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Balance-Minded Voting in Post-2012 Japan 2012年后日本的平衡性投票
4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.20087338
Ko Maeda
This study employs survey data to characterize a new kind of strategic voting behavior in post-2012 Japan. Since the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) returned to power in 2012, it has been winning every national election, while the opposition camp has been fragmented into many parties, none of which has been seen as a viable contender to the LDP. In this situation in which the LDP will certainly win, there are citizens who vote for an opposition party, especially the largest one, though they do not believe it is capable of governing the country. Their concern is the balance of seats among the parties. These strategic voters tend to be older, more educated, richer, and more attentive to political news than those who genuinely support the opposition.
本研究采用调查数据来描述2012年后日本一种新的战略投票行为。自2012年自民党(LDP)重新掌权以来,它赢得了每一次全国大选,而反对党阵营则分裂成许多政党,没有一个被视为自民党的有力竞争者。在这种自民党肯定会获胜的情况下,有些公民会投票给反对党,尤其是最大的政党,尽管他们不相信它有能力治理国家。他们关心的是各党派之间的席位平衡。与那些真正支持反对党的人相比,这些具有战略意义的选民往往年龄更大,受教育程度更高,更富有,更关注政治新闻。
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引用次数: 0
Deceptive Gender Equality 欺骗性的性别平等
4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.2075854
Jungin Jo, Wonjae Hwang
Despite achievements in women’s economic and political empowerment, gender inequalities persist in the key socioeconomic areas of health and education in Laos. How can we explain these gaps in equality? We analyze how Lao people perceive gender equality and how differences in the perception of multiple dimensions of gender equality affect women’s rights in healthcare and education. The results of a 2023 survey of 664 Laotians highlight the perception of equal responsibilities as the key dimension of gender equality, which may limit the improvement of gender equality in health. The results imply that female leadership and greater public consideration of gender equality with respect to rights and opportunities may promote gender equality in Laos. This study contributes to the study of perceptions and practices of gender equality in non-Western countries.
尽管老挝在赋予妇女经济和政治权力方面取得了成就,但在保健和教育等关键社会经济领域,性别不平等现象依然存在。我们如何解释这些差距呢?我们分析了老挝人民如何看待性别平等,以及对性别平等多个层面的看法差异如何影响妇女在保健和教育方面的权利。2023年对664名老挝人进行的一项调查结果突出表明,责任平等是两性平等的关键方面,这可能会限制两性在保健方面平等的改善。结果表明,女性领导和更多的公众对权利和机会方面的性别平等的考虑可能促进老挝的性别平等。这项研究有助于研究非西方国家对性别平等的看法和做法。
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引用次数: 0
How Has the War in Ukraine Shaped Taiwanese Concerns about Their Own Defense? 乌克兰战争如何影响台湾人对自身防御的担忧?
4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.2010035
Timothy S. Rich, Vasabjit Banerjee, Benjamin Tkach
How does Russia’s invasion of Ukraine affect Taiwanese perceptions about their own defense? Despite frequent comparisons of the war in Ukraine with a potential invasion of Taiwan, existing analyses do not directly measure Taiwanese public perceptions of a linkage. Using survey data from the Taiwan Institute for Governance and Communication Research, we identify not only the extent of concern about the war but also how this corresponds to worries about a Chinese invasion, confidence in Taiwan’s ability to win such a war, and belief about US defensive commitments to Taiwan.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰如何影响台湾人对自身防御的看法?尽管经常将乌克兰战争与台湾的潜在入侵进行比较,但现有的分析并没有直接衡量台湾公众对这种联系的看法。利用台湾治理与传播研究所的调查数据,我们不仅确定了对这场战争的担忧程度,还确定了这与对中国入侵的担忧、对台湾赢得这场战争的能力的信心以及对美国对台湾的防御承诺的信念是如何对应的。
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引用次数: 0
Electoral System Reform and the Politics of Policy Change 选举制度改革与政策变迁的政治
4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.2001934
Yosuke Sunahara
As women’s participation in the workforce expands, many countries seek to reform child care support by changing the gender division of labor. Japan also attempted universalistic child care support reforms, though these were not always successful. The electoral reforms of the 1990s prompted the major political parties to make universalistic reforms, and the major party leaders advocated similar ideas. Still, they failed to extend benefits to all children. Agreement on the expansion of funding was particularly challenging. By analyzing coalition formation within and among political parties, I show that the electoral reform led to stiff competition, which made it difficult for parties to agree. The change to a majoritarian electoral system not only intensified inter-party rivalry but also made it difficult to persuade intra-party groups that perceived a threat to their electoral success.
随着妇女参与劳动力的扩大,许多国家试图通过改变性别分工来改革儿童保育支持。日本也尝试过普遍的儿童保育支持改革,尽管这些改革并不总是成功的。20世纪90年代的选举改革促使各大政党进行普世性改革,各大政党领导人也主张类似的理念。然而,他们未能将福利扩大到所有儿童。就扩大经费达成协议尤其具有挑战性。通过分析政党内部和政党之间的联盟形成,我表明选举改革导致了激烈的竞争,这使得政党难以达成一致。多数选举制度的改变不仅加剧了政党间的竞争,而且也使那些认为其选举成功受到威胁的党内团体难以说服。
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引用次数: 0
Cleaning Up Its Act 清理其行为
4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.2006910
Jingwen Wu, James R. Masterson
The urgent and global concern of environmental problems transcends local and regional boundaries, posing significant challenges for policymakers in developing countries. Amid conflicting economic and environmental goals, evaluating the efficacy of regulatory policies becomes increasingly critical. This study investigates the effectiveness of public policy in incentivizing developing nations to prioritize environmental regulation, with a specific focus on China’s most recent environmental policy, the Ecological Environmental Protection Plan. Using multilevel modeling and difference-in-differences estimation with data from six of China’s most populous cities between 2014 and 2019, we see evidence of air quality improvements following the implementation of the policy. Furthermore, we observe greater enhancements in air quality in the cities most affected by the institutional details of the policy. This shows that well-crafted public policy can improve air quality, providing crucial insights for policymakers and scholars alike.
全球对环境问题的迫切关注超越了地方和区域界限,给发展中国家的决策者带来了重大挑战。在经济和环境目标相互冲突的情况下,评估监管政策的有效性变得越来越重要。本研究考察了公共政策在激励发展中国家优先考虑环境监管方面的有效性,并特别关注了中国最新的环境政策——生态环境保护计划。通过对2014年至2019年中国六个人口最多的城市的数据进行多层次建模和差中差估计,我们看到了政策实施后空气质量改善的证据。此外,我们观察到,在受政策制度细节影响最大的城市,空气质量得到了更大的改善。这表明,精心设计的公共政策可以改善空气质量,为政策制定者和学者提供了至关重要的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Types of Public Participation and Their Effect on Satisfaction with Local Public Services in China 中国公众参与类型及其对地方公共服务满意度的影响
4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.2007496
Hongna Miao
Satisfaction with public services is an important index of their quality and an effective way to promote political legitimacy in China. This article empirically examines how three types of public participation contribute to citizens’ satisfaction with public services in China, with special attention to the moderating role of political trust. Using data from 6,089 respondents in a survey conducted in 2020, I find that government-led discussions and nonpolitical participation have a positive effect on public service satisfaction, whereas grass-roots election participation has no statistically significant effect. Participation efficacy, political trust, policy transparency, and unfair treatment are potential factors affecting residents’ satisfaction with public services. In these correlations, political trust has a significant moderating effect. When political trust is weak, the influence of participation on public service satisfaction is null or negative; with greater trust, the negative correlation is mitigated.
公共服务满意度是衡量公共服务质量的重要指标,也是促进中国政治合法性的有效途径。本文实证考察了三种类型的公众参与对中国公民公共服务满意度的影响,并特别关注了政治信任的调节作用。利用2020年对6089名受访者的调查数据,我发现政府主导的讨论和非政治性参与对公共服务满意度有正向影响,而基层选举参与对公共服务满意度的影响没有统计学意义。参与效能、政治信任、政策透明度和不公平待遇是影响居民对公共服务满意度的潜在因素。在这些相关性中,政治信任具有显著的调节作用。当政治信任较弱时,参与对公共服务满意度的影响为零或负向;信任程度越高,负相关程度越低。
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引用次数: 0
Taiwan in 2022 2022年的台湾
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.63.2.247
T. Y. Wang
Taiwan had an eventful year in 2022. Cross-Strait tensions increased dramatically after Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taipei. China’s belligerent actions in response have invited international condemnation and triggered more official engagements between Taiwan and the global community. Amid this tension, Taiwan continued its democratic governance by holding local elections in November. A change in COVID policy led to a surge in cases, but the initial high death rate had declined by the end of the year, thanks to high inoculation rates. In a global economic slowdown, Taiwan outperformed its neighboring countries. With Beijing’s alignment to Moscow after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the close US–Taiwan relationship further strengthened.
台湾2022年是多事的一年。议长南希·佩洛西访问台北后,两岸紧张局势急剧加剧。中国的挑衅行为引起了国际社会的谴责,并引发了台湾与国际社会之间更多的官方接触。在这种紧张局势中,台湾在11月举行地方选举,继续民主施政。新冠肺炎政策的改变导致病例激增,但由于疫苗接种率高,最初的高死亡率在年底有所下降。在全球经济放缓的情况下,台湾的表现优于邻国。随着俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后北京与莫斯科结盟,美国与台湾的密切关系进一步加强。
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引用次数: 2
The United States and Asia in 2022 2022年的美国和亚洲
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.63.2.311
Sang-hwan Lee, Wonjae Hwang
The past year witnessed active movement in the Indo-Pacific region to form or consolidate partnerships around shared values or interests. While tensions with China and threats from North Korea mounted, the Biden administration’s strategy toward a free and open Indo-Pacific gained ground in many Asian states but evoked only lukewarm reactions in others. Ongoing and new challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine tested the US leadership. Washington will need wisdom and patience to maintain solidarity among its allies and partners and avoid a self-fulfilling prophecy of armed conflict in its relations with China.
过去一年,印太地区围绕共同价值观或利益形成或巩固伙伴关系的活动十分活跃。尽管与中国的紧张局势和来自朝鲜的威胁加剧,但拜登政府建立自由开放的印太地区的战略在许多亚洲国家取得了进展,但在其他国家只引起了冷淡的反应。新冠肺炎疫情和俄罗斯入侵乌克兰等持续的新挑战考验了美国的领导能力。华盛顿需要智慧和耐心来保持盟友和伙伴之间的团结,避免在与中国的关系中出现武装冲突的自我实现预言。
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引用次数: 0
North Korea in 2022 2022年的朝鲜
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.63.2.235
Sukhee Han, Mason Richey
North Korea’s 2022 was largely a continuation of the political/economic, military, and diplomatic dynamic from 2020–21, but with different accents. Given the path dependence of military/nuclear modernization, domestic political/economic structural constraints, and the geostrategic situation in East Asia, 2023 in North Korea is likely to continue these same trends. Two big questions loom. (1) How will North Korea open up from COVID border closures, which might make better economic performance possible? (2) How will North Korea manage inter-Korean relations, and is the Korean Peninsula headed for a situation in which the security dilemma of a long-term deterrence relationship between the US–South Korea alliance and North Korea spills over into kinetic conflict?
朝鲜的2022年在很大程度上延续了2020 - 2021年的政治/经济、军事和外交动态,但带有不同的口音。考虑到军事/核现代化的路径依赖、国内政治/经济结构限制以及东亚地缘战略形势,2023年朝鲜可能会继续这些趋势。两大问题迫在眉睫。(1)新冠疫情后,朝鲜将如何开放经济?(2)朝鲜将如何管理朝韩关系,朝鲜半岛是否正走向美韩同盟与朝鲜之间长期威慑关系的安全困境溢出为动态冲突的局面?
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引用次数: 0
South Korea in 2022 2022年的韩国
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2023.63.2.225
At the presidential and local levels, progressives were replaced by conservatives in 2022. But the National Assembly is still dominated by the opposition Democratic Party, so the government is more divided than ever. As a conservative government came into power in South Korea, North Korea fired the most missiles ever, and inter-Korean relations were very strained. The economy is in serious condition due to inflation, interest rate hikes, and slowing growth.
2022年,在总统和地方层面,进步派被保守派取代。但国民议会仍然由反对党民主党主导,因此政府比以往任何时候都更加分裂。随着韩国保守派政府上台,朝鲜发射了有史以来最多的导弹,朝韩关系非常紧张。由于通货膨胀、加息和增长放缓,经济状况严重。
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引用次数: 0
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Asian Survey
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