do women perceive corruption differently from men and why? Using elite survey data from over 3000 Latin American legislators nested in 49 country-years, we explore who perceives corruption as an important national problem. We find that women legislators place more importance on corruption than men. We further examine three potential mechanisms to understand why: support for effective states, power marginalization, and corruption salience. We explore whether these mechanisms work through pathways of moderation or mediation. We find little support for hypotheses that gender interacts with these factors, but we do find that gender mediates who supports effective states and who is marginalized from power. In both the moderation and mediation analyses, we continue to find an underlying, robust effect of being a woman on rating corruption's importance. Thus, while debate over mechanisms remains, gender is foundational to explaining elites' corruption perceptions. Women consistently perceive corruption as more important than men.

Drawing on approximately 4000 face-to-face interviews with lower house members from seventeen Latin American countries, this article demonstrates how partisan considerations shape legislators' preferences for power-sharing institutions. Distributive models argue that reforming parties derive preferences based on potential advantages in power allocation, yet the role of individual legislators remains underexplored. The evidence reveals that legislators favor institutional arrangements that maximize their party's influence. Representatives from larger parties prefer electoral rules that reduce the number of parties in the House, while incumbent lawmakers support a stronger executive. Notably, party positions often shift following changes in electoral fortunes: Parties become more favorable of proportional representation after losing seats and advocate for reinforced congressional authority upon leaving office.

An essential component of a representative's job centers on deciding where to allocate scarce resources. How do legislators attempt to allocate spending across the geographic units of their constituencies, and what determines a legislator's success in securing these resources? To answer these questions, we create a new dataset of all earmark requests made by U.S. senators in the 117th Congress. This data was recently made available as part of reforms, allowing researchers to examine both requests and outcomes. We show that senators prioritize seeking earmarks for areas of their constituencies critical to their electoral success. We then match these requests to earmarks funded by the Appropriations Committee and show that a legislator's institutional standing and the behavior of their same-state colleague—but not electoral concerns—shape whether projects are successfully funded. We provide insight into a behind-the-scenes aspect of representation and illuminate the strategic dynamics that shape federal spending.

A widespread assumption in political science research and among the public is that politicians from marginalized groups, including women, disadvantaged racial–ethnic groups, and younger adults, are more leftist than their counterparts. However, empirical evidence to substantiate this claim is generally scarce. In this letter, we analyze three decades of individual-level elite data from Latin America and find that MPs from marginalized groups tend not to differ ideologically from MPs from dominant groups, nor is their inclusion associated with posterior changes in their party's ideology. These results challenge common misconceptions about elite ideology and contribute to bridging two lively literatures on the ideological and inclusionary transformations shaping current Western democracies.

This paper investigates how legislators respond to an electoral reform by adjusting their positions with respect to co-partisans and rivals. Using cross-sectional legislative roll calls over 20 years, we study how the dynamics of blue-green confrontation are influenced by Taiwan's electoral reform from Single Non-Transferable Votes (the SNTV) to Single-Member Districts (SMD). Contrary to existing literature, our empirical evidence shows that the reform significantly fragmented legislator positions within their party and in relation to members from opposing parties, leading to an increase in contentious legislation and higher levels of both inter- and intra-party distance. In the years following the reform, the political confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party gradually diminished, eventually returning to levels seen before the reform. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the 2008 reform had heterogeneous effects on different parties, with each party displaying varying levels of resilience in response. This finding contributes to electoral system literature, providing policy implications for democratic countries contemplating electoral reforms.

Do private interests predict politicians' rhetoric? Focusing on housing policy, we compare issue emphasis and positions of landlord politicians and politicians who do not own multiple properties. Ireland provides a unique opportunity to study legislating landlords' behavior as housing has become one of the most important political issues. We construct a novel dataset of politicians' homeownership status between 2013 and 2022, a period characterized by rising rent and property prices. We fine-tune a transformer-based machine learning model and apply text scaling and sentiment analysis to identify issue salience and positions on housing in over 870,000 tweets and parliamentary questions. Contrary to our expectations, landlord politicians do not avoid the topic of housing, nor do they take different positions. We also find that government status does not influence this relationship. The results imply that private financial interests do not influence rhetoric on housing policy.

Members of the US Congress held over 25,000 town hall meetings over the last eight years, and yet we know very little about the role that these events play in American politics. In this article, we present new data on congressional town hall meetings held in the 114th to 117th Congresses (2015–2022) to explore why politicians hold such meetings. In short, we do not find consistent evidence that electoral vulnerability drives legislators to their districts. Nor do we find support for claims of a zero-sum tradeoff between lawmaking and district representation. However, members of the president's opposition party clearly and consistently host more town hall meetings, suggesting that party messaging may be at the heart of this often-overlooked congressional behavior.

While existing studies have addressed the importance of political profile for media visibility, far fewer works have examined how speaking in parliament is associated with media attention—an important mechanism in reaching out to voters. This paper tests how the amount and particularly the style of parliamentary speech are related to media attention. We employ a unique data set that covers all parliamentary transcripts for the 2011–2015 and 2015–2019 parliamentary terms in Estonia and online media content from that period (~ 2.7 million news articles). We assume that MPs can use parliamentary speech as a tool to foster personal attention. First, the results show that MPs who speak in parliament receive more media attention than those who do not, and speaking more means more media visibility. Second, the media pays more attention to rank-and-file MPs who use more negative, complex language and more singular and plural first-person pronouns.