In the last 40 years, East Asian countries have undergone significant economic and political transformation, with deepening integration into the world economy and substantial progress toward democracy. I investigate the impact of these two major developments on income distribution in East Asia. This study extends prior research by (1) examining the role of both international economic and domestic political factors, topics that have mostly been studied separately; (2) employing inequality data that are more complete than those used in previous studies; and (3) using data for a period during which the pace of globalization greatly accelerated, a major relevant event (the Asian financial crisis) occurred, and several countries in the region witnessed a considerable expansion of democratic rights. Evidence for the claim that trade increases inequality is robust, but empirical support for the redistributive effects of both foreign direct investment and democracy is weak.
{"title":"Economic Globalization, Democratization, and Income Inequality","authors":"Hayam Kim","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.1987696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.1987696","url":null,"abstract":"In the last 40 years, East Asian countries have undergone significant economic and political transformation, with deepening integration into the world economy and substantial progress toward democracy. I investigate the impact of these two major developments on income distribution in East Asia. This study extends prior research by (1) examining the role of both international economic and domestic political factors, topics that have mostly been studied separately; (2) employing inequality data that are more complete than those used in previous studies; and (3) using data for a period during which the pace of globalization greatly accelerated, a major relevant event (the Asian financial crisis) occurred, and several countries in the region witnessed a considerable expansion of democratic rights. Evidence for the claim that trade increases inequality is robust, but empirical support for the redistributive effects of both foreign direct investment and democracy is weak.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
President Biden’s remarks that his administration is willing to get involved militarily to defend Taiwan appear to be a significant deviation from Washington’s long-standing policy of “strategic ambiguity.” Critics warn that such a clear pledge is likely to bolster Taiwanese citizens’ confidence in America’s defense commitment, which may encourage Taipei’s pursuit of independence. This study uses deterrence theory with panel survey data to examine this argument. The results support critics’ concerns that Biden’s security pledges have increased Taiwanese citizens’ confidence in Washington’s security assurance. However, the public’s overall confidence declined between 2021 and 2022, which can be attributed to the shifting views of pro-independence citizens due to their concern about a Chinese leadership emboldened by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. After witnessing America’s security assistance to Ukraine, independence supporters may have recognized the uncertain nature of Washington’s security commitment and adjusted their expectations.
{"title":"Strategic Clarity and Taiwanese Citizens’ Confidence in the US Security Commitment","authors":"T.Y. Wang, Su-feng Chen","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.2017828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.2017828","url":null,"abstract":"President Biden’s remarks that his administration is willing to get involved militarily to defend Taiwan appear to be a significant deviation from Washington’s long-standing policy of “strategic ambiguity.” Critics warn that such a clear pledge is likely to bolster Taiwanese citizens’ confidence in America’s defense commitment, which may encourage Taipei’s pursuit of independence. This study uses deterrence theory with panel survey data to examine this argument. The results support critics’ concerns that Biden’s security pledges have increased Taiwanese citizens’ confidence in Washington’s security assurance. However, the public’s overall confidence declined between 2021 and 2022, which can be attributed to the shifting views of pro-independence citizens due to their concern about a Chinese leadership emboldened by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. After witnessing America’s security assistance to Ukraine, independence supporters may have recognized the uncertain nature of Washington’s security commitment and adjusted their expectations.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The importance of identity in understanding contemporary politics has been well articulated in the social sciences literature. Employing the theory of threat, this study examines the effects on Taiwanese citizens’ identity of Beijing’s repressive measures in Hong Kong and its military intimidation of Taipei. Using three waves of panel data collected in Taiwan between 2018 and 2020, we find that respondents shifted significantly toward identifying as Taiwanese and away from identifying as Chinese. Rather than encouraging identification with China, Beijing’s repressive actions in Hong Kong and military threats toward Taiwan have only strengthened the island citizens’ identity as Taiwanese. Previous scholarship has often assumed that identity is mainly a domestic issue, but we find that events beyond and across national borders can affect the dynamics of identity change.
{"title":"The Chinese Threat and Changes of Identity in Taiwan","authors":"T.Y. Wang, Chi Huang","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.2108868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.2108868","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of identity in understanding contemporary politics has been well articulated in the social sciences literature. Employing the theory of threat, this study examines the effects on Taiwanese citizens’ identity of Beijing’s repressive measures in Hong Kong and its military intimidation of Taipei. Using three waves of panel data collected in Taiwan between 2018 and 2020, we find that respondents shifted significantly toward identifying as Taiwanese and away from identifying as Chinese. Rather than encouraging identification with China, Beijing’s repressive actions in Hong Kong and military threats toward Taiwan have only strengthened the island citizens’ identity as Taiwanese. Previous scholarship has often assumed that identity is mainly a domestic issue, but we find that events beyond and across national borders can affect the dynamics of identity change.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135709412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Securitization was a common practice of governments during the first phases of the COVID-19 outbreak. To successfully securitize a pandemic, a government has to convince its citizens of the magnitude of the threat. Trusted governments should be able to do this more effectively than untrusted ones. Hong Kong, our case study, is unique because the government managed to control the pandemic in a context of extremely low political trust. This paper examines the extent to which trust in the government and smart technologies influenced the securitization and management of the COVID-19 pandemic in Hong Kong. The results of this study suggest that under certain circumstances governments can successfully manage a health emergency even when they do not enjoy much political trust.
{"title":"Securitizing COVID-19 in an Environment of Low Political Trust","authors":"Dionysios Stivas, Alistair Cole","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.2081515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.2081515","url":null,"abstract":"Securitization was a common practice of governments during the first phases of the COVID-19 outbreak. To successfully securitize a pandemic, a government has to convince its citizens of the magnitude of the threat. Trusted governments should be able to do this more effectively than untrusted ones. Hong Kong, our case study, is unique because the government managed to control the pandemic in a context of extremely low political trust. This paper examines the extent to which trust in the government and smart technologies influenced the securitization and management of the COVID-19 pandemic in Hong Kong. The results of this study suggest that under certain circumstances governments can successfully manage a health emergency even when they do not enjoy much political trust.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"270 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135506716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While China has been experiencing rapid economic growth, its conflicts with the United States have become more public. In particular, the argument that the Chinese government can easily gain public support in establishing and promoting national policies under its authoritarian regime has been on the rise. With this background, this study conducts an empirical analysis of data from 4,366 survey respondents using ordinary least squares and ordered logit models to analyze the effect of the Chinese government’s political propaganda and individual characteristics on anti-US sentiment. The results suggest that this propaganda strengthens anti-US sentiment. As for individual characteristics, party officials have stronger anti-US sentiment. Moreover, interacting exposure to political propaganda with the main variables suggests that members of the Communist Party of China, national minorities, and rural residents have stronger anti-US sentiment, presumably because they are more influenced by political propaganda.
{"title":"The Effect of the Chinese Government’s Political Propaganda and Individual Characteristics on Anti-US Sentiment","authors":"Long Piao, Hsin-Che Wu","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.1808498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.1808498","url":null,"abstract":"While China has been experiencing rapid economic growth, its conflicts with the United States have become more public. In particular, the argument that the Chinese government can easily gain public support in establishing and promoting national policies under its authoritarian regime has been on the rise. With this background, this study conducts an empirical analysis of data from 4,366 survey respondents using ordinary least squares and ordered logit models to analyze the effect of the Chinese government’s political propaganda and individual characteristics on anti-US sentiment. The results suggest that this propaganda strengthens anti-US sentiment. As for individual characteristics, party officials have stronger anti-US sentiment. Moreover, interacting exposure to political propaganda with the main variables suggests that members of the Communist Party of China, national minorities, and rural residents have stronger anti-US sentiment, presumably because they are more influenced by political propaganda.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In communist discourse, revisionism denotes a modification of socialist theory and practice that undermines the revolutionary essence of socialism. This article examines the meaning and purpose of North Korea’s anti-revisionism. Each leader has emphasized different aspects of anti-revisionism, in accordance with the changing circumstances. Kim Il Sung made no concessions to revisionism. He endorsed Juche, the monolithic ideological system, and Korean-style socialism to oppose revisionism. Under Kim Jong Il’s leadership, economic cracks emerged in North Korea’s anti-revisionist edifice, though he promoted Songun politics to mitigate them. These economic cracks have widened under Kim Jong Un’s leadership, though he has promoted Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism to successfully maintain an anti-revisionist course. North Korea has upheld anti-revisionism to safeguard socialism and build communism. Anti-revisionism has played a central role in North Korea’s development by determining the evolution of its ideology, socialist system, and foreign policy. Today, North Korea is the last remaining bastion of anti-revisionism.
{"title":"North Korea","authors":"J. Pateman","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.1809272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.1809272","url":null,"abstract":"In communist discourse, revisionism denotes a modification of socialist theory and practice that undermines the revolutionary essence of socialism. This article examines the meaning and purpose of North Korea’s anti-revisionism. Each leader has emphasized different aspects of anti-revisionism, in accordance with the changing circumstances. Kim Il Sung made no concessions to revisionism. He endorsed Juche, the monolithic ideological system, and Korean-style socialism to oppose revisionism. Under Kim Jong Il’s leadership, economic cracks emerged in North Korea’s anti-revisionist edifice, though he promoted Songun politics to mitigate them. These economic cracks have widened under Kim Jong Un’s leadership, though he has promoted Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism to successfully maintain an anti-revisionist course. North Korea has upheld anti-revisionism to safeguard socialism and build communism. Anti-revisionism has played a central role in North Korea’s development by determining the evolution of its ideology, socialist system, and foreign policy. Today, North Korea is the last remaining bastion of anti-revisionism.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The salience of the immigration issue has increased in Japan due to the pressures of labor shortages and an aging population. However, little research has examined what predicts anti-immigrant sentiment and how it relates to the voting behavior of Japanese people. Using nationally representative survey data, this article digs deeper into public opinion on immigration by testing a variety of economic, social, and demographic variables associated with different dimensions of anti-immigrant sentiment. I find that whereas economic concerns are based on realistic assessments of job threats posed by immigration, cultural and security concerns are driven primarily by stereotypes of immigrants. Using this evidence, I examine the relationship between immigration attitudes and voting choice. Economic and security concerns about immigration are correlated with actual voting choices, but I see no evidence that cultural threats have a meaningful effect on Japanese voting decisions.
{"title":"Explaining Anti-Immigrant Sentiment in Japan and How It Relates to Voting Decisions","authors":"Yue Yin","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.1922764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.1922764","url":null,"abstract":"The salience of the immigration issue has increased in Japan due to the pressures of labor shortages and an aging population. However, little research has examined what predicts anti-immigrant sentiment and how it relates to the voting behavior of Japanese people. Using nationally representative survey data, this article digs deeper into public opinion on immigration by testing a variety of economic, social, and demographic variables associated with different dimensions of anti-immigrant sentiment. I find that whereas economic concerns are based on realistic assessments of job threats posed by immigration, cultural and security concerns are driven primarily by stereotypes of immigrants. Using this evidence, I examine the relationship between immigration attitudes and voting choice. Economic and security concerns about immigration are correlated with actual voting choices, but I see no evidence that cultural threats have a meaningful effect on Japanese voting decisions.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the effect of political orientation on public trust in Hong Kong’s courts. In measuring institutional legitimacy, the prior literature, predominantly written in the US context, largely focuses on the police force and demographic factors. Building on previous studies of the role of procedural fairness in determining the degree of institutional trust, this article contributes to a strand of developing literature which highlights how political ideology may color one’s views of legal authorities. Based on a 2020 survey on public trust in Hong Kong’s courts, this article presents a sobering portrayal of a hitherto “most trustworthy institution” in Hong Kong’s deeply polarized and rapidly changing political environment.
{"title":"Political Orientation and Trust in the Courts","authors":"Man Yee Karen Lee, Y. L. Lo","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.1821243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.1821243","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the effect of political orientation on public trust in Hong Kong’s courts. In measuring institutional legitimacy, the prior literature, predominantly written in the US context, largely focuses on the police force and demographic factors. Building on previous studies of the role of procedural fairness in determining the degree of institutional trust, this article contributes to a strand of developing literature which highlights how political ideology may color one’s views of legal authorities. Based on a 2020 survey on public trust in Hong Kong’s courts, this article presents a sobering portrayal of a hitherto “most trustworthy institution” in Hong Kong’s deeply polarized and rapidly changing political environment.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Intergovernmental relations play an important role in policy innovation diffusion, yet few studies have analyzed its impact on open government data (OGD) adoption. We used event history analysis to analyze the diffusion of OGD in China. The diffusion of OGD among municipal governments is primarily influenced by vertical pressure from superior governments and horizontal pressure from neighboring governments, with the latter having a greater impact. The provincial government plays an intermediary role between the central government and the municipal government. A comprehensive analysis of the interplay between policy signals and policy pilots demonstrates that provincial signals have a substantial influence on municipal pilots, whereas the impact of provincial pilots on municipal signals is insignificant. These findings contribute to OGD adoption research and practices and promote the development of policy diffusion theory.
{"title":"Intergovernmental Policy Signal Transmission and Open Government Data Platform Pilot Diffusion in China","authors":"Min Ye, Wenqiang Hao, Xue Meng","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.2071091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.2071091","url":null,"abstract":"Intergovernmental relations play an important role in policy innovation diffusion, yet few studies have analyzed its impact on open government data (OGD) adoption. We used event history analysis to analyze the diffusion of OGD in China. The diffusion of OGD among municipal governments is primarily influenced by vertical pressure from superior governments and horizontal pressure from neighboring governments, with the latter having a greater impact. The provincial government plays an intermediary role between the central government and the municipal government. A comprehensive analysis of the interplay between policy signals and policy pilots demonstrates that provincial signals have a substantial influence on municipal pilots, whereas the impact of provincial pilots on municipal signals is insignificant. These findings contribute to OGD adoption research and practices and promote the development of policy diffusion theory.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135612249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A study of the last four national elections (2002, 2008, 2013, and 2018) in Pakistani Punjab indicates how affiliation with political parties develops and varies in the province. In urban areas, parties have a relatively stable presence and hardened loyalists. However, in less-developed and rural areas they rely on electables and politically influential families, which limits their choices in nominating candidates. In the latter areas, voters care more about candidates and kinship than about parties and their manifestos.
{"title":"Party Affiliation and Voting Behavior","authors":"Muhammad Shoaib, Ahmad Sabat, Khuram Iqbal","doi":"10.1525/as.2023.2034719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.2034719","url":null,"abstract":"A study of the last four national elections (2002, 2008, 2013, and 2018) in Pakistani Punjab indicates how affiliation with political parties develops and varies in the province. In urban areas, parties have a relatively stable presence and hardened loyalists. However, in less-developed and rural areas they rely on electables and politically influential families, which limits their choices in nominating candidates. In the latter areas, voters care more about candidates and kinship than about parties and their manifestos.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135709413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：