Pub Date : 2023-10-12DOI: 10.1177/01925121231202013
Olga Ruzhelnyk
The behaviour of football fans in Ukraine has often taken the form of public order offences. However, since Maidan, fans have enjoyed a more positive image, linked to their recognition by and assimilation into Ukrainian society through their social and political activities. Eventually becoming one of the driving forces of revolutionary events and contributing to regime change, football fans have taken an active part in hostilities in the east of the country since 2014. This article explores the links between football fans, their collective violent practices and their social transformation before Maidan, at the time of Maidan and in the post-Maidan period. The author presents the idea of the connection between the conversion of various types of capital and the application of different kinds of collective violent practices, which can affect the status of the group within society.
{"title":"From football stadium to revolution and war frontlines: Ukrainian ultras and the conversion of their capital","authors":"Olga Ruzhelnyk","doi":"10.1177/01925121231202013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231202013","url":null,"abstract":"The behaviour of football fans in Ukraine has often taken the form of public order offences. However, since Maidan, fans have enjoyed a more positive image, linked to their recognition by and assimilation into Ukrainian society through their social and political activities. Eventually becoming one of the driving forces of revolutionary events and contributing to regime change, football fans have taken an active part in hostilities in the east of the country since 2014. This article explores the links between football fans, their collective violent practices and their social transformation before Maidan, at the time of Maidan and in the post-Maidan period. The author presents the idea of the connection between the conversion of various types of capital and the application of different kinds of collective violent practices, which can affect the status of the group within society.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136012943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1177/01925121231200124
Annika Lindholm, Lauri Rapeli, Åsa von Schoultz
Solving societal problems often requires elected politicians to make uncertain investments, which only provide benefits in the future. However, research on future-oriented democratic policymaking has primarily focused on structural explanations and voter behaviour, paying less attention to politicians’ attitudes. In this study, we examine politicians’ future orientation and its potential link to electoral success. Using the latest Finnish data from the Comparative Candidate Survey, combined with voting-advice application data and register-level candidate information, we analyse how candidates’ future orientation correlates with their personal vote shares and ideological positions in the 2019 parliamentary elections. Our findings indicate that future-oriented political candidates, willing to invest in the future despite costs to present wellbeing, tend to be younger, more leftist and green-alternative-liberal. However, the relationship between future orientation and vote-winning is weak, suggesting that office-seeking politicians face neither punishment nor reward for their future-regarding stances.
{"title":"Does it pay to think about the future? Future orientation, ideology, age and vote earning among political candidates","authors":"Annika Lindholm, Lauri Rapeli, Åsa von Schoultz","doi":"10.1177/01925121231200124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231200124","url":null,"abstract":"Solving societal problems often requires elected politicians to make uncertain investments, which only provide benefits in the future. However, research on future-oriented democratic policymaking has primarily focused on structural explanations and voter behaviour, paying less attention to politicians’ attitudes. In this study, we examine politicians’ future orientation and its potential link to electoral success. Using the latest Finnish data from the Comparative Candidate Survey, combined with voting-advice application data and register-level candidate information, we analyse how candidates’ future orientation correlates with their personal vote shares and ideological positions in the 2019 parliamentary elections. Our findings indicate that future-oriented political candidates, willing to invest in the future despite costs to present wellbeing, tend to be younger, more leftist and green-alternative-liberal. However, the relationship between future orientation and vote-winning is weak, suggesting that office-seeking politicians face neither punishment nor reward for their future-regarding stances.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135095692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1177/01925121231195605
Thomas Wilkins
Notwithstanding its exit from the European Union itself, the United Kingdom still remains an influential European power with significant interests and equities in the Indo-Pacific region. This article probes the substance of London’s engagement with the region through a distillation of relevant policy documents/statements appertaining to the Indo-Pacific. It reconciles this material within a three-tiered analytical framework that encompasses British ‘aims’; the ‘assets’ it holds; and then ‘assesses’ its performance and prospects. Like the other European actors considered in this Symposium, it reveals the strong confluence of economic, security and normative elements that define its regional strategic outlook. While there are many synergies with the approaches of the other European powers, what makes the United Kingdom case distinctive is a more prolific set of regional partnerships alongside multilateral engagement (‘networks and grids’), and a greater accent on hard power capabilities. The latter however are placed in service of the former – Britain has no aspirations to shift the regional balance of power independently.
{"title":"‘Tilting’ the balance? An evaluation of Britain’s strategic approach to the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Thomas Wilkins","doi":"10.1177/01925121231195605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231195605","url":null,"abstract":"Notwithstanding its exit from the European Union itself, the United Kingdom still remains an influential European power with significant interests and equities in the Indo-Pacific region. This article probes the substance of London’s engagement with the region through a distillation of relevant policy documents/statements appertaining to the Indo-Pacific. It reconciles this material within a three-tiered analytical framework that encompasses British ‘aims’; the ‘assets’ it holds; and then ‘assesses’ its performance and prospects. Like the other European actors considered in this Symposium, it reveals the strong confluence of economic, security and normative elements that define its regional strategic outlook. While there are many synergies with the approaches of the other European powers, what makes the United Kingdom case distinctive is a more prolific set of regional partnerships alongside multilateral engagement (‘networks and grids’), and a greater accent on hard power capabilities. The latter however are placed in service of the former – Britain has no aspirations to shift the regional balance of power independently.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135095587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.1177/01925121231202694
Gabriele Abbondanza, Thomas Wilkins
The Indo-Pacific has rapidly become the world’s geopolitical and geo-economic epicentre. Consequently, much scholarly attention has been focused on Sino–United States superpower competition and on the policies of the region’s great and middle powers. However, since Europe has engaged late with the Indo-Pacific, its policies remain under-examined. This Special Issue fills a lacuna in our knowledge through a dedicated appraisal of German, British, Italian, and European Union approaches to the Indo-Pacific. This introductory article provides an analytical survey of the impetus for Europe’s new awareness of the Indo-Pacific’s importance. It then sheds light on the European approach based on a tripartite framework comprising economy, security, and norms, which is adopted by all the articles in this Special Issue to draw out comparative insights. This research thus contributes to the literature on both European and Indo-Pacific strategic landscapes by examining an understudied development under a novel joint assessment.
{"title":"Europe in the Indo-Pacific: Economic, security, and normative engagement","authors":"Gabriele Abbondanza, Thomas Wilkins","doi":"10.1177/01925121231202694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231202694","url":null,"abstract":"The Indo-Pacific has rapidly become the world’s geopolitical and geo-economic epicentre. Consequently, much scholarly attention has been focused on Sino–United States superpower competition and on the policies of the region’s great and middle powers. However, since Europe has engaged late with the Indo-Pacific, its policies remain under-examined. This Special Issue fills a lacuna in our knowledge through a dedicated appraisal of German, British, Italian, and European Union approaches to the Indo-Pacific. This introductory article provides an analytical survey of the impetus for Europe’s new awareness of the Indo-Pacific’s importance. It then sheds light on the European approach based on a tripartite framework comprising economy, security, and norms, which is adopted by all the articles in this Special Issue to draw out comparative insights. This research thus contributes to the literature on both European and Indo-Pacific strategic landscapes by examining an understudied development under a novel joint assessment.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135483842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-29DOI: 10.1177/01925121231191275
Gorana Grgić
The European Union is undergoing a major transformation as it strives to be perceived as a credible geopolitical actor, along with being an economic and normative superpower. Its ‘Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific’ is symptomatic of this change as it far surpasses strategic outlooks it has for other developing regions. This article builds on the actorness literature as it examines the nature of the European Union’s growing ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. It focuses on the economic, security, and normative aspects of the Strategy, and it identifies the tensions, opportunities and challenges in its vision and implementation. The article concludes by arguing that although there are opportunities for greater engagement with the region, they have grown more complicated given the war in Ukraine. Moreover, much will also depend on recalibrating the European Union’s relationship with China, as well as finding the most effective way to leverage the affordances of transatlantic cooperation.
{"title":"Ambition, meet reality: The European Union’s actorness in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Gorana Grgić","doi":"10.1177/01925121231191275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231191275","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union is undergoing a major transformation as it strives to be perceived as a credible geopolitical actor, along with being an economic and normative superpower. Its ‘Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific’ is symptomatic of this change as it far surpasses strategic outlooks it has for other developing regions. This article builds on the actorness literature as it examines the nature of the European Union’s growing ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. It focuses on the economic, security, and normative aspects of the Strategy, and it identifies the tensions, opportunities and challenges in its vision and implementation. The article concludes by arguing that although there are opportunities for greater engagement with the region, they have grown more complicated given the war in Ukraine. Moreover, much will also depend on recalibrating the European Union’s relationship with China, as well as finding the most effective way to leverage the affordances of transatlantic cooperation.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135198950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1177/01925121231195612
Yen-Pin Su, Ekaterina R Rashkova
The COVID-19 pandemic has had tremendous impacts on political, economic and social developments across the globe. Although some studies show that voters tend to hold incumbent parties accountable for managing the pandemic, the results of others suggest that the rally-round-the-flag strategy might be at plan. We contend that voters tend to hold the incumbent party accountable, even during an exogenous shock, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. We hypothesize that more stringent government responses to tackle the pandemic and more COVID-19 casualties tend to decrease the electoral support for incumbent parties. Using original data from 67 national elections in 56 electoral democracies from mid-March 2020 to May 2022, the empirical results support our hypothesis.
{"title":"The COVID-19 pandemic and the electoral performance of governing parties in electoral democracies","authors":"Yen-Pin Su, Ekaterina R Rashkova","doi":"10.1177/01925121231195612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231195612","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic has had tremendous impacts on political, economic and social developments across the globe. Although some studies show that voters tend to hold incumbent parties accountable for managing the pandemic, the results of others suggest that the rally-round-the-flag strategy might be at plan. We contend that voters tend to hold the incumbent party accountable, even during an exogenous shock, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. We hypothesize that more stringent government responses to tackle the pandemic and more COVID-19 casualties tend to decrease the electoral support for incumbent parties. Using original data from 67 national elections in 56 electoral democracies from mid-March 2020 to May 2022, the empirical results support our hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135538080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121231186973
Henk Erik Meier, Markus Gerke, Swantje Müller, Michael Mutz
Athletes have again started to take a visible stance on various political and social issues, which has stirred fierce controversies. Existing research has a strong US bias, and, to extend the range of research, we conducted a German survey on the perceived legitimacy of athletes’ political activism. The evidence suggests that the US debate cannot simply be transferred to other political and cultural contexts. The German respondents did not generally disapprove of athletes employing sporting venues as political stages. However, they are primarily willing to accept political activism in cases where the claims made are congruent with their political beliefs and with hegemonic political values. The perceived legitimacy of more controversial forms of athletes’ political activism depends on political ideology, political activism and political tolerance. For international sport governing bodies, the results indicate a dilemma: western audiences approve of athletes’ political activism, which is congruent with their own political values, but seem unwilling to accept activism making other claims.
{"title":"The public legitimacy of elite athletes’ political activism: German survey evidence","authors":"Henk Erik Meier, Markus Gerke, Swantje Müller, Michael Mutz","doi":"10.1177/01925121231186973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231186973","url":null,"abstract":"Athletes have again started to take a visible stance on various political and social issues, which has stirred fierce controversies. Existing research has a strong US bias, and, to extend the range of research, we conducted a German survey on the perceived legitimacy of athletes’ political activism. The evidence suggests that the US debate cannot simply be transferred to other political and cultural contexts. The German respondents did not generally disapprove of athletes employing sporting venues as political stages. However, they are primarily willing to accept political activism in cases where the claims made are congruent with their political beliefs and with hegemonic political values. The perceived legitimacy of more controversial forms of athletes’ political activism depends on political ideology, political activism and political tolerance. For international sport governing bodies, the results indicate a dilemma: western audiences approve of athletes’ political activism, which is congruent with their own political values, but seem unwilling to accept activism making other claims.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134903726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121231190094
Rafał Ulatowski
The world is multipolar once again and superpower competition is back, concentrated this time in the Indo-Pacific region. In 2020, Germany published its Indo-Pacific ‘guidelines’, which lead to three questions: why does Germany engage in the region? How does Germany shape its Indo-Pacific policy? What is the importance of Germany’s engagement in the region, for Germany itself and for regional powers? By exploring economic, security and normative elements, this articles advances three arguments. Firstly, Germany’s engagement in the region is due to the ever-growing strategic and economic importance of the Indo-Pacific. Secondly, Germany attempts to build constructive relations with all the region’s powers, China included, but increasingly prioritizes democracies which share the same values as Germany. Thirdly, because the area of superpower competition has shifted from Europe to the ‘distant’ (from Germany’s perspective) Indo-Pacific, Germany can follow a restrained foreign policy and focus on its economic interests.
{"title":"Germany and the Indo-Pacific in an age of superpower competition","authors":"Rafał Ulatowski","doi":"10.1177/01925121231190094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231190094","url":null,"abstract":"The world is multipolar once again and superpower competition is back, concentrated this time in the Indo-Pacific region. In 2020, Germany published its Indo-Pacific ‘guidelines’, which lead to three questions: why does Germany engage in the region? How does Germany shape its Indo-Pacific policy? What is the importance of Germany’s engagement in the region, for Germany itself and for regional powers? By exploring economic, security and normative elements, this articles advances three arguments. Firstly, Germany’s engagement in the region is due to the ever-growing strategic and economic importance of the Indo-Pacific. Secondly, Germany attempts to build constructive relations with all the region’s powers, China included, but increasingly prioritizes democracies which share the same values as Germany. Thirdly, because the area of superpower competition has shifted from Europe to the ‘distant’ (from Germany’s perspective) Indo-Pacific, Germany can follow a restrained foreign policy and focus on its economic interests.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134958773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177441
Ricardo Nogales, Christian Oldiges
We analyse the relationship between multidimensional poverty trends and changing dynamics of conflict in Nigeria in 2008–2018. We take a wide notion of poverty going beyond purely monetary hardships and considering simultaneously experienced non-monetary deprivations. Focusing on poverty experienced by people living in conflict affected areas, post conflict-areas and peaceful areas helps us understand how well-being changes with conflict, and how conflict may alter previous trends of poverty reduction. We pay particular attention to address the changing nature of conflict within zones and across neighbouring states. For this, we compare the poverty–conflict nexus across bordering regions in a spatial regression framework. We find that conflict arises not necessarily in the poorest Nigerian states, but in some of the relatively better-off states. Furthermore, we find that although levels of the Multidimensional Poverty Index decreased between 2008 and 2013, conflict may have played a major role in halting these trends, if not reverting them.
{"title":"Multidimensional poverty and conflict events in Nigeria over time","authors":"Ricardo Nogales, Christian Oldiges","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177441","url":null,"abstract":"We analyse the relationship between multidimensional poverty trends and changing dynamics of conflict in Nigeria in 2008–2018. We take a wide notion of poverty going beyond purely monetary hardships and considering simultaneously experienced non-monetary deprivations. Focusing on poverty experienced by people living in conflict affected areas, post conflict-areas and peaceful areas helps us understand how well-being changes with conflict, and how conflict may alter previous trends of poverty reduction. We pay particular attention to address the changing nature of conflict within zones and across neighbouring states. For this, we compare the poverty–conflict nexus across bordering regions in a spatial regression framework. We find that conflict arises not necessarily in the poorest Nigerian states, but in some of the relatively better-off states. Furthermore, we find that although levels of the Multidimensional Poverty Index decreased between 2008 and 2013, conflict may have played a major role in halting these trends, if not reverting them.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135816600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177443
Oya Dursun-Özkanca
Tensions are on the rise in the Eastern Mediterranean, calling for a careful understanding of the motivations behind the foreign policies of small and large states in the region. This article explores the motivations behind the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey’s foreign policies and their implications for conflict dynamics, illustrating the complex relationship between soft balancing and the prospects for conflict resolution, considering the spatial dynamics of multi-party conflicts. It argues that the Republic of Cyprus’ and Turkey’s changing responses influenced the very conflict itself, by pulling in more actors and thereby expanding its spatial scope. This topic has implications for the study of frozen conflicts, transatlantic security, and peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean region and beyond.
{"title":"Changing responses to a frozen conflict: The Republic of Cyprus soft balancing vis-à-vis Turkey","authors":"Oya Dursun-Özkanca","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177443","url":null,"abstract":"Tensions are on the rise in the Eastern Mediterranean, calling for a careful understanding of the motivations behind the foreign policies of small and large states in the region. This article explores the motivations behind the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey’s foreign policies and their implications for conflict dynamics, illustrating the complex relationship between soft balancing and the prospects for conflict resolution, considering the spatial dynamics of multi-party conflicts. It argues that the Republic of Cyprus’ and Turkey’s changing responses influenced the very conflict itself, by pulling in more actors and thereby expanding its spatial scope. This topic has implications for the study of frozen conflicts, transatlantic security, and peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean region and beyond.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135815672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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