Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has had repercussions in regions beyond Europe. One of these regions is Asia, including Northeast Asia. This region is home to China and North Korea, two authoritarian countries often lumped together with Russia as potential threats to the liberal international order. The relationship between China and North Korea has thus been affected by Russia’s aggression toward Ukraine. Beijing and Pyongyang share a decades-old alliance. Despite its ups and downs, the alliance survives as of 2022. Russia’s actions in Ukraine have only reinforced it, bringing China and North Korea closer to each other. Both of them have sided with Moscow, and for similar reasons, including their opposition to what they see as the US’s and NATO’s aggressive stance. And both have taken the same actions to support Russia, further strengthening their connection.
{"title":"Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine and China–North Korea Relations","authors":"Ramon Pacheco Pardo, Yeong Ik Kim","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1799746","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1799746","url":null,"abstract":"Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has had repercussions in regions beyond Europe. One of these regions is Asia, including Northeast Asia. This region is home to China and North Korea, two authoritarian countries often lumped together with Russia as potential threats to the liberal international order. The relationship between China and North Korea has thus been affected by Russia’s aggression toward Ukraine. Beijing and Pyongyang share a decades-old alliance. Despite its ups and downs, the alliance survives as of 2022. Russia’s actions in Ukraine have only reinforced it, bringing China and North Korea closer to each other. Both of them have sided with Moscow, and for similar reasons, including their opposition to what they see as the US’s and NATO’s aggressive stance. And both have taken the same actions to support Russia, further strengthening their connection.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
China heightened its military pressure on Taiwan, but president Tsai In-wen defiantly resisted Beijing’s coercion and overcame domestic criticism. With a cooperative public and international support, Taipei quelled an unexpected COVID-19 outbreak. The bullish economy continues to be fueled by global demand for Taiwan’s technology products as the Taipei–Washington relationship progresses advantageously.
{"title":"Taiwan in 2021","authors":"T. Wang","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.62.1.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.62.1.06","url":null,"abstract":"China heightened its military pressure on Taiwan, but president Tsai In-wen defiantly resisted Beijing’s coercion and overcame domestic criticism. With a cooperative public and international support, Taipei quelled an unexpected COVID-19 outbreak. The bullish economy continues to be fueled by global demand for Taiwan’s technology products as the Taipei–Washington relationship progresses advantageously.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bangladesh celebrated its 50th year in 2021, marking significant improvement in the lives of its citizens. However, the celebrations were muted by not just the ongoing pandemic but also increasing authoritarianism. The economy was hit hard by the pandemic, but a recovery appears to be underway. A resolution to the Rohingya refugee crisis remains elusive, and in the long run the country remains acutely vulnerable to climate change.
{"title":"Bangladesh in 2021","authors":"Jyoti Rahman","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.62.1.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.62.1.18","url":null,"abstract":"Bangladesh celebrated its 50th year in 2021, marking significant improvement in the lives of its citizens. However, the celebrations were muted by not just the ongoing pandemic but also increasing authoritarianism. The economy was hit hard by the pandemic, but a recovery appears to be underway. A resolution to the Rohingya refugee crisis remains elusive, and in the long run the country remains acutely vulnerable to climate change.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2017, Tokyo held landmark prefectural elections featuring a new regional party, Tokyoites First. Fueled by the popularity of Governor Yuriko Koike, Tokyoites First gained legislative control through an alliance with Komeito, relegating the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to opposition status. The alliance was surprising, especially since Komeito remained a national coalition partner with the LDP. Why would Komeito, a junior partner in a long-standing national alliance with the LDP, simultaneously ally with another party against the LDP subnationally? What explains such incongruence, or alliance juxtaposition, where a party has different partners across administrative tiers? We explain this dalliance in terms of institutional factors and party strategy. Tokyo’s distinctive voters and electoral system made for novel coalition opportunities. Strategically, Komeito’s fling signaled its autonomy to supporters and to LDP leaders, showing that its loyalty cannot be assumed.
{"title":"Odd Couple, Strange Marriage","authors":"Shunji Fueki, S. Barter","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1544438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1544438","url":null,"abstract":"In 2017, Tokyo held landmark prefectural elections featuring a new regional party, Tokyoites First. Fueled by the popularity of Governor Yuriko Koike, Tokyoites First gained legislative control through an alliance with Komeito, relegating the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to opposition status. The alliance was surprising, especially since Komeito remained a national coalition partner with the LDP. Why would Komeito, a junior partner in a long-standing national alliance with the LDP, simultaneously ally with another party against the LDP subnationally? What explains such incongruence, or alliance juxtaposition, where a party has different partners across administrative tiers? We explain this dalliance in terms of institutional factors and party strategy. Tokyo’s distinctive voters and electoral system made for novel coalition opportunities. Strategically, Komeito’s fling signaled its autonomy to supporters and to LDP leaders, showing that its loyalty cannot be assumed.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Japanese energy policy has persistently promoted nuclear energy, even since the Fukushima disasters and despite failures in meeting its objectives. However, since Fukushima local actors (prefectures, towns, courts, and local activists) have grown more powerful with respect to policy and implementation. This paper analyzes the role of local civic actors in energy policy. A wide variety of literature is drawn on. The main finding is that, after successfully resisting nuclear restarts, local actors now understand that the future lies in renewables. Thus, the potential for local civic engagement to influence sustainable energy policy needs to be explored. The input and support of local communities are needed to strengthen the country’s energy security requirements and its pursuit of climate goals.
{"title":"The Predicament of Japanese Energy and Climate Policy","authors":"Sirri Uyanik","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1630973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1630973","url":null,"abstract":"Japanese energy policy has persistently promoted nuclear energy, even since the Fukushima disasters and despite failures in meeting its objectives. However, since Fukushima local actors (prefectures, towns, courts, and local activists) have grown more powerful with respect to policy and implementation. This paper analyzes the role of local civic actors in energy policy. A wide variety of literature is drawn on. The main finding is that, after successfully resisting nuclear restarts, local actors now understand that the future lies in renewables. Thus, the potential for local civic engagement to influence sustainable energy policy needs to be explored. The input and support of local communities are needed to strengthen the country’s energy security requirements and its pursuit of climate goals.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The security situatsssion across the Taiwan Strait has recently deteriorated rapidly. Scholars and policymakers have attributed this development to the concurrence of an increasingly assertive Communist Party in China, a unilateralist Trump administration in the US, and a new DPP government in Taiwan since 2016. For the Taiwanese, the security concern is on their doorstep, but their attitudes are under-studied. I find that judgments of China’s animosity to Taiwan, China’s importance for Taiwan’s economy, (dis)agreement with the “one country, two systems” formula, concern regarding developments in Hong Kong, (dis)agreement with alliance with Japan and the US, (dis)belief in the US’s security commitment to Taiwan, and perception of the comparative strength of China versus the US are closely associated with respondents’ choice to ally with China or the US. These findings also shed light on Taiwanese (over)optimism regarding the US’s role in the wake of Chinese invasion of Taiwan.
{"title":"Why Tickle the Dragon’s Tail?","authors":"Ching-hsin Yu","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1806395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1806395","url":null,"abstract":"The security situatsssion across the Taiwan Strait has recently deteriorated rapidly. Scholars and policymakers have attributed this development to the concurrence of an increasingly assertive Communist Party in China, a unilateralist Trump administration in the US, and a new DPP government in Taiwan since 2016. For the Taiwanese, the security concern is on their doorstep, but their attitudes are under-studied. I find that judgments of China’s animosity to Taiwan, China’s importance for Taiwan’s economy, (dis)agreement with the “one country, two systems” formula, concern regarding developments in Hong Kong, (dis)agreement with alliance with Japan and the US, (dis)belief in the US’s security commitment to Taiwan, and perception of the comparative strength of China versus the US are closely associated with respondents’ choice to ally with China or the US. These findings also shed light on Taiwanese (over)optimism regarding the US’s role in the wake of Chinese invasion of Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Five decades ago, Inglehart for the first time described and explained an unprecedented transformation of political cultures in advanced industrial societies, which he called the “silent revolution.” It was characterized by the emergence in those countries of postmaterialist values as the result of a sustained period of economic growth, and the profound impact of those values on people’s political attitudes and behavior. As China has experienced extraordinary economic growth in the past several decades, has such a “silent revolution” happened there? The answer to this question has been far from complete or clear. Using three longitudinal, cross-sectional national surveys, we find that while the current level of postmaterialist values in China remains relatively low, such values have flourished among younger people, and those values do shape political attitudes and behavior.
{"title":"Is a “Silent Revolution” in the Making in China? Postmaterialist Values, and Political Attitudes and Behavior","authors":"Jie Chen, Narisong Huhe, Ting-zhen Yan","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1540076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1540076","url":null,"abstract":"Five decades ago, Inglehart for the first time described and explained an unprecedented transformation of political cultures in advanced industrial societies, which he called the “silent revolution.” It was characterized by the emergence in those countries of postmaterialist values as the result of a sustained period of economic growth, and the profound impact of those values on people’s political attitudes and behavior. As China has experienced extraordinary economic growth in the past several decades, has such a “silent revolution” happened there? The answer to this question has been far from complete or clear. Using three longitudinal, cross-sectional national surveys, we find that while the current level of postmaterialist values in China remains relatively low, such values have flourished among younger people, and those values do shape political attitudes and behavior.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67100017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does state structure affect state capacity? The long-standing debate over centralization versus decentralization overlooks the broader organizational complexity of states and state bureaucracies. To address this problem, this article proposes an alternative typology of state organizational forms: nodal versus diffuse. Nodal forms concentrate decision-making power in a limited set of key actors at intermediary levels of the state hierarchy. Diffuse forms distribute decision-making power across many overlapping lines of authority. Nodal forms contribute to state capacity by combining the coordination advantages of centralization with the accountability and autonomy of decentralization, whereas diffuse forms make these processes more challenging. Empirically, this article compares two paradigmatic cases—China’s and India’s railway bureaucracies—to show how their nodal and diffuse forms, respectively, shape their ability to complete railway projects. These findings suggest that the organizational structure of state bureaucracies is an important yet underexplored factor underlying state capacity.
{"title":"The Organizational Roots of State Capacity","authors":"K. Chan","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1720395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1720395","url":null,"abstract":"How does state structure affect state capacity? The long-standing debate over centralization versus decentralization overlooks the broader organizational complexity of states and state bureaucracies. To address this problem, this article proposes an alternative typology of state organizational forms: nodal versus diffuse. Nodal forms concentrate decision-making power in a limited set of key actors at intermediary levels of the state hierarchy. Diffuse forms distribute decision-making power across many overlapping lines of authority. Nodal forms contribute to state capacity by combining the coordination advantages of centralization with the accountability and autonomy of decentralization, whereas diffuse forms make these processes more challenging. Empirically, this article compares two paradigmatic cases—China’s and India’s railway bureaucracies—to show how their nodal and diffuse forms, respectively, shape their ability to complete railway projects. These findings suggest that the organizational structure of state bureaucracies is an important yet underexplored factor underlying state capacity.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"134 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine in February 2022 posed challenges for the People’s Republic of China and its priorities. This article assesses the Chinese party-state’s response across four dimensions: informational, diplomatic, economic, and military-strategic. Beijing has been most supportive of Moscow in the informational and diplomatic arenas; its economic posture has been mostly self-interested, and military support for Russia has remained more or less constant. China’s stance on the conflict in Ukraine appears to be shaped by several factors: a perceived need to counter the United States; the desire to support Russia while minimizing the costs of doing so to Chinese interests; China’s desire for internal political stability and particular features of its domestic political system that affect foreign policy decision-making; and Beijing’s evolving assessments of what the Ukraine conflict might foretell for Taiwan. The article summarizes China’s interests at the time the conflict began, outlines the party-state’s response, and assesses potential explanations for that response, with specific attention to implications for Taiwan.
{"title":"China’s Response to War in Ukraine","authors":"Sheena Chestnut Greitens","doi":"10.1525/as.2022.1807273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.1807273","url":null,"abstract":"Russia’s decision to invade Ukraine in February 2022 posed challenges for the People’s Republic of China and its priorities. This article assesses the Chinese party-state’s response across four dimensions: informational, diplomatic, economic, and military-strategic. Beijing has been most supportive of Moscow in the informational and diplomatic arenas; its economic posture has been mostly self-interested, and military support for Russia has remained more or less constant. China’s stance on the conflict in Ukraine appears to be shaped by several factors: a perceived need to counter the United States; the desire to support Russia while minimizing the costs of doing so to Chinese interests; China’s desire for internal political stability and particular features of its domestic political system that affect foreign policy decision-making; and Beijing’s evolving assessments of what the Ukraine conflict might foretell for Taiwan. The article summarizes China’s interests at the time the conflict began, outlines the party-state’s response, and assesses potential explanations for that response, with specific attention to implications for Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67099767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In their post-authoritarian period, civilian governments in transitional democracies have often been battered by unelected power centers. Where do these unelected forces derive their power? This article addresses this question through a case study of Pakistan. Since the 2018 elections, a decade after leaving formal political office, the Pakistani military has asserted greater control over civilian government. Using the concept of informal institutions of political participation as an analytical framework, we argue that when formal forms of control become untenable due to legitimacy and/or functional constraints, the military turns into a Janus-faced institution, visibly acting as a formal state organ while invisibly protecting its institutional interests through what we call “informal mechanisms.” The article explains how Pakistan’s pre-2018 political situation dictated a quasi-military regime more suited to the military’s interests than direct military rule.
{"title":"Governing through Informal Mechanisms","authors":"S. Rahman, Zhao Shurong","doi":"10.1525/as.2021.1433283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.1433283","url":null,"abstract":"In their post-authoritarian period, civilian governments in transitional democracies have often been battered by unelected power centers. Where do these unelected forces derive their power? This article addresses this question through a case study of Pakistan. Since the 2018 elections, a decade after leaving formal political office, the Pakistani military has asserted greater control over civilian government. Using the concept of informal institutions of political participation as an analytical framework, we argue that when formal forms of control become untenable due to legitimacy and/or functional constraints, the military turns into a Janus-faced institution, visibly acting as a formal state organ while invisibly protecting its institutional interests through what we call “informal mechanisms.” The article explains how Pakistan’s pre-2018 political situation dictated a quasi-military regime more suited to the military’s interests than direct military rule.","PeriodicalId":47691,"journal":{"name":"Asian Survey","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47200438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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