Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177444
John Lord Alderdice
The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests.
{"title":"New insights into the psychology of individuals and large groups in a world of changing conflicts","authors":"John Lord Alderdice","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177444","url":null,"abstract":"The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135815785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1177/01925121231190093
G. Abbondanza
Italy is the only ‘Big Four’ European country and ‘Quint’ North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member ostensibly uninterested in the world’s geopolitical and geoeconomic epicentre. However, a number of developments contradict the assumption that Rome overlooks the importance of the Indo-Pacific. By analysing official policies, naval deployments, new partnerships and evolving trajectories, this article reveals that Italy’s strategic engagement with the Indo-Pacific is already significant and unfolding under three broad areas: (a) economy; (b) security; and (c) norms. It then assesses the benefits and risks of this developing foreign policy, and argues that the former outweigh the latter, a condition which is conducive to the establishment of an official Italian Indo-Pacific strategy. As the first scholarly work on the Italian role in the Indo-Pacific, this research makes a novel contribution to the literature on both Italian foreign policy and the Indo-Pacific security landscape, by investigating a complementary approach to that of existing Indo-Pacific strategies.
{"title":"Italy’s quiet pivot to the Indo-Pacific: Towards an Italian Indo-Pacific strategy","authors":"G. Abbondanza","doi":"10.1177/01925121231190093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231190093","url":null,"abstract":"Italy is the only ‘Big Four’ European country and ‘Quint’ North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member ostensibly uninterested in the world’s geopolitical and geoeconomic epicentre. However, a number of developments contradict the assumption that Rome overlooks the importance of the Indo-Pacific. By analysing official policies, naval deployments, new partnerships and evolving trajectories, this article reveals that Italy’s strategic engagement with the Indo-Pacific is already significant and unfolding under three broad areas: (a) economy; (b) security; and (c) norms. It then assesses the benefits and risks of this developing foreign policy, and argues that the former outweigh the latter, a condition which is conducive to the establishment of an official Italian Indo-Pacific strategy. As the first scholarly work on the Italian role in the Indo-Pacific, this research makes a novel contribution to the literature on both Italian foreign policy and the Indo-Pacific security landscape, by investigating a complementary approach to that of existing Indo-Pacific strategies.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48372644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121231190555
Carol Galais, Juan Pérez-Rajó
The significant rise in the number of populist radical right (PRR) parties has not been accompanied by a parallel interest in the consequences that these parties may have on public opinion. The limited range of attitudes that the literature has considered so far can be broadened to include political correctness (PC), given the increasing attacks on this concept made by PRR parties. To address the effects of such attacks, we examine the Spanish case, where the presence of a new PRR party makes anti-PC messages a recent, quite exogenous stimulus. Using panel data to address potential non-recursive relationships and time-variant effects, we find that individuals are indeed more prone to lowering their levels of PC after finding Vox an attractive electoral option. Our results inform the debates on the effects that ‘cultural wars’, anti-woke and anti-PC rhetorics may have on public opinion, which could lead ultimately to harmful consequences for minority groups and social cohesion.
{"title":"Populist radical right-wing parties and the assault on political correctness: The impact of Vox in Spain","authors":"Carol Galais, Juan Pérez-Rajó","doi":"10.1177/01925121231190555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231190555","url":null,"abstract":"The significant rise in the number of populist radical right (PRR) parties has not been accompanied by a parallel interest in the consequences that these parties may have on public opinion. The limited range of attitudes that the literature has considered so far can be broadened to include political correctness (PC), given the increasing attacks on this concept made by PRR parties. To address the effects of such attacks, we examine the Spanish case, where the presence of a new PRR party makes anti-PC messages a recent, quite exogenous stimulus. Using panel data to address potential non-recursive relationships and time-variant effects, we find that individuals are indeed more prone to lowering their levels of PC after finding Vox an attractive electoral option. Our results inform the debates on the effects that ‘cultural wars’, anti-woke and anti-PC rhetorics may have on public opinion, which could lead ultimately to harmful consequences for minority groups and social cohesion.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135304920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121221084625
Cengiz Erişen
This article offers a comprehensive approach to understanding pandemic-related behavior by tackling both the psychological predictors of belief in conspiracy theories about COVID-19 and their potential consequences for trust in experts and institutions, compliance behavior and vaccine acceptance. Drawing from an observational survey (n = 1028) in Turkey, this article examines: (a) the psychological precedents of believing COVID-19 conspiracy theories; (b) how trust in experts, scientists and health authorities is influential in controlling these beliefs; (c) to what extent conspiracy theory beliefs affect compliance with protective measures; and (d) who is more likely to accept vaccination. Results demonstrate that one of the potential solutions to the influence of conspiracy theory beliefs across an array of attitudes and behaviors is to establish trust in experts, scientists and health authorities.
{"title":"Psychological foundations and behavioral consequences of COVID-19 conspiracy theory beliefs: The Turkish case","authors":"Cengiz Erişen","doi":"10.1177/01925121221084625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121221084625","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a comprehensive approach to understanding pandemic-related behavior by tackling both the psychological predictors of belief in conspiracy theories about COVID-19 and their potential consequences for trust in experts and institutions, compliance behavior and vaccine acceptance. Drawing from an observational survey (n = 1028) in Turkey, this article examines: (a) the psychological precedents of believing COVID-19 conspiracy theories; (b) how trust in experts, scientists and health authorities is influential in controlling these beliefs; (c) to what extent conspiracy theory beliefs affect compliance with protective measures; and (d) who is more likely to accept vaccination. Results demonstrate that one of the potential solutions to the influence of conspiracy theory beliefs across an array of attitudes and behaviors is to establish trust in experts, scientists and health authorities.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"36 1","pages":"587 - 606"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139343632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-08DOI: 10.1177/01925121231186556
F. Robertson
This article examines the interplay between corruption, personality traits and political trust. It argues that individuals’ personality traits may condition the effect of corruption experience on trust and that these traits also affect how individuals are exposed to corrupt experiences. Using data from the AmericasBarometer 2010, the study finds that openness, conscientiousness, agreeableness and emotional stability amplify the negative effect of corruption on trust in the police. However, only extraversion amplifies the negative effect of corrupt experiences on trust in government. The study also finds that openness, extraversion, agreeableness and emotional stability are linked to exposure to corruption. The study contributes to the literature by showing that personality affects exposure to corruption and constrains the effect of corruption on political trust.
{"title":"Who reduces political trust after experiencing corruption? Introducing the role of personality traits","authors":"F. Robertson","doi":"10.1177/01925121231186556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231186556","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the interplay between corruption, personality traits and political trust. It argues that individuals’ personality traits may condition the effect of corruption experience on trust and that these traits also affect how individuals are exposed to corrupt experiences. Using data from the AmericasBarometer 2010, the study finds that openness, conscientiousness, agreeableness and emotional stability amplify the negative effect of corruption on trust in the police. However, only extraversion amplifies the negative effect of corrupt experiences on trust in government. The study also finds that openness, extraversion, agreeableness and emotional stability are linked to exposure to corruption. The study contributes to the literature by showing that personality affects exposure to corruption and constrains the effect of corruption on political trust.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47502282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-27DOI: 10.1177/01925121231185576
Yael R. Kaplan, Tamir Sheafer, Israel Waismel-Manor, Shaul R. Shenhav
Previous research on political representation mainly focused on representatives but has overlooked individuals’ sense of inclusion within the greater group: the nation. Building on narrative theory, we propose a novel mechanism that fosters a feeling of political representation—a similarity between individuals’ personal-national stories and the collective-national metanarrative of the polity. Metanarratives are shared dominant stories that present a community with desirable social conventions. While they seek to represent the nation, metanarratives are not entirely inclusive and do not appeal to all citizens. We argue that individuals who do internalize the metanarrative feel more represented. To demonstrate our theoretical expectations, we use election surveys and constitutive texts to capture national stories and metanarratives. We find that indeed respondents whose national story is closer to a nation’s metanarrative feel more represented by the political system.
{"title":"People’s sense of political representation and national stories: The case of Israel","authors":"Yael R. Kaplan, Tamir Sheafer, Israel Waismel-Manor, Shaul R. Shenhav","doi":"10.1177/01925121231185576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231185576","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research on political representation mainly focused on representatives but has overlooked individuals’ sense of inclusion within the greater group: the nation. Building on narrative theory, we propose a novel mechanism that fosters a feeling of political representation—a similarity between individuals’ personal-national stories and the collective-national metanarrative of the polity. Metanarratives are shared dominant stories that present a community with desirable social conventions. While they seek to represent the nation, metanarratives are not entirely inclusive and do not appeal to all citizens. We argue that individuals who do internalize the metanarrative feel more represented. To demonstrate our theoretical expectations, we use election surveys and constitutive texts to capture national stories and metanarratives. We find that indeed respondents whose national story is closer to a nation’s metanarrative feel more represented by the political system.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47294223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-27DOI: 10.1177/01925121231183105
Pauline Lemaire
The increasing adoption of social media across Africa has raised hopes that they represent a new locus of youth political agency. However, as social media has become more ubiquitous, so has its control by African regimes. How do these controls affect young people’s use of social media for information? This article approaches online controls based on how overt – that is, visible and directly experienced by citizens – they are. It shows that overt forms of controls, such as social media shutdowns, are associated with a higher informational use of social media. Surprisingly, the association is stronger for older citizens. The article makes two important contributions. First, it points to the need for research to develop a better understanding of citizens’ perception of online controls. Second, its findings show that theories of youth citizenship should include the comparative group – older citizens.
{"title":"Online censorship and young people’s use of social media to get news","authors":"Pauline Lemaire","doi":"10.1177/01925121231183105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231183105","url":null,"abstract":"The increasing adoption of social media across Africa has raised hopes that they represent a new locus of youth political agency. However, as social media has become more ubiquitous, so has its control by African regimes. How do these controls affect young people’s use of social media for information? This article approaches online controls based on how overt – that is, visible and directly experienced by citizens – they are. It shows that overt forms of controls, such as social media shutdowns, are associated with a higher informational use of social media. Surprisingly, the association is stronger for older citizens. The article makes two important contributions. First, it points to the need for research to develop a better understanding of citizens’ perception of online controls. Second, its findings show that theories of youth citizenship should include the comparative group – older citizens.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45239744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1177/01925121231187363
Henrik Serup Christensen, Anton Brännlund
Political investorism involves the use of financial investments to promote political aims, but has, with some recent exceptions, received scarce attention from political scientists although there are valid theoretical reasons to consider this a new form of political participation. Here, we add new knowledge to this research agenda by examining empirically whether political investorism constitutes a distinct mode of political participation. Furthermore, we explore the characteristics of political investors and why they use political investorism. We examine these issues using an original survey from Finland ( n = 1065). Our results demonstrate that political investorism constitutes a distinct mode of participation that in particular appeals to young and well-educated women living in an urban setting. Finally, cultural ideological divisions (measured with GAL-TAN: Green-Alternative-Libertarian and Traditional-Authoritarian-Nationalist) mediate socio-demographic characteristics when explaining participation.
{"title":"Politics on the stock market? Political investorism as a form of political participation","authors":"Henrik Serup Christensen, Anton Brännlund","doi":"10.1177/01925121231187363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231187363","url":null,"abstract":"Political investorism involves the use of financial investments to promote political aims, but has, with some recent exceptions, received scarce attention from political scientists although there are valid theoretical reasons to consider this a new form of political participation. Here, we add new knowledge to this research agenda by examining empirically whether political investorism constitutes a distinct mode of political participation. Furthermore, we explore the characteristics of political investors and why they use political investorism. We examine these issues using an original survey from Finland ( n = 1065). Our results demonstrate that political investorism constitutes a distinct mode of participation that in particular appeals to young and well-educated women living in an urban setting. Finally, cultural ideological divisions (measured with GAL-TAN: Green-Alternative-Libertarian and Traditional-Authoritarian-Nationalist) mediate socio-demographic characteristics when explaining participation.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45042629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-24DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177445
A. Idler, Katerina Tkacova
In contemporary armed conflict, the spatiality of violence and the constellation of actors involved in it change frequently, but how these changes affect one another remains poorly understood. What explains the spatial shift of areas affected by violence in multi-actor conflicts? We argue that the emergence of a new dominant conflict actor facilitates a shift in conflict-related violence. We theorize the causal mechanism as ‘low-risk/high-opportunity attraction’. It exists in territories where these actors can draw on a local support base and enhance capacities to engage in violence. To demonstrate our theory’s validity, we conduct two plausibility probes: on the conflict in Colombia paired with the conflict in the Lake Chad region, and on the conflict in the Afghan–Pakistani borderlands paired with the conflict in Iraq/Syria. We adopt a mixed-methods approach integrating visualizations, spatial analysis, network analysis and process tracing, drawing, inter alia, on interviews from remote regions of war-torn Colombia and Iraq.
{"title":"Conflict shapes in flux: Explaining spatial shift in conflict-related violence","authors":"A. Idler, Katerina Tkacova","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177445","url":null,"abstract":"In contemporary armed conflict, the spatiality of violence and the constellation of actors involved in it change frequently, but how these changes affect one another remains poorly understood. What explains the spatial shift of areas affected by violence in multi-actor conflicts? We argue that the emergence of a new dominant conflict actor facilitates a shift in conflict-related violence. We theorize the causal mechanism as ‘low-risk/high-opportunity attraction’. It exists in territories where these actors can draw on a local support base and enhance capacities to engage in violence. To demonstrate our theory’s validity, we conduct two plausibility probes: on the conflict in Colombia paired with the conflict in the Lake Chad region, and on the conflict in the Afghan–Pakistani borderlands paired with the conflict in Iraq/Syria. We adopt a mixed-methods approach integrating visualizations, spatial analysis, network analysis and process tracing, drawing, inter alia, on interviews from remote regions of war-torn Colombia and Iraq.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43289542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-24DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177368
A. Idler
How can we understand change in armed conflict, both in terms of the phenomenon as a whole, as well as within individual conflicts? This Special Issue sets a new agenda on the theme of change in armed conflict. Studying conflict as a dynamic social phenomenon requires embracing interdisciplinarity and methodological pluralism, which this Special Issue facilitates through a shared conceptual framework on five dimensions of change as a ‘lingua franca’ across diverse approaches and perspectives. It advances debates through three contributions: by critically assessing pre-existing categories and labels; by accounting for perceptions and experiences; and by scaling analyses across varying units and levels of analysis.
{"title":"Change in armed conflict: An introduction","authors":"A. Idler","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177368","url":null,"abstract":"How can we understand change in armed conflict, both in terms of the phenomenon as a whole, as well as within individual conflicts? This Special Issue sets a new agenda on the theme of change in armed conflict. Studying conflict as a dynamic social phenomenon requires embracing interdisciplinarity and methodological pluralism, which this Special Issue facilitates through a shared conceptual framework on five dimensions of change as a ‘lingua franca’ across diverse approaches and perspectives. It advances debates through three contributions: by critically assessing pre-existing categories and labels; by accounting for perceptions and experiences; and by scaling analyses across varying units and levels of analysis.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41295678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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