Pub Date : 2022-02-04DOI: 10.1177/01925121211058660
Anna Krämling, Brigitte Geißel, Jonathan R. Rinne, Lars Paulus
Direct democracy is seen as a potential cure to the malaise of representative democracy. It is increasingly used worldwide. However, research on the effects of direct democracy on important indicators like socio-economic, legal, and political equality is scarce, and mainly limited to Europe and the US. The global perspective is missing. This article starts to close this gap. It presents descriptive findings on direct democratic votes at the national level in the (partly) free countries of the Global South and Oceania between 1990 and 2015. It performs the first comparative analysis of direct democracy on these continents. Contradicting concerns that direct democracy may be a threat to equality, we found more bills aimed at increasing equality. Likewise, these votes produced more pro- than contra-equality outputs. This held for all continents as well as for all dimensions of equality.
{"title":"Direct democracy and equality: A global perspective","authors":"Anna Krämling, Brigitte Geißel, Jonathan R. Rinne, Lars Paulus","doi":"10.1177/01925121211058660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211058660","url":null,"abstract":"Direct democracy is seen as a potential cure to the malaise of representative democracy. It is increasingly used worldwide. However, research on the effects of direct democracy on important indicators like socio-economic, legal, and political equality is scarce, and mainly limited to Europe and the US. The global perspective is missing. This article starts to close this gap. It presents descriptive findings on direct democratic votes at the national level in the (partly) free countries of the Global South and Oceania between 1990 and 2015. It performs the first comparative analysis of direct democracy on these continents. Contradicting concerns that direct democracy may be a threat to equality, we found more bills aimed at increasing equality. Likewise, these votes produced more pro- than contra-equality outputs. This held for all continents as well as for all dimensions of equality.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"507 - 522"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45351340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121211060651
Jean-Baptiste Harguindéguy, E. S. Sánchez, Almudena Sánchez Sánchez, Alistair Cole
This study consisted in undertaking a bibliographical search within the Web of Science Core Collection from January 1900 to December 2020. A total of 637 publications were identified and divided into 9 sections tackling successively the relevance of independence referendums, the biased authorship, the definition of the phenomenon, the technical features of referendums, the elaboration of comparative datasets, the legitimacy of these consultations, the drivers leading to the organisation of independence referendums, the impact of referendums on settling ethnic violence and their capacity to favour state recognition. We affirm that those publications have advanced our knowledge about independence referendums. We also stress the persistence of a high fragmentation of authorship and approaches limiting the adoption of a common vocabulary, validation methods and consistent datasets allowing the accumulation and replication of analyses for establishing robust theories. In conclusion, we indicate some theoretical blind spots which could constitute a future research agenda.
本研究包括在1900年1月至2020年12月的Web of Science核心馆藏中进行书目检索。共有637份出版物被确定并分为9个部分，依次处理独立公投的相关性、有偏见的作者、现象的定义、公投的技术特征、比较数据集的阐述、这些咨询的合法性、导致组织独立公投的驱动因素、公投对解决种族暴力的影响及其有利于国家承认的能力。我们确认，这些出版物增进了我们对独立公民投票的了解。我们还强调了作者身份的高度碎片化和方法的持久性，这些方法限制了采用通用词汇表、验证方法和一致的数据集，从而允许积累和复制分析以建立稳健的理论。最后，我们指出了一些理论盲点，这些盲点可以构成未来的研究议程。
{"title":"The rise of research on independence referendums","authors":"Jean-Baptiste Harguindéguy, E. S. Sánchez, Almudena Sánchez Sánchez, Alistair Cole","doi":"10.1177/01925121211060651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211060651","url":null,"abstract":"This study consisted in undertaking a bibliographical search within the Web of Science Core Collection from January 1900 to December 2020. A total of 637 publications were identified and divided into 9 sections tackling successively the relevance of independence referendums, the biased authorship, the definition of the phenomenon, the technical features of referendums, the elaboration of comparative datasets, the legitimacy of these consultations, the drivers leading to the organisation of independence referendums, the impact of referendums on settling ethnic violence and their capacity to favour state recognition. We affirm that those publications have advanced our knowledge about independence referendums. We also stress the persistence of a high fragmentation of authorship and approaches limiting the adoption of a common vocabulary, validation methods and consistent datasets allowing the accumulation and replication of analyses for establishing robust theories. In conclusion, we indicate some theoretical blind spots which could constitute a future research agenda.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"540 - 556"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45509951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1177/01925121211026648
Davide Vittori
The recent success of new movement parties in Europe brought the attention of party politics scholars to this hybrid party type. There are still many under-analysed theoretical and empirical aspects related to their organization and this article aims to show that despite sharing older movement parties’ traits, these ‘new’ movement parties introduce for the first time a unique combination of plebiscitarian intra-party democracy and party leadership empowerment. The implications of these findings are twofold: first, despite promoting intra-party democracy mainly through new digital tools, the main function of party membership is that of cheerleading; second, the leadership exercises strict control over the organization, thus restricting bottom-up ‘voice’ from the rank-and-file.
{"title":"Vanguard or business-as-usual? ‘New’ movement parties in comparative perspective","authors":"Davide Vittori","doi":"10.1177/01925121211026648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211026648","url":null,"abstract":"The recent success of new movement parties in Europe brought the attention of party politics scholars to this hybrid party type. There are still many under-analysed theoretical and empirical aspects related to their organization and this article aims to show that despite sharing older movement parties’ traits, these ‘new’ movement parties introduce for the first time a unique combination of plebiscitarian intra-party democracy and party leadership empowerment. The implications of these findings are twofold: first, despite promoting intra-party democracy mainly through new digital tools, the main function of party membership is that of cheerleading; second, the leadership exercises strict control over the organization, thus restricting bottom-up ‘voice’ from the rank-and-file.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"595 - 610"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44051598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-05DOI: 10.1177/01925121211056578
Camila Mont’Alverne, Diego Moraes, Thaíse Kemer
A significant part of the Western literature on democracy assumes that political participation leads to citizens being more committed to democratic values. However, we do not know to what extent this is true in young democracies with an authoritarian tradition. Hence, this article aims to examine whether politically engaged Brazilians are more democratic. To do so, we analyzed whether there is any association between political participation, support for democracy, and democracy relativization through multivariate regression models. Our database comprises a representative sample of 2417 interviews with the electorate of São Paulo in 2019. The results show a statistically significant association between unconventional political participation and support for democracy. General political participation is associated with non-relativization of democracy only, showing a limited relationship between support for democracy and participation. Other variables, such as political interest, political knowledge, and interpersonal trust, are also associated with higher support for democracy.
{"title":"Are politically engaged citizens more democratic? A glimpse from Brazil","authors":"Camila Mont’Alverne, Diego Moraes, Thaíse Kemer","doi":"10.1177/01925121211056578","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211056578","url":null,"abstract":"A significant part of the Western literature on democracy assumes that political participation leads to citizens being more committed to democratic values. However, we do not know to what extent this is true in young democracies with an authoritarian tradition. Hence, this article aims to examine whether politically engaged Brazilians are more democratic. To do so, we analyzed whether there is any association between political participation, support for democracy, and democracy relativization through multivariate regression models. Our database comprises a representative sample of 2417 interviews with the electorate of São Paulo in 2019. The results show a statistically significant association between unconventional political participation and support for democracy. General political participation is associated with non-relativization of democracy only, showing a limited relationship between support for democracy and participation. Other variables, such as political interest, political knowledge, and interpersonal trust, are also associated with higher support for democracy.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"354 - 369"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48111210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1177/01925121211052211
Niall Duggan, Bas Hooijmaaijers, M. Rewizorski, E. Arapova
Over the past decades, the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries have experienced significant economic growth. However, their political voices in global governance have not grown on par with their economic surge. The contributions to the symposium ‘The BRICS, Global Governance, and Challenges for South–South Cooperation in a Post-Western World’ argue there is a quest for emerging markets and developing countries to play a more significant role in global governance. There is a widening gap between the actual role of emerging markets and developing countries in the global system and their ability to participate in that system. However, for the moment, various domestic and international political-economic challenges limit this quest. To understand why this is the case, one should understand the BRICS phenomenon in the broader context of the global power shift towards the Global South.
{"title":"Introduction: ‘The BRICS, Global Governance, and Challenges for South–South Cooperation in a Post-Western World’","authors":"Niall Duggan, Bas Hooijmaaijers, M. Rewizorski, E. Arapova","doi":"10.1177/01925121211052211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211052211","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past decades, the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries have experienced significant economic growth. However, their political voices in global governance have not grown on par with their economic surge. The contributions to the symposium ‘The BRICS, Global Governance, and Challenges for South–South Cooperation in a Post-Western World’ argue there is a quest for emerging markets and developing countries to play a more significant role in global governance. There is a widening gap between the actual role of emerging markets and developing countries in the global system and their ability to participate in that system. However, for the moment, various domestic and international political-economic challenges limit this quest. To understand why this is the case, one should understand the BRICS phenomenon in the broader context of the global power shift towards the Global South.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"469 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44213768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-15DOI: 10.1177/01925121211039985
Indra de Soysa, K. Vadlamannati
Some blame free-market capitalism for increasing income inequality, arguing that richer classes could block access to others for maintaining their privileges. By manipulating the degree of political rights and resources available to others, the rich could reduce opportunities for others. Others argue that growth-promoting free markets raise all incomes, increasing aggregate welfare. We argue that governments more dependent on free markets are likely to focus on increasing access to human capital, thereby narrowing the gap between the rich and poor by increasing opportunities, even if income inequality rises with high growth. We assess the issue by examining the effects of an Index of Economic Freedom on income inequality measured by the standardized GINI and measures of the equity of access to quality schooling, health, and justice covering 128 developing countries during the 1990–2017 period. Our results show that, even if economic freedom is associated with higher income inequality, it also associates robustly with access to opportunity. Our results are robust to alternative models, sample size, and testing methods, including instrumental variables analyzes addressing potential endogeneity bias. Our results, taken together, do not suggest that growth-promoting economic freedoms hamper future progress by raising inequalities—on the contrary, economic freedoms promote equity of access to opportunities—findings inconsistent with the view that governments under free-market conditions are easily captured by the wealthy, who then block equitable access to public goods.
{"title":"Free market capitalism and societal inequities: Assessing the effects of economic freedom on income inequality and the equity of access to opportunity, 1990–2017","authors":"Indra de Soysa, K. Vadlamannati","doi":"10.1177/01925121211039985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211039985","url":null,"abstract":"Some blame free-market capitalism for increasing income inequality, arguing that richer classes could block access to others for maintaining their privileges. By manipulating the degree of political rights and resources available to others, the rich could reduce opportunities for others. Others argue that growth-promoting free markets raise all incomes, increasing aggregate welfare. We argue that governments more dependent on free markets are likely to focus on increasing access to human capital, thereby narrowing the gap between the rich and poor by increasing opportunities, even if income inequality rises with high growth. We assess the issue by examining the effects of an Index of Economic Freedom on income inequality measured by the standardized GINI and measures of the equity of access to quality schooling, health, and justice covering 128 developing countries during the 1990–2017 period. Our results show that, even if economic freedom is associated with higher income inequality, it also associates robustly with access to opportunity. Our results are robust to alternative models, sample size, and testing methods, including instrumental variables analyzes addressing potential endogeneity bias. Our results, taken together, do not suggest that growth-promoting economic freedoms hamper future progress by raising inequalities—on the contrary, economic freedoms promote equity of access to opportunities—findings inconsistent with the view that governments under free-market conditions are easily captured by the wealthy, who then block equitable access to public goods.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"471 - 491"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45267042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121211049096
Vibeke Wang, Ragnhild L. Muriaas, Gretchen Bauer
How do political parties in low- and high-cost institutional contexts respond to funding inequalities as a source of gender imbalance for those seeking elected office? We rely on a ‘most similar’ logic to answer this question and develop two categories of cost intensity comprised of three institutions – electoral system, candidate selection model and public funding. Our findings show that parties in both contexts see funding as a source of inequality, but that the obstacles women face are more salient to parties in a high-cost (Ghana) than a low-cost (Cabo Verde) context. Only in Ghana have parties adopted funding measures that directly target women.
{"title":"Funding demands and gender in political recruitment: What parties do in Cabo Verde and Ghana","authors":"Vibeke Wang, Ragnhild L. Muriaas, Gretchen Bauer","doi":"10.1177/01925121211049096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211049096","url":null,"abstract":"How do political parties in low- and high-cost institutional contexts respond to funding inequalities as a source of gender imbalance for those seeking elected office? We rely on a ‘most similar’ logic to answer this question and develop two categories of cost intensity comprised of three institutions – electoral system, candidate selection model and public funding. Our findings show that parties in both contexts see funding as a source of inequality, but that the obstacles women face are more salient to parties in a high-cost (Ghana) than a low-cost (Cabo Verde) context. Only in Ghana have parties adopted funding measures that directly target women.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"77 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42592219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121211049106
Francesca Feo, C. Fiorelli, D. R. Piccio
The lack of financial resources is an often-cited hurdle for women pursuing political careers. However, empirical analysis of the dynamics of the private funding of women candidates and its potential implications for their political careers is still scant, particularly for countries outside the anglophone regions. This paper contributes to the scholarly debate by focusing on the gendered patterns in campaign fundraising in Italy, where radical changes to the party funding regime and multiple reforms to the electoral laws may have changed the structure of opportunity for fundraising by women candidates. We analyse patterns of private funding for men and women candidates in four national elections between 1996 and 2018. Our analysis, triangulated with semi-structured interviews with women candidates, shows that differences exist in fundraising patterns between male and female candidates in Italy. It reveals differences in the quality of candidates’ fundraising networks and confirms that political affiliation (to right-wing parties) and incumbency have an effect on the amount of donations received, thus granting women candidates greater access to private donations.
{"title":"Gendered patterns in candidates’ campaign fundraising: The case of Italy","authors":"Francesca Feo, C. Fiorelli, D. R. Piccio","doi":"10.1177/01925121211049106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211049106","url":null,"abstract":"The lack of financial resources is an often-cited hurdle for women pursuing political careers. However, empirical analysis of the dynamics of the private funding of women candidates and its potential implications for their political careers is still scant, particularly for countries outside the anglophone regions. This paper contributes to the scholarly debate by focusing on the gendered patterns in campaign fundraising in Italy, where radical changes to the party funding regime and multiple reforms to the electoral laws may have changed the structure of opportunity for fundraising by women candidates. We analyse patterns of private funding for men and women candidates in four national elections between 1996 and 2018. Our analysis, triangulated with semi-structured interviews with women candidates, shows that differences exist in fundraising patterns between male and female candidates in Italy. It reveals differences in the quality of candidates’ fundraising networks and confirms that political affiliation (to right-wing parties) and incumbency have an effect on the amount of donations received, thus granting women candidates greater access to private donations.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"43 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41700815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-14DOI: 10.1177/01925121211041028
Fiona Buckley, Mack D. Mariani
Despite concerns that women candidates are hampered by gender gaps in campaign financing, few scholars have examined how gender quotas impact women candidates’ access to campaign funds. We examine the effect of a party-based gender quota on women candidates’ financing and electoral success in Ireland. Under the gender quota, the number of women candidates increased and parties acted strategically to provide women challengers with increased financial support. However, women challengers spent less candidate funds than men challengers and were less likely to have prior officeholding experiences associated with fundraising. Women challengers’ disadvantage is concerning because candidate expenditures are associated with winning votes. Our findings show that the effectiveness of a gender quota is partly determined by how the quota interacts with the campaign finance system and the political opportunity structure.
{"title":"Money matters: The impact of gender quotas on campaign spending for women candidates","authors":"Fiona Buckley, Mack D. Mariani","doi":"10.1177/01925121211041028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211041028","url":null,"abstract":"Despite concerns that women candidates are hampered by gender gaps in campaign financing, few scholars have examined how gender quotas impact women candidates’ access to campaign funds. We examine the effect of a party-based gender quota on women candidates’ financing and electoral success in Ireland. Under the gender quota, the number of women candidates increased and parties acted strategically to provide women challengers with increased financial support. However, women challengers spent less candidate funds than men challengers and were less likely to have prior officeholding experiences associated with fundraising. Women challengers’ disadvantage is concerning because candidate expenditures are associated with winning votes. Our findings show that the effectiveness of a gender quota is partly determined by how the quota interacts with the campaign finance system and the political opportunity structure.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"59 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48645863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-14DOI: 10.1177/01925121211048298
K. Baker, S. Palmieri
Social norms that legitimise men as political leaders, and undervalue women’s leadership, are a tenacious barrier to women’s representation globally. This article explores the circumstances under which women dynasty politicians, whose legacy connections have provided them with an initial pathway into politics, are able to disrupt these norms. We test a proposed typology of normative change – one that progresses from norm acceptance, to norm modification, then norm resistance – among women dynasty politicians in the Pacific Islands. We find that norms of masculinised political leadership are strong, and in many cases the election of wives, widows, daughters and other relatives of male political actors reinforces these norms through their positioning as ‘placeholders’. Yet some women dynasty politicians can, and do, challenge and extend social norms of leadership. This is especially the case when the ‘legacy advantage’ is a springboard from which women demonstrate – and their publics accept – their own articulation of political leadership.
{"title":"Can women dynasty politicians disrupt social norms of political leadership? A proposed typology of normative change","authors":"K. Baker, S. Palmieri","doi":"10.1177/01925121211048298","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211048298","url":null,"abstract":"Social norms that legitimise men as political leaders, and undervalue women’s leadership, are a tenacious barrier to women’s representation globally. This article explores the circumstances under which women dynasty politicians, whose legacy connections have provided them with an initial pathway into politics, are able to disrupt these norms. We test a proposed typology of normative change – one that progresses from norm acceptance, to norm modification, then norm resistance – among women dynasty politicians in the Pacific Islands. We find that norms of masculinised political leadership are strong, and in many cases the election of wives, widows, daughters and other relatives of male political actors reinforces these norms through their positioning as ‘placeholders’. Yet some women dynasty politicians can, and do, challenge and extend social norms of leadership. This is especially the case when the ‘legacy advantage’ is a springboard from which women demonstrate – and their publics accept – their own articulation of political leadership.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"122 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49122953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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