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Constructing the local woman peacebuilder in the Women, Peace and Security agenda: Iraqi women’s participation in local peacebuilding programmes 在妇女、和平与安全议程中构建地方妇女和平建设者:伊拉克妇女参与地方建设和平计划
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241259019
Yasmin Chilmeran
The ‘local’ as a site of peacebuilding and as a subject position has played a significant role in scholarly debates on peacebuilding and international intervention, and increasingly so in work on the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. Local women are called upon to represent the conflict experience, and localisation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda is becoming part of the rhetoric around implementation. This article examines the impacts of this focus with reference to peacebuilding and women’s inclusion initiatives in Iraq in locations previously held by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. The article analyses three programmatic case studies situated in Ninewa, a governorate in northern Iraq. The analysis offers a four-part typology of local women participants – local women as peacebuilders, a-political (and a-sectarian), non-elite and intermediary – and uses these types to explore how the participation and presence of local women is constructed within peacebuilding programming. By introducing these types, this article makes visible the practical and conceptual impact of the focus on the ‘local’ on the Women, Peace and Security agenda, its implementation in post-conflict contexts, and on how local women and their contributions are perceived in Women, Peace and Security-focused peacebuilding interventions.
地方 "作为建设和平的场所和主体地位,在有关建设和平和国际干预的学术辩论中发挥了重要作用,在有关实施妇女、和平与安全议程的工作中也日益如此。当地妇女被要求代表冲突经验,妇女、和平与安全议程的本地化正在成为实施工作的一部分。本文以伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国以前控制的伊拉克地区的和平建设和妇女融入倡议为参照,探讨了这一重点的影响。文章分析了位于伊拉克北部尼尼微省的三个项目案例研究。分析提出了由四个部分组成的当地妇女参与者类型--作为和平建设者的当地妇女、非政治(和非宗派)妇女、非精英妇女和中间妇女--并利用这些类型探讨了当地妇女的参与和存在是如何在建设和平计划中被构建的。通过介绍这些类型,本文阐明了关注 "当地 "对 "妇女、和平与安全 "议程、其在冲突后环境中的实施以及在以 "妇女、和平与安全 "为重点的建设和平干预中如何看待当地妇女及其贡献的实际和概念影响。
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引用次数: 0
Voter reaction to the government’s refusal of natural disaster assistance: Experimental evidence from Turkey and India 选民对政府拒绝自然灾害援助的反应:土耳其和印度的实验证据
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241251807
O. Kiratli, S. Aytaç
How do citizens respond to their government’s decision to accept or reject foreign assistance in the face of a natural disaster? While the increased frequency and intensity of natural disasters necessitate international cooperation for effective response, there have been numerous instances where states have declined foreign assistance offers due to reputation concerns. In this article, we focus on the domestic audience dynamics of such behavior. Drawing on experimental survey data from Turkey and India, two middle-income countries with geopolitical ambitions and recent experience in refusing foreign assistance, we find that accepting foreign assistance during natural disasters leads to higher evaluations of government performance, though this positive effect is driven by opposition voters only. Incumbent voters, conversely, solidify their support for the government regardless of its decision toward foreign assistance. The domestic political effects of government decisions in response to aid offers are largely independent of the identity of the country offering assistance.
面对自然灾害,公民如何回应政府接受或拒绝外国援助的决定?虽然自然灾害的发生频率和强度不断增加,需要国际合作来有效应对,但各国出于声誉考虑而拒绝外国援助的事例也屡见不鲜。在本文中,我们将重点关注此类行为的国内受众动态。我们利用土耳其和印度这两个具有地缘政治野心的中等收入国家的实验调查数据,发现在自然灾害期间接受外国援助会导致对政府绩效的更高评价,尽管这种积极效应仅由反对派选民驱动。相反,无论政府是否决定接受外国援助,在任选民都会巩固对政府的支持。政府应对援助的决策对国内政治的影响在很大程度上与援助国的身份无关。
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引用次数: 0
Do bilateral investment treaties help post-coup countries attract foreign investment? 双边投资条约是否有助于政变后国家吸引外国投资?
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-24 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241251813
Jia Chen, Ge Xin, Fangjin Ye
Studies of international investment treaties have debated whether these agreements independently increase foreign investment flows. This article contributes to the debate by contextualizing the impact of bilateral investment treaties on post-coup domestic political environments. We argue that these treaties enable capital-receiving countries to live up to their commitments of investment protection and promote foreign investment when signatories’ capacity for investor protection has been compromised by the political turmoil of coup events. Using a sample that covers 81 countries between 1970 and 2017, we find that bilateral investment treaties are positively associated with foreign investment in post-coup countries, and that this association is strongest in the immediate years following the coup and attenuates gradually over time. This finding potentially lends support to theorizations of bilateral investment treaties as substitutes, rather than complements, to domestic institutions in fostering investment activities.
关于国际投资条约的研究一直在争论这些协议是否会独立地增加外国投资流量。本文通过分析双边投资条约对政变后国内政治环境的影响,为这一争论做出了贡献。我们认为,当签署国的投资者保护能力因政变事件的政治动荡而受到损害时,这些条约能使资本接受国履行其投资保护承诺,并促进外国投资。利用 1970 年至 2017 年间 81 个国家的样本,我们发现双边投资条约与政变后国家的外国投资呈正相关,而且这种相关性在政变后几年内最强,并随着时间的推移逐渐减弱。这一发现为双边投资协定在促进投资活动方面替代而非补充国内机构的理论提供了潜在支持。
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引用次数: 0
Policymaking under tough economic times: Parties, policy issues and the adoption of programmatic policies 经济困难时期的决策:政党、政策问题和纲领性政策的通过
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241247517
Giorgia Borgnino
To what extent is partisan ability to shape policies affected by an economic downturn? Based on the analysis of the fulfilment of 2,412 election pledges in Italy (1996–2018), this article demonstrates that governing parties prioritize different types of promises in tough economic times compared to normal or growing periods. Despite the presence of important constraints, parties have incentives to still try to carve out space for (some of) their policy preferences. In addition, results suggest that the effect of the economic context on pledge fulfilment is contingent on: (a) the policy issue; and (b) parties’ political affiliation.
党派制定政策的能力在多大程度上受到经济衰退的影响?本文基于对意大利 2412 项选举承诺(1996-2018 年)履行情况的分析,说明与正常或增长时期相比,执政党在经济困难时期会优先考虑不同类型的承诺。尽管存在重要的制约因素,政党仍有动力努力为自己的(部分)政策偏好留出空间。此外,研究结果表明,经济环境对履行承诺的影响取决于:(a) 政策问题;(b) 政党的政治派别。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating new realities: Explaining programmatic transitions of mainstream and niche parties 驾驭新现实:解释主流政党和小众政党的纲领性转变
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241237524
Jasmien Luypaert
Electoral competition is determined by the issues that parties choose to compete on and the stances they adopt on these issues. However, little research has examined the trade-off between expanding a party’s programmatic stances to secondary issues while maintaining ideological continuity on primary issues. This article seeks to address this gap by examining programmatic transitions among mainstream and niche parties and in which contexts these transitions are more frequent. The study analyses 47 parties in 10 established democracies between 1986 and 2020 using multiple regression techniques. The results show that niche parties are more likely to focus on secondary issues, and when they make such transitions, they tend to be larger. The analysis also reveals that the length of niche competition influences mainstream parties’ programmatic transitions, while niche parties’ transitions are driven by their continuity in programmatic transitions and governmental experience.
选举竞争取决于政党选择竞争的议题及其在这些议题上采取的立场。然而,很少有研究探讨政党在主要问题上保持意识形态连续性的同时,如何权衡将纲领性立场扩展到次要问题上的利弊。本文试图通过研究主流政党和小众政党的纲领性转变,以及在哪些情况下这些转变更为频繁,来弥补这一空白。研究使用多元回归技术分析了 1986 年至 2020 年间 10 个成熟民主国家的 47 个政党。结果表明,小众政党更有可能关注次要议题,而且当它们进行这种转型时,其规模往往更大。分析还显示,利基竞争的时间长短会影响主流政党的纲领性转型,而利基政党的转型则受其纲领性转型的连续性和政府经验的驱动。
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引用次数: 0
Taking intra-executive politics into public arenas? Analysis of presidential speeches in six semi-presidential European countries 将行政内部政治带入公共领域?对六个半总统制欧洲国家总统演讲的分析
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241237527
Maarika Kujanen, Vesa Koskimaa, Tapio Raunio
Although public communication is a key aspect of political leadership, there is no systematic comparative research on the speeches of presidents in European semi-presidential countries. In such regimes, constitutionally weaker presidents are tempted to use the public podium for increasing their influence, potentially igniting intra-executive quarrels that debilitate decision-making. To gauge this general dynamic, this article analyses the official speeches of Czech, Finnish, French, Polish, Portuguese and Romanian presidents between 2000 and 2020. It first explores the ‘politicalness’ of presidents’ public activity through the general tone and the share of references to economy in the speeches. It then examines how societal conditions, party-political dynamics and public opinion impact the tone and content of presidential addresses. Presidents largely adopt a positive or neutral tone even during cohabitation or economic downturn, but occasionally intervene in issues under the government’s jurisdiction. The results highlight the complex and precarious nature of semi-presidentialism.
虽然公共交流是政治领导力的一个重要方面,但目前还没有关于欧洲半总统制国家总统演讲的系统比较研究。在半总统制国家中,宪政能力较弱的总统往往会利用公共讲台来扩大自己的影响力,从而可能引发行政部门内部的争吵,影响决策。为了衡量这种普遍动态,本文分析了捷克、芬兰、法国、波兰、葡萄牙和罗马尼亚总统在 2000 年至 2020 年间的官方演讲。文章首先通过总统讲话的总体基调和提及经济的比例,探讨了总统公共活动的 "政治性"。然后,研究社会条件、政党政治动态和公众舆论如何影响总统讲话的语气和内容。即使在同居或经济低迷时期,总统也大多采取积极或中立的语气,但偶尔也会对政府管辖范围内的问题进行干预。研究结果凸显了半总统制的复杂性和不稳定性。
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引用次数: 0
Industry comparative advantage and support for redistribution: A cross-country cross-industry analysis of the political economy of trade 产业比较优势和对再分配的支持:贸易政治经济学的跨国跨行业分析
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-23 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241242440
André van Hoorn
A fundamental insight of various trade theories is that trade does not have a universally negative effect on different business activities in different countries. Rather, trade’s impact varies concomitantly with the specific country and activity considered. This empirical note expands prior work linking trade to redistribution preferences by using sectoral comparative advantage to incorporate the notion that trade may hurt the prospects of a specific group in one country (e.g. workers in a highly tradeable or offshorable industry) but will simultaneously benefit this same group in another country. We expect that individuals in industries with a weaker (stronger) comparative advantage suffer (benefit) more from trade and are therefore more (less) in favour of redistribution. Empirical results confirm this expected effect of comparative advantage on redistribution preferences. We conclude that considering countries’ comparative (dis)advantage in certain activities provides a deeper and more general understanding of the political consequences of trade.
各种贸易理论的一个基本观点是,贸易不会对不同国家的不同商业活动产生普遍的负面影响。相反,贸易的影响随具体国家和活动的不同而不同。本实证报告利用行业比较优势,将贸易可能会损害一国特定群体(如高度可贸易或不可转移行业的工人)的前景,但同时会使另一国的同一群体受益这一概念纳入其中,从而扩展了之前将贸易与再分配偏好联系起来的工作。我们预计,在比较优势较弱(较强)的行业中,个人从贸易中受到的影响(受益)更大,因此更赞成(较不赞成)再分配。实证结果证实了比较优势对再分配偏好的预期影响。我们的结论是,考虑国家在某些活动中的比较(不)优势,可以更深入、更普遍地理解贸易的政治后果。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: A feminist international relations approach to the Middle East/North Africa 导言:中东/北非女权主义国际关系方法
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-23 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241239751
Yasmin Chilmeran, S. Forester, Valentine Moghadam, Ora Szekely
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引用次数: 0
Does world system theory rein in social media? Identifying factors contributing to country mentions on X 世界体系理论是否适用于社交媒体?确定在 X 上提及国家的因素
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-18 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241228556
M. Elasmar, H. D. Wu, Jacob Groshek
This article examined how social media content has shaped the representation of countries for publics around the world. Based on world system theory, the study investigated the underlying predictors of country mentions on X (formerly Twitter) in 2018. It confirmed that countries with greater economic power – or higher status in the world system – received more mentions. Furthermore, countries with larger populations were mentioned more frequently as were countries that experienced major conflicts. The findings from structural equation modeling shed new light on the interrelationships that drive the social media representation of individual countries and delineated an integrated Model of Country Mentions on X. These findings have implications for global leaders, policymakers, and social media firms.
本文研究了社交媒体内容如何塑造了全球公众对国家的表述。基于世界体系理论,研究调查了 2018 年 X(原 Twitter)上国家提及率的潜在预测因素。研究证实,经济实力较强或在世界体系中地位较高的国家被提及的次数较多。此外,人口较多的国家和经历过重大冲突的国家被提及的频率更高。结构方程建模的研究结果为我们揭示了驱动各个国家在社交媒体上表现的相互关系,并勾勒出了 "国家在 X 上被提及的综合模型"。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: War in Ukraine 导言:乌克兰战争
IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-09 DOI: 10.1177/01925121241228355
Theresa Reidy, Daniel Stockemer, Annika Hinze
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Political Science Review
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