Pub Date : 2021-05-25DOI: 10.1177/0192512121995748
H. Coffé, M. Reiser
Based on the German Longitudinal Election Study (2016), we explain citizens’ support for measures to increase women’s descriptive representation in parliament. Despite women’s underrepresentation, we find little support for positive action measures, and in particular for legal gender quotas. Binary logit analyses show that support for the introduction of positive action measures is not affected by citizens’ perceptions about the share of female members of parliament. However, experimental data reveal that receiving information about women’s actual proportion in parliament has an impact on citizens’ support for gender quotas, in particular among those who overestimate women’s representation. Once they learn that the actual share is lower than they thought, they are more likely to support the introduction of quotas. This indicates that support for positive action measures can be changed through providing the correct information.
{"title":"How perceptions and information about women’s descriptive representation affect support for positive action measures","authors":"H. Coffé, M. Reiser","doi":"10.1177/0192512121995748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121995748","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the German Longitudinal Election Study (2016), we explain citizens’ support for measures to increase women’s descriptive representation in parliament. Despite women’s underrepresentation, we find little support for positive action measures, and in particular for legal gender quotas. Binary logit analyses show that support for the introduction of positive action measures is not affected by citizens’ perceptions about the share of female members of parliament. However, experimental data reveal that receiving information about women’s actual proportion in parliament has an impact on citizens’ support for gender quotas, in particular among those who overestimate women’s representation. Once they learn that the actual share is lower than they thought, they are more likely to support the introduction of quotas. This indicates that support for positive action measures can be changed through providing the correct information.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"139 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512121995748","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47803403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-20DOI: 10.1177/0192512121995126
Anna Pless, Paul Tromp, D. Houtman
Studies on cultural divisions in Western European politics typically combine two different value divides. The first divide is moral traditionalism versus progressiveness, which pits the religious and the secular against each other on matters of procreation, family and gender roles. The second one is authoritarianism versus libertarianism, which captures the opposition between the high- and low-educated about basically secular attitudes towards matters of immigration and law and order. Since the first divide is religiously inspired and the second one is basically secular, this article systematically distinguishes between them and studies whether secularization in Western Europe affects them differently. We perform multilevel regression analysis using European Values Study data (four waves, 1981–2008) for 17 Western European countries. Our findings show that the divide between the religious and the secular about moral issues declines with secularization, while the divide between the high- and low-educated about secular issues becomes wider.
{"title":"Religious and secular value divides in Western Europe: A cross-national comparison (1981–2008)","authors":"Anna Pless, Paul Tromp, D. Houtman","doi":"10.1177/0192512121995126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121995126","url":null,"abstract":"Studies on cultural divisions in Western European politics typically combine two different value divides. The first divide is moral traditionalism versus progressiveness, which pits the religious and the secular against each other on matters of procreation, family and gender roles. The second one is authoritarianism versus libertarianism, which captures the opposition between the high- and low-educated about basically secular attitudes towards matters of immigration and law and order. Since the first divide is religiously inspired and the second one is basically secular, this article systematically distinguishes between them and studies whether secularization in Western Europe affects them differently. We perform multilevel regression analysis using European Values Study data (four waves, 1981–2008) for 17 Western European countries. Our findings show that the divide between the religious and the secular about moral issues declines with secularization, while the divide between the high- and low-educated about secular issues becomes wider.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"178 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512121995126","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44329889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-20DOI: 10.1177/01925121211006567
Edmund W. Cheng, Hiu-Fung Chung, Hoi-wa Cheng
Does life satisfaction (LS) predict people’s likelihood of participating in politics? Although the relationship between LS and political participation (PP) has been widely debated, its correlation and causality remain inconclusive. We contribute to the literature by exploring the moderation effect of post-materialist value orientation. By conceptualizing the conventionality of PP as a continuous spectrum, we suggest a new typology beyond the dichotomous understanding. Seventh-wave data from the World Values Survey in Hong Kong indicate that individuals who are more dissatisfied with their lives are more likely to engage in radicalized actions such as strikes and boycotts. This negative relationship is particularly strong among people with a post-materialist orientation, yet LS is not related to electoral participation and normalized actions, including peaceful demonstrations commonly regarded as ‘unconventional’ in previous studies. Furthermore, the results of propensity score matching reinforce the causal claim that LS predicts radicalized action negatively.
{"title":"Life satisfaction and the conventionality of political participation: The moderation effect of post-materialist value orientation","authors":"Edmund W. Cheng, Hiu-Fung Chung, Hoi-wa Cheng","doi":"10.1177/01925121211006567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211006567","url":null,"abstract":"Does life satisfaction (LS) predict people’s likelihood of participating in politics? Although the relationship between LS and political participation (PP) has been widely debated, its correlation and causality remain inconclusive. We contribute to the literature by exploring the moderation effect of post-materialist value orientation. By conceptualizing the conventionality of PP as a continuous spectrum, we suggest a new typology beyond the dichotomous understanding. Seventh-wave data from the World Values Survey in Hong Kong indicate that individuals who are more dissatisfied with their lives are more likely to engage in radicalized actions such as strikes and boycotts. This negative relationship is particularly strong among people with a post-materialist orientation, yet LS is not related to electoral participation and normalized actions, including peaceful demonstrations commonly regarded as ‘unconventional’ in previous studies. Furthermore, the results of propensity score matching reinforce the causal claim that LS predicts radicalized action negatively.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"157 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211006567","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46942014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-11DOI: 10.1177/01925121211003789
Benjamin Martill, M. Sus
Both the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU) have significant incentives for close collaboration in foreign, security and defence policies, given their shared strategic interests, the clear potential for efficiency savings in working together, and the intensity of prior working relations. That the recently negotiated EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement contains no provisions in this area is thus puzzling for followers of European security, who predicted prompt agreement, and for theories of international cooperation, which emphasise the importance of shared threats, absolute gains and prior interaction. We argue the failure to reach such an agreement stemmed from the politics of the withdrawal process itself, which resulted in acute problems of institutional selectivity, negotiating dynamics that polarised the relationship, institutional change that made an agreement less likely, and distributional scrabbling to supplant the UK. Our findings show that the dynamics of moving away from existing forms of cooperation are highly distinct from those motivating cooperation in normal times.
联合王国(UK)和欧洲联盟(EU)都具有在外交、安全和国防政策方面密切合作的重大动机，因为它们有共同的战略利益、合作节省效率的明显潜力以及先前工作关系的强度。因此，最近谈判达成的《欧盟-英国贸易与合作协定》(EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement)并未包含这方面的条款，令欧洲安全的追随者和强调共同威胁、绝对收益和事先互动重要性的国际合作理论感到困惑。他们预测，双方将迅速达成协议。我们认为，未能达成这样一项协议源于脱欧过程本身的政治，这导致了制度选择性、使关系两极分化的谈判动态、使协议不太可能达成的制度变革以及取代英国的分配争夺等尖锐问题。我们的研究结果表明，摆脱现有合作形式的动力与正常时期激励合作的动力截然不同。
{"title":"When politics trumps strategy: UK–EU security collaboration after Brexit","authors":"Benjamin Martill, M. Sus","doi":"10.1177/01925121211003789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211003789","url":null,"abstract":"Both the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU) have significant incentives for close collaboration in foreign, security and defence policies, given their shared strategic interests, the clear potential for efficiency savings in working together, and the intensity of prior working relations. That the recently negotiated EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement contains no provisions in this area is thus puzzling for followers of European security, who predicted prompt agreement, and for theories of international cooperation, which emphasise the importance of shared threats, absolute gains and prior interaction. We argue the failure to reach such an agreement stemmed from the politics of the withdrawal process itself, which resulted in acute problems of institutional selectivity, negotiating dynamics that polarised the relationship, institutional change that made an agreement less likely, and distributional scrabbling to supplant the UK. Our findings show that the dynamics of moving away from existing forms of cooperation are highly distinct from those motivating cooperation in normal times.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"404 - 417"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211003789","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48272123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.1177/01925121211003787
R. Hayton
This article analyses the extent of party change in response to the vote for Brexit in the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. It focuses particularly on how both parties struggled to manage internal divisions and ideological conflict, and how each sought to manage the issue in terms of party competition. It argues that the Conservative Party victory at the 2019 UK general election was the result of an ultimately more effective response to the electoral dynamics unleashed by Brexit, as the party adjusted its position to successfully mobilise the coalition of Leave voters into party competition, while Labour struggled to do the same with Remain voters. In short, it suggests that substantial party change, particularly by the Conservatives, effectively averted major party system change and the realignment of British politics many analysts predicted. This case study analysis consequently contributes to the wider theoretical literature on external system shocks and party change.
{"title":"Brexit and party change: The Conservatives and Labour at Westminster","authors":"R. Hayton","doi":"10.1177/01925121211003787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211003787","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the extent of party change in response to the vote for Brexit in the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. It focuses particularly on how both parties struggled to manage internal divisions and ideological conflict, and how each sought to manage the issue in terms of party competition. It argues that the Conservative Party victory at the 2019 UK general election was the result of an ultimately more effective response to the electoral dynamics unleashed by Brexit, as the party adjusted its position to successfully mobilise the coalition of Leave voters into party competition, while Labour struggled to do the same with Remain voters. In short, it suggests that substantial party change, particularly by the Conservatives, effectively averted major party system change and the realignment of British politics many analysts predicted. This case study analysis consequently contributes to the wider theoretical literature on external system shocks and party change.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"345 - 358"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211003787","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48616846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-14DOI: 10.1177/01925121211002098
Uriel Abulof, Shirley Le Penne, Bonan Pu
We all know we will die, but not when and how. Can private death awareness become public, and what happens when it does? This mixed-method research on the Covid-19 crisis reveals how pandemic politics cultivates and uses mass existential anxiety. Analyzing global discourse across vast corpora, we reveal an exceptional rise in global ‘mortality salience’ (awareness of death), and trace the socio-political dynamics feeding it. Comparing governmental pandemic policies worldwide, we introduce a novel model discerning ‘mortality mitigation’ (coping mechanisms) on a scale from steadfast resistance (‘oak’) to flexible resilience (‘reed’). We find that political trust, high median age, and social anxiety predict a reedy approach; and that the oak, typically pushing for stricter measures, better mitigates mortality. Stringency itself, however, hardly affects Covid-related cases/deaths. We enrich our model with brief illustrations from five countries: China and Israel (both oaks), Sweden and Germany (reeds) and the USA (an oak–reed hybrid).
{"title":"The pandemic politics of existential anxiety: Between steadfast resistance and flexible resilience","authors":"Uriel Abulof, Shirley Le Penne, Bonan Pu","doi":"10.1177/01925121211002098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211002098","url":null,"abstract":"We all know we will die, but not when and how. Can private death awareness become public, and what happens when it does? This mixed-method research on the Covid-19 crisis reveals how pandemic politics cultivates and uses mass existential anxiety. Analyzing global discourse across vast corpora, we reveal an exceptional rise in global ‘mortality salience’ (awareness of death), and trace the socio-political dynamics feeding it. Comparing governmental pandemic policies worldwide, we introduce a novel model discerning ‘mortality mitigation’ (coping mechanisms) on a scale from steadfast resistance (‘oak’) to flexible resilience (‘reed’). We find that political trust, high median age, and social anxiety predict a reedy approach; and that the oak, typically pushing for stricter measures, better mitigates mortality. Stringency itself, however, hardly affects Covid-related cases/deaths. We enrich our model with brief illustrations from five countries: China and Israel (both oaks), Sweden and Germany (reeds) and the USA (an oak–reed hybrid).","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"350 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211002098","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46658630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0192512121995133
S. White
This article discusses the potential for constitutional impact of Brexit on the United Kingdom’s constitution. Some argue that Brexit entails the restoration of effective parliamentary sovereignty and, thereby, a reaffirmation of the UK’s traditional constitution. However, Brexit increases pressure on unstable points in the traditional constitution, making other outcomes possible. One possibility is the emergence of a ‘populist’ democracy which, while retaining the legal framework of the traditional constitution, gives the UK executive greater power relative to the UK parliament, judiciary and devolved governments. The institution of referendum might also have a distinctive place within this new populist democracy, though the constitutional status of the referendum remains very unclear. In this scenario, UK developments have something in common with shifts towards ‘post-liberal’ and ‘populist’ polities in other nations. Alternatively, the pressures increased by Brexit might yet push the UK – or post-UK – further in the direction of democratic constitutionalism, ultimately making it a more ‘normal’ – ironically, perhaps a more ‘European’ – democratic state.
{"title":"Brexit and the future of the UK constitution","authors":"S. White","doi":"10.1177/0192512121995133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121995133","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the potential for constitutional impact of Brexit on the United Kingdom’s constitution. Some argue that Brexit entails the restoration of effective parliamentary sovereignty and, thereby, a reaffirmation of the UK’s traditional constitution. However, Brexit increases pressure on unstable points in the traditional constitution, making other outcomes possible. One possibility is the emergence of a ‘populist’ democracy which, while retaining the legal framework of the traditional constitution, gives the UK executive greater power relative to the UK parliament, judiciary and devolved governments. The institution of referendum might also have a distinctive place within this new populist democracy, though the constitutional status of the referendum remains very unclear. In this scenario, UK developments have something in common with shifts towards ‘post-liberal’ and ‘populist’ polities in other nations. Alternatively, the pressures increased by Brexit might yet push the UK – or post-UK – further in the direction of democratic constitutionalism, ultimately making it a more ‘normal’ – ironically, perhaps a more ‘European’ – democratic state.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"359 - 373"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512121995133","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43750917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0192512120972583
Kerstin Schembera
Regional organisations (ROs) increasingly act as promoters of democracy by applying sanctions against members who do not comply with collectively agreed norms. Despite the absence of an official sanctions policy, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) does interfere in certain ways into member states’ internal issues in some cases of norm violations. This study empirically explores how and why ASEAN decides to interfere or not in such situations. The findings derived from case studies on Cambodia and Myanmar, drawing on evidence from documents, media, and interview data reveal novel insights on ASEAN regionalism in the context of non-compliant member behaviour. I argue that the informal approach to regionalism provides ASEAN with a lot of room for discretion in responding to members’ norm violations. The article identifies geopolitical preferences, extra-regional interference, and legitimation as explanatory factors for the RO’s varying punitive actions.
{"title":"Understanding ASEAN’s approach to sanctions against norm breakers","authors":"Kerstin Schembera","doi":"10.1177/0192512120972583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512120972583","url":null,"abstract":"Regional organisations (ROs) increasingly act as promoters of democracy by applying sanctions against members who do not comply with collectively agreed norms. Despite the absence of an official sanctions policy, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) does interfere in certain ways into member states’ internal issues in some cases of norm violations. This study empirically explores how and why ASEAN decides to interfere or not in such situations. The findings derived from case studies on Cambodia and Myanmar, drawing on evidence from documents, media, and interview data reveal novel insights on ASEAN regionalism in the context of non-compliant member behaviour. I argue that the informal approach to regionalism provides ASEAN with a lot of room for discretion in responding to members’ norm violations. The article identifies geopolitical preferences, extra-regional interference, and legitimation as explanatory factors for the RO’s varying punitive actions.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"531 - 545"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512120972583","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43609323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-01DOI: 10.1177/0192512121998250
Miho Nakatani
This study aims to identify the types of city council decision-making processes that influence public perceptions of procedural fairness and the acceptability of decisions. Using an online experimental scenario survey conducted in Japan, this study found that, given the opportunity to participate in the decision-making process and when the decision is reached through a compromise among council members, people tend to feel that the process is fair and accept the decision even when it is unfavourable to them. This result is important for the governance of many advanced countries with low economic growth rates but great public demands. Additionally, this study highlights the process preferences of the public, which has received little attention compared with research on policy preferences.
{"title":"How do political decision-making processes affect the acceptability of decisions? Results from a survey experiment","authors":"Miho Nakatani","doi":"10.1177/0192512121998250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121998250","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to identify the types of city council decision-making processes that influence public perceptions of procedural fairness and the acceptability of decisions. Using an online experimental scenario survey conducted in Japan, this study found that, given the opportunity to participate in the decision-making process and when the decision is reached through a compromise among council members, people tend to feel that the process is fair and accept the decision even when it is unfavourable to them. This result is important for the governance of many advanced countries with low economic growth rates but great public demands. Additionally, this study highlights the process preferences of the public, which has received little attention compared with research on policy preferences.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"244 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512121998250","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48698153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-12DOI: 10.1177/0192512121993713
R. Abers, Federico M. Rossi, Marisa von Bülow
This article compares how COVID-19 affected state–society relations differently in two relatively similar countries: Brazil and Argentina. Bringing together social movement theories and ideational institutionalism, we argue that variation in responses to the COVID-19 pandemic is explained by the different roles played by social movements inside and outside government and by contrasting ideational disputes. The extreme uncertainty introduced by the pandemic generated intense contestation about the meaning of the crisis and how to resolve it. In Brazil, progressive social movements not only were excluded from the government coalition, but also had to combat a powerful discourse that denied the existence of a crisis altogether. Such denialism did not flourish in the same way in Argentina, where progressive social movements were part of national government processes. The result was that in Argentina, movement–government dynamics revolved around constructing long-term policy proposals, whereas in Brazil movements focused on short-term emergency responses.
{"title":"State–society relations in uncertain times: Social movement strategies, ideational contestation and the pandemic in Brazil and Argentina","authors":"R. Abers, Federico M. Rossi, Marisa von Bülow","doi":"10.1177/0192512121993713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121993713","url":null,"abstract":"This article compares how COVID-19 affected state–society relations differently in two relatively similar countries: Brazil and Argentina. Bringing together social movement theories and ideational institutionalism, we argue that variation in responses to the COVID-19 pandemic is explained by the different roles played by social movements inside and outside government and by contrasting ideational disputes. The extreme uncertainty introduced by the pandemic generated intense contestation about the meaning of the crisis and how to resolve it. In Brazil, progressive social movements not only were excluded from the government coalition, but also had to combat a powerful discourse that denied the existence of a crisis altogether. Such denialism did not flourish in the same way in Argentina, where progressive social movements were part of national government processes. The result was that in Argentina, movement–government dynamics revolved around constructing long-term policy proposals, whereas in Brazil movements focused on short-term emergency responses.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"333 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512121993713","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46975928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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