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From Bad to Worse 从糟糕到更糟
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.1804494
D. Markey, J. Larsen
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will have indirect consequences for relations between India and China. In the near term, those consequences appear to be mixed and limited. Over the long term, however, Moscow’s strategic misadventure threatens Russia’s position as an independent power, a defense supplier to India, and a champion of non-Western diplomatic initiatives that tend to encourage more stable China–India relations. The war will also produce “systemic” effects, including altered global expectations about the prospects for major-power conflict and a resurgence of US-led treaty alliances. In combination, these war-driven outcomes are likely to accelerate the deterioration of China–India relations that was already underway before February 2022.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰将对印度和中国的关系产生间接影响。在短期内,这些后果似乎是混合和有限的。然而,从长远来看,莫斯科的战略冒险威胁到俄罗斯作为一个独立大国、印度的国防供应国以及鼓励更稳定的中印关系的非西方外交倡议的拥护者的地位。这场战争还将产生“系统性”影响,包括改变全球对大国冲突前景的预期,以及美国领导的条约联盟的复苏。总之,这些战争导致的结果可能会加速中印关系的恶化,而这种恶化在2022年2月之前就已经开始了。
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引用次数: 1
Vietnam in 2021 2021年的越南
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.07
P. Schuler
COVID-19 and the Party Congress dominated the headlines in Vietnam in 2021. This essay reviews the leadership changes after the Party Congress and the challenges the new leaders faced in confronting the Delta variant of COVID-19. It also considers other economic challenges that have simmered under the surface, such as its approach to securing infrastructure funding, particularly in the energy sector. It concludes by considering Vietnam’s international posture relating to the US and China.
2021年,新冠肺炎疫情和越共代表大会占据了越南媒体的头条。本文回顾了十八大后的领导班子变动,以及新一届领导班子在应对新冠肺炎“三角洲型”疫情时面临的挑战。报告还考虑了其他隐藏在表面之下的经济挑战,比如其获得基础设施融资的方式,尤其是在能源领域。文章最后考虑了越南与美国和中国的国际关系。
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引用次数: 3
Cambodia in 2021 2021年的柬埔寨
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.11
Lee Morgenbesser
In 2021, Cambodia confronted the full impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Amid a surge in case numbers and total deaths, the virus brought new and profound consequences for the Southeast Asian nation. A spate of decrees, laws, and provisions provided Hun Sen’s government ways to contain the outbreak, along with an opportunity to further stifle political dissent. The economic effects of the crisis were acutely felt in the crucial tourist industry and garment sector, both of which experienced severe contraction that will be long-lasting. Beyond the COVID-19 pandemic, Cambodia’s foreign affairs were dominated by its friendly relationship with China, poor reputation within the United States, and pending chairmanship of ASEAN.
2021年,柬埔寨面临COVID-19大流行的全面影响。在病例数和死亡总人数激增的情况下,这种病毒给这个东南亚国家带来了新的、深刻的后果。一系列法令、法律和条款为洪森政府提供了控制疫情的方法,同时也为进一步压制政治异见提供了机会。危机的经济影响在至关重要的旅游业和服装部门得到了强烈的感受,这两个行业都经历了严重的收缩,这种收缩将持续很长时间。除了新冠肺炎疫情,柬埔寨的外交事务主要是与中国的友好关系,在美国的声誉不佳,以及即将担任东盟主席。
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引用次数: 0
Singapore in 2021 2021年的新加坡
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.15
Bilveer Singh
Singapore remained in crisis mode in 2021, a situation that persisted from 2020. While COVID-19 continued to devastate various foundations of Singapore, especially the economy and public confidence in the government, a political succession crisis threw the republic deeper into uncharted territory. These developments are likely to have long-term consequences, especially for the staying power of government in what is a one-dominant-party state.
新加坡在2021年仍处于危机模式,这种情况从2020年开始持续。新冠肺炎疫情继续摧毁新加坡的各种基础,特别是经济和公众对政府的信心,而政治继承危机使这个共和国陷入了更深的未知领域。这些事态发展可能会产生长期影响,尤其是对这个一党执政的国家的政府的持久力而言。
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引用次数: 7
Nepal in 2021 2021年的尼泊尔
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.19
Kristine Eck
The COVID-19 pandemic hit Nepal harder in 2021 than in the previous year, resulting in thousands dead, millions of livelihoods lost, food access constricted, educations upended, and social and economic devastation. In the midst of this, political leaders were preoccupied with power politics, leaving the country ill-equipped to manage the COVID-19 crisis. Fragile democratic institutions and norms were undermined by the inability of leaders to prioritize governance. Environmental problems, an economic downturn, and continued human rights violations further exacerbated the country’s woes.
2019冠状病毒病大流行在2021年对尼泊尔的打击比前一年更严重,导致数千人死亡,数百万人失去生计,粮食供应受限,教育中断,社会和经济遭受破坏。在这种情况下,政治领导人专注于权力政治,导致该国没有能力应对新冠肺炎危机。脆弱的民主制度和规范因领导人无法优先考虑治理而受到破坏。环境问题、经济衰退和持续的侵犯人权行为进一步加剧了该国的困境。
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引用次数: 2
Russia–Pakistan Relations and the Constraints of Geoeconomics 俄巴关系与地缘经济制约
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.1801312
Christopher Clary
Russia–Pakistan relations have improved since the end of the Cold War. While that trend is likely to continue, Russia is unlikely to transform Pakistan’s difficult strategic circumstances. Russia is insufficiently wealthy to provide enough aid and investment to revitalize Pakistan’s economy. Russia is also too concerned with maintaining access to the Indian defense market to increase defense sales to Pakistan more than modestly. This article reviews what I call the constraints of geoeconomics, where the relatively small size of the Russian and Pakistani economies combines with the considerable distance between them to limit Russian–Pakistani ties despite periodic official interest in deepening them. It situates these current obstacles in the context of the historic Soviet–Pakistani relationship, which was similarly constrained by distance, great power politics, and Indian concerns.
自冷战结束以来,俄巴关系有所改善。尽管这种趋势可能会继续下去,但俄罗斯不太可能改变巴基斯坦艰难的战略环境。俄罗斯不够富裕,无法提供足够的援助和投资来振兴巴基斯坦经济。俄罗斯也过于关心保持进入印度国防市场的机会,而不是适度地增加对巴基斯坦的国防销售。本文回顾了我所谓的地缘经济约束,俄罗斯和巴基斯坦的经济规模相对较小,加上它们之间的距离相当远,限制了俄罗斯和巴基斯坦的关系,尽管官方定期有意深化这种关系。它将当前的这些障碍置于历史上的苏巴关系的背景下,这种关系同样受到距离、大国政治和印度关切的限制。
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引用次数: 0
China in 2021 2021年的中国
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.02
Min Ye
The year 2021 saw unceasing power concentration in China and inside the ruling Communist Party. China persisted with a zero-COVID policy, but at considerable social and economic costs. The investigation of the origins of the pandemic triggered new sparring between China and Western countries. US–China relations continued to sour as the Biden administration kept on with most of the existing China policies and started building a new security network in the Indo-Pacific region. China tightened its control of Hong Kong’s political life, but its effort toward “complete reunification” faced strong resistance across the Taiwan Strait.
2021年,中国和执政的共产党内部的权力不断集中。中国坚持零疫情政策,但付出了巨大的社会和经济代价。对疫情源头的调查引发了中国与西方国家之间新的争论。拜登政府继续维持大部分现有对华政策,并开始在印太地区构建新的安全网络,美中关系继续恶化。中国加强了对香港政治生活的控制,但其“完全统一”的努力面临着台湾海峡对岸的强烈抵制。
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引用次数: 3
Thailand in 2021 2021年的泰国
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.10
J. Selway
In 2021, COVID-19 spread like wildfire throughout Thailand, with the government being routinely accused of mismanagement and facing two censures in parliament as a result. The military-aligned government also faced continuing protests against its rule. As the year progressed, the protests became more violent and spread to the peripheral regions of the country. Combined with the economic impact of the pandemic on the tourist sector, cracks are beginning to appear in the multi-party coalition. Support from the armed forces may also be waning, and there have been rumors of another coup. Nevertheless, imports and exports increased throughout 2021, and the opening of the country to 63 low-risk countries in November promises to ease the pressure on the government. The Thai parliament also approved a measure to reform the electoral system back to the one used in the 1997 constitution, under which the main opposition party, Pheu Thai, performed so well. Another election seems imminent, but it remains to be seen whether the electorate responds more to the intimidation, increasing support for the government’s largest party, the military-aligned Palang Pracharat—or to the student demands for constitutional reform, increasing support for opposition parties.
2021年,COVID-19像野火一样在泰国蔓延,政府经常被指责管理不善,并因此在议会面临两次谴责。与军方结盟的政府还面临着反对其统治的持续抗议。随着时间的推移,抗议活动变得更加暴力,并蔓延到该国的外围地区。再加上疫情对旅游业的经济影响,多党联合政府开始出现裂痕。来自军队的支持可能也在减弱,而且有传言说会发生另一场政变。尽管如此,整个2021年的进出口都在增长,11月向63个低风险国家开放有望缓解政府的压力。泰国议会还批准了一项改革选举制度的措施,恢复到1997年宪法中使用的选举制度。在1997年宪法中,主要反对党为泰党表现出色。另一场选举似乎迫在眉睫,但选民是否会对恐吓做出更多反应,增加对政府最大政党——与军方结盟的人民党的支持,还是对学生要求宪法改革的要求,增加对反对党的支持,还有待观察。
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引用次数: 4
The Philippines in 2021 2021年的菲律宾
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.12
J. Teehankee
In his last year in office, populist Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte faced the deadly surge of the Delta variant of the COVID-19 pandemic. His government continued to struggle with the health crisis despite implementing one of the most heavy-handed lockdowns in the world. In his final State of the Nation address, he trumpeted his administration’s “war on drugs” and ordered the military to hunt communist insurgents and “shoot them dead.” At the same time, he admitted that he has failed in his “war on corruption,” the second plank in his 2016 campaign platform. His admission foreshadowed the biggest corruption scandal of his administration. The Senate uncovered evidence of financial misuse, particularly for supplies from Pharmally Pharmaceutical, a business formed just months before securing billions of pesos in government supply contracts. The controversy has eroded Duterte’s popularity ratings, but he has retained high enough numbers to leverage political support in the upcoming 2022 presidential election and deflect impending International Criminal Court prosecution for his bloody drug war.
在执政的最后一年,民粹主义的菲律宾总统罗德里戈·杜特尔特(Rodrigo Duterte)面临着新型冠状病毒大流行的致命激增。他的政府继续与卫生危机作斗争,尽管实施了世界上最严厉的封锁之一。在他的最后一次国情咨文中,他大肆宣扬自己的“毒品战争”,并命令军队追捕共产党叛乱分子,并“将他们击毙”。与此同时,他承认他在2016年竞选纲领的第二项“反腐败战争”中失败了。他的承认预示着2010年最大的腐败丑闻。参议院发现了财政滥用的证据,尤其是在制药公司的供应方面,这家公司成立几个月后就获得了数十亿比索的政府供应合同。这一争议削弱了杜特尔特的支持率,但他保持了足够高的支持率,可以在即将到来的2022年总统选举中获得政治支持,并转移国际刑事法院即将对他血腥的毒品战争的起诉。
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引用次数: 2
Laos in 2021 2021年的老挝
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/as.2022.62.1.14
B. Rehbein
The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a weakening of the formal economy and a crisis of the informal economy in Laos. The population has responded with a partial return to subsistence farming, which almost the entire rural population had been engaged in anyway. The return to subsistence farming was accompanied by a revival of the subsistence ethic, which is compatible neither with Stalinist socialism nor with capitalism. In the current configuration, the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party is in a position to take advantage of this revival, since it seems to support a communitarian morality, anti-capitalism, and self-sufficiency, which the socialist rhetoric of recent years has been propagating. The socialist rhetoric as well as the leadership of the LPRP were reconfirmed by its national congress in January. Social, political, and economic forces seem to complement each other to a larger degree than in the first two decades of the century.
2019冠状病毒病大流行导致老挝正规经济的削弱和非正规经济的危机。人口的反应是部分回归自给自足的农业,无论如何,几乎所有农村人口都从事农业。自给农业的回归伴随着生存伦理的复兴,这与斯大林主义的社会主义和资本主义都不相容。在目前的情势下,老挝人民革命党(People’s Revolutionary Party)有机会利用这次复兴,因为该党似乎支持社群主义道德、反资本主义和自给自足,这也是近年来社会主义言论所宣扬的。一月份的全国代表大会再次确认了社会主义的言论以及LPRP的领导。与本世纪头二十年相比,社会、政治和经济力量似乎在更大程度上相互补充。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Asian Survey
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