Pub Date : 2023-09-29DOI: 10.1177/01925121231191275
Gorana Grgić
The European Union is undergoing a major transformation as it strives to be perceived as a credible geopolitical actor, along with being an economic and normative superpower. Its ‘Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific’ is symptomatic of this change as it far surpasses strategic outlooks it has for other developing regions. This article builds on the actorness literature as it examines the nature of the European Union’s growing ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. It focuses on the economic, security, and normative aspects of the Strategy, and it identifies the tensions, opportunities and challenges in its vision and implementation. The article concludes by arguing that although there are opportunities for greater engagement with the region, they have grown more complicated given the war in Ukraine. Moreover, much will also depend on recalibrating the European Union’s relationship with China, as well as finding the most effective way to leverage the affordances of transatlantic cooperation.
{"title":"Ambition, meet reality: The European Union’s actorness in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Gorana Grgić","doi":"10.1177/01925121231191275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231191275","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union is undergoing a major transformation as it strives to be perceived as a credible geopolitical actor, along with being an economic and normative superpower. Its ‘Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific’ is symptomatic of this change as it far surpasses strategic outlooks it has for other developing regions. This article builds on the actorness literature as it examines the nature of the European Union’s growing ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. It focuses on the economic, security, and normative aspects of the Strategy, and it identifies the tensions, opportunities and challenges in its vision and implementation. The article concludes by arguing that although there are opportunities for greater engagement with the region, they have grown more complicated given the war in Ukraine. Moreover, much will also depend on recalibrating the European Union’s relationship with China, as well as finding the most effective way to leverage the affordances of transatlantic cooperation.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135198950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1177/01925121231195612
Yen-Pin Su, Ekaterina R Rashkova
The COVID-19 pandemic has had tremendous impacts on political, economic and social developments across the globe. Although some studies show that voters tend to hold incumbent parties accountable for managing the pandemic, the results of others suggest that the rally-round-the-flag strategy might be at plan. We contend that voters tend to hold the incumbent party accountable, even during an exogenous shock, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. We hypothesize that more stringent government responses to tackle the pandemic and more COVID-19 casualties tend to decrease the electoral support for incumbent parties. Using original data from 67 national elections in 56 electoral democracies from mid-March 2020 to May 2022, the empirical results support our hypothesis.
{"title":"The COVID-19 pandemic and the electoral performance of governing parties in electoral democracies","authors":"Yen-Pin Su, Ekaterina R Rashkova","doi":"10.1177/01925121231195612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231195612","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic has had tremendous impacts on political, economic and social developments across the globe. Although some studies show that voters tend to hold incumbent parties accountable for managing the pandemic, the results of others suggest that the rally-round-the-flag strategy might be at plan. We contend that voters tend to hold the incumbent party accountable, even during an exogenous shock, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. We hypothesize that more stringent government responses to tackle the pandemic and more COVID-19 casualties tend to decrease the electoral support for incumbent parties. Using original data from 67 national elections in 56 electoral democracies from mid-March 2020 to May 2022, the empirical results support our hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135538080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121231186973
Henk Erik Meier, Markus Gerke, Swantje Müller, Michael Mutz
Athletes have again started to take a visible stance on various political and social issues, which has stirred fierce controversies. Existing research has a strong US bias, and, to extend the range of research, we conducted a German survey on the perceived legitimacy of athletes’ political activism. The evidence suggests that the US debate cannot simply be transferred to other political and cultural contexts. The German respondents did not generally disapprove of athletes employing sporting venues as political stages. However, they are primarily willing to accept political activism in cases where the claims made are congruent with their political beliefs and with hegemonic political values. The perceived legitimacy of more controversial forms of athletes’ political activism depends on political ideology, political activism and political tolerance. For international sport governing bodies, the results indicate a dilemma: western audiences approve of athletes’ political activism, which is congruent with their own political values, but seem unwilling to accept activism making other claims.
{"title":"The public legitimacy of elite athletes’ political activism: German survey evidence","authors":"Henk Erik Meier, Markus Gerke, Swantje Müller, Michael Mutz","doi":"10.1177/01925121231186973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231186973","url":null,"abstract":"Athletes have again started to take a visible stance on various political and social issues, which has stirred fierce controversies. Existing research has a strong US bias, and, to extend the range of research, we conducted a German survey on the perceived legitimacy of athletes’ political activism. The evidence suggests that the US debate cannot simply be transferred to other political and cultural contexts. The German respondents did not generally disapprove of athletes employing sporting venues as political stages. However, they are primarily willing to accept political activism in cases where the claims made are congruent with their political beliefs and with hegemonic political values. The perceived legitimacy of more controversial forms of athletes’ political activism depends on political ideology, political activism and political tolerance. For international sport governing bodies, the results indicate a dilemma: western audiences approve of athletes’ political activism, which is congruent with their own political values, but seem unwilling to accept activism making other claims.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134903726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121231190094
Rafał Ulatowski
The world is multipolar once again and superpower competition is back, concentrated this time in the Indo-Pacific region. In 2020, Germany published its Indo-Pacific ‘guidelines’, which lead to three questions: why does Germany engage in the region? How does Germany shape its Indo-Pacific policy? What is the importance of Germany’s engagement in the region, for Germany itself and for regional powers? By exploring economic, security and normative elements, this articles advances three arguments. Firstly, Germany’s engagement in the region is due to the ever-growing strategic and economic importance of the Indo-Pacific. Secondly, Germany attempts to build constructive relations with all the region’s powers, China included, but increasingly prioritizes democracies which share the same values as Germany. Thirdly, because the area of superpower competition has shifted from Europe to the ‘distant’ (from Germany’s perspective) Indo-Pacific, Germany can follow a restrained foreign policy and focus on its economic interests.
{"title":"Germany and the Indo-Pacific in an age of superpower competition","authors":"Rafał Ulatowski","doi":"10.1177/01925121231190094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231190094","url":null,"abstract":"The world is multipolar once again and superpower competition is back, concentrated this time in the Indo-Pacific region. In 2020, Germany published its Indo-Pacific ‘guidelines’, which lead to three questions: why does Germany engage in the region? How does Germany shape its Indo-Pacific policy? What is the importance of Germany’s engagement in the region, for Germany itself and for regional powers? By exploring economic, security and normative elements, this articles advances three arguments. Firstly, Germany’s engagement in the region is due to the ever-growing strategic and economic importance of the Indo-Pacific. Secondly, Germany attempts to build constructive relations with all the region’s powers, China included, but increasingly prioritizes democracies which share the same values as Germany. Thirdly, because the area of superpower competition has shifted from Europe to the ‘distant’ (from Germany’s perspective) Indo-Pacific, Germany can follow a restrained foreign policy and focus on its economic interests.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134958773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177441
Ricardo Nogales, Christian Oldiges
We analyse the relationship between multidimensional poverty trends and changing dynamics of conflict in Nigeria in 2008–2018. We take a wide notion of poverty going beyond purely monetary hardships and considering simultaneously experienced non-monetary deprivations. Focusing on poverty experienced by people living in conflict affected areas, post conflict-areas and peaceful areas helps us understand how well-being changes with conflict, and how conflict may alter previous trends of poverty reduction. We pay particular attention to address the changing nature of conflict within zones and across neighbouring states. For this, we compare the poverty–conflict nexus across bordering regions in a spatial regression framework. We find that conflict arises not necessarily in the poorest Nigerian states, but in some of the relatively better-off states. Furthermore, we find that although levels of the Multidimensional Poverty Index decreased between 2008 and 2013, conflict may have played a major role in halting these trends, if not reverting them.
{"title":"Multidimensional poverty and conflict events in Nigeria over time","authors":"Ricardo Nogales, Christian Oldiges","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177441","url":null,"abstract":"We analyse the relationship between multidimensional poverty trends and changing dynamics of conflict in Nigeria in 2008–2018. We take a wide notion of poverty going beyond purely monetary hardships and considering simultaneously experienced non-monetary deprivations. Focusing on poverty experienced by people living in conflict affected areas, post conflict-areas and peaceful areas helps us understand how well-being changes with conflict, and how conflict may alter previous trends of poverty reduction. We pay particular attention to address the changing nature of conflict within zones and across neighbouring states. For this, we compare the poverty–conflict nexus across bordering regions in a spatial regression framework. We find that conflict arises not necessarily in the poorest Nigerian states, but in some of the relatively better-off states. Furthermore, we find that although levels of the Multidimensional Poverty Index decreased between 2008 and 2013, conflict may have played a major role in halting these trends, if not reverting them.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135816600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177443
Oya Dursun-Özkanca
Tensions are on the rise in the Eastern Mediterranean, calling for a careful understanding of the motivations behind the foreign policies of small and large states in the region. This article explores the motivations behind the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey’s foreign policies and their implications for conflict dynamics, illustrating the complex relationship between soft balancing and the prospects for conflict resolution, considering the spatial dynamics of multi-party conflicts. It argues that the Republic of Cyprus’ and Turkey’s changing responses influenced the very conflict itself, by pulling in more actors and thereby expanding its spatial scope. This topic has implications for the study of frozen conflicts, transatlantic security, and peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean region and beyond.
{"title":"Changing responses to a frozen conflict: The Republic of Cyprus soft balancing vis-à-vis Turkey","authors":"Oya Dursun-Özkanca","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177443","url":null,"abstract":"Tensions are on the rise in the Eastern Mediterranean, calling for a careful understanding of the motivations behind the foreign policies of small and large states in the region. This article explores the motivations behind the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey’s foreign policies and their implications for conflict dynamics, illustrating the complex relationship between soft balancing and the prospects for conflict resolution, considering the spatial dynamics of multi-party conflicts. It argues that the Republic of Cyprus’ and Turkey’s changing responses influenced the very conflict itself, by pulling in more actors and thereby expanding its spatial scope. This topic has implications for the study of frozen conflicts, transatlantic security, and peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean region and beyond.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135815672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/01925121231177444
John Lord Alderdice
The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests.
{"title":"New insights into the psychology of individuals and large groups in a world of changing conflicts","authors":"John Lord Alderdice","doi":"10.1177/01925121231177444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231177444","url":null,"abstract":"The character of armed conflict has changed dramatically. The use of overwhelming force no longer brings victory and success. Under what conditions do supposedly weaker conflict actors ‘outpower’ stronger actors? This article argues that, throughout human history, those most willing to engage in and sustain extreme conflict have not been rational actors but ‘devoted actors’ driven by faith in defending or advancing their non-negotiable ‘sacred values’, whether religious or secular. Bringing into dialogue insights from large group psychology, neuroscience, and epigenetics with political science, this article demonstrates how two factors can help explain apparently non-rational elements of human functioning during armed conflict: first, the biological substrate helps elucidate why and how rational actor models seem to underestimate the influence of ‘right and wrong’ in people’s behaviour; second, the complex psychology of large groups often drives people to engage in action that may not be in their own individual interests.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135815785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1177/01925121231190093
G. Abbondanza
Italy is the only ‘Big Four’ European country and ‘Quint’ North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member ostensibly uninterested in the world’s geopolitical and geoeconomic epicentre. However, a number of developments contradict the assumption that Rome overlooks the importance of the Indo-Pacific. By analysing official policies, naval deployments, new partnerships and evolving trajectories, this article reveals that Italy’s strategic engagement with the Indo-Pacific is already significant and unfolding under three broad areas: (a) economy; (b) security; and (c) norms. It then assesses the benefits and risks of this developing foreign policy, and argues that the former outweigh the latter, a condition which is conducive to the establishment of an official Italian Indo-Pacific strategy. As the first scholarly work on the Italian role in the Indo-Pacific, this research makes a novel contribution to the literature on both Italian foreign policy and the Indo-Pacific security landscape, by investigating a complementary approach to that of existing Indo-Pacific strategies.
{"title":"Italy’s quiet pivot to the Indo-Pacific: Towards an Italian Indo-Pacific strategy","authors":"G. Abbondanza","doi":"10.1177/01925121231190093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231190093","url":null,"abstract":"Italy is the only ‘Big Four’ European country and ‘Quint’ North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member ostensibly uninterested in the world’s geopolitical and geoeconomic epicentre. However, a number of developments contradict the assumption that Rome overlooks the importance of the Indo-Pacific. By analysing official policies, naval deployments, new partnerships and evolving trajectories, this article reveals that Italy’s strategic engagement with the Indo-Pacific is already significant and unfolding under three broad areas: (a) economy; (b) security; and (c) norms. It then assesses the benefits and risks of this developing foreign policy, and argues that the former outweigh the latter, a condition which is conducive to the establishment of an official Italian Indo-Pacific strategy. As the first scholarly work on the Italian role in the Indo-Pacific, this research makes a novel contribution to the literature on both Italian foreign policy and the Indo-Pacific security landscape, by investigating a complementary approach to that of existing Indo-Pacific strategies.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48372644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121231190555
Carol Galais, Juan Pérez-Rajó
The significant rise in the number of populist radical right (PRR) parties has not been accompanied by a parallel interest in the consequences that these parties may have on public opinion. The limited range of attitudes that the literature has considered so far can be broadened to include political correctness (PC), given the increasing attacks on this concept made by PRR parties. To address the effects of such attacks, we examine the Spanish case, where the presence of a new PRR party makes anti-PC messages a recent, quite exogenous stimulus. Using panel data to address potential non-recursive relationships and time-variant effects, we find that individuals are indeed more prone to lowering their levels of PC after finding Vox an attractive electoral option. Our results inform the debates on the effects that ‘cultural wars’, anti-woke and anti-PC rhetorics may have on public opinion, which could lead ultimately to harmful consequences for minority groups and social cohesion.
{"title":"Populist radical right-wing parties and the assault on political correctness: The impact of Vox in Spain","authors":"Carol Galais, Juan Pérez-Rajó","doi":"10.1177/01925121231190555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121231190555","url":null,"abstract":"The significant rise in the number of populist radical right (PRR) parties has not been accompanied by a parallel interest in the consequences that these parties may have on public opinion. The limited range of attitudes that the literature has considered so far can be broadened to include political correctness (PC), given the increasing attacks on this concept made by PRR parties. To address the effects of such attacks, we examine the Spanish case, where the presence of a new PRR party makes anti-PC messages a recent, quite exogenous stimulus. Using panel data to address potential non-recursive relationships and time-variant effects, we find that individuals are indeed more prone to lowering their levels of PC after finding Vox an attractive electoral option. Our results inform the debates on the effects that ‘cultural wars’, anti-woke and anti-PC rhetorics may have on public opinion, which could lead ultimately to harmful consequences for minority groups and social cohesion.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135304920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121221084625
Cengiz Erişen
This article offers a comprehensive approach to understanding pandemic-related behavior by tackling both the psychological predictors of belief in conspiracy theories about COVID-19 and their potential consequences for trust in experts and institutions, compliance behavior and vaccine acceptance. Drawing from an observational survey (n = 1028) in Turkey, this article examines: (a) the psychological precedents of believing COVID-19 conspiracy theories; (b) how trust in experts, scientists and health authorities is influential in controlling these beliefs; (c) to what extent conspiracy theory beliefs affect compliance with protective measures; and (d) who is more likely to accept vaccination. Results demonstrate that one of the potential solutions to the influence of conspiracy theory beliefs across an array of attitudes and behaviors is to establish trust in experts, scientists and health authorities.
{"title":"Psychological foundations and behavioral consequences of COVID-19 conspiracy theory beliefs: The Turkish case","authors":"Cengiz Erişen","doi":"10.1177/01925121221084625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121221084625","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a comprehensive approach to understanding pandemic-related behavior by tackling both the psychological predictors of belief in conspiracy theories about COVID-19 and their potential consequences for trust in experts and institutions, compliance behavior and vaccine acceptance. Drawing from an observational survey (n = 1028) in Turkey, this article examines: (a) the psychological precedents of believing COVID-19 conspiracy theories; (b) how trust in experts, scientists and health authorities is influential in controlling these beliefs; (c) to what extent conspiracy theory beliefs affect compliance with protective measures; and (d) who is more likely to accept vaccination. Results demonstrate that one of the potential solutions to the influence of conspiracy theory beliefs across an array of attitudes and behaviors is to establish trust in experts, scientists and health authorities.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139343632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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