Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1177/01925121211020592
D. McDonnell, Annika Werner, Malin Karlsson
Sweden and Denmark have presented contrasting relationships between centre-right and populist radical right (PRR) parties. In Sweden, the centre-right has refused cooperation with the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) (SD), even when this cost the centre-right office. However, in Denmark, coalitions led by centre-right parties have cooperated with the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) (DF) on multiple occasions. Through a controlled comparison, we examine what explains these different outcomes. Using Chapel Hill Expert Surveys and public opinion data, we firstly look at the policy congruence between parties and the social acceptability of cooperation. We then examine interview material with representatives from centre-right and PRR parties in Sweden and Denmark to see their explanations of cooperation and non-cooperation. We conclude that, while the office goals of Danish centre-right parties, along with the policy focus and uncontroversial past of DF, explain that case, the reputation and past of SD has precluded a similar outcome.
{"title":"Reputation versus office: Why populist radical right governmental participation has differed between Sweden and Denmark","authors":"D. McDonnell, Annika Werner, Malin Karlsson","doi":"10.1177/01925121211020592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211020592","url":null,"abstract":"Sweden and Denmark have presented contrasting relationships between centre-right and populist radical right (PRR) parties. In Sweden, the centre-right has refused cooperation with the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) (SD), even when this cost the centre-right office. However, in Denmark, coalitions led by centre-right parties have cooperated with the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) (DF) on multiple occasions. Through a controlled comparison, we examine what explains these different outcomes. Using Chapel Hill Expert Surveys and public opinion data, we firstly look at the policy congruence between parties and the social acceptability of cooperation. We then examine interview material with representatives from centre-right and PRR parties in Sweden and Denmark to see their explanations of cooperation and non-cooperation. We conclude that, while the office goals of Danish centre-right parties, along with the policy focus and uncontroversial past of DF, explain that case, the reputation and past of SD has precluded a similar outcome.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"613 - 630"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211020592","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46304908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-20DOI: 10.1177/0192512120978329
Anna Elomäki
The European Union’s (EU) economic governance is pivotal for gender equality in the EU, yet gender equality concerns have been sidelined in governance processes. This article analyzes the struggles involved in integrating a gender perspective into the EU’s economic governance in the European Parliament (EP). It explores how the EP, often perceived as a champion of gender equality, constructs gender in relation to economic governance and how conflicts between the EP’s political groups and committees influence the EP’s ability to challenge gendered inequalities related to the governance regime. This article reveals that the EP’s positions have been characterized by strategic silence about gender and understandings of gender equality as a productive factor that legitimized gendered policies. Party-political conflicts and compromises that have sidelined critical views, and a boundary between social and economic issues and actors, were key barriers for the integration of critical gender perspectives.
{"title":"‘It’s a total no-no’: The strategic silence about gender in the European Parliament’s economic governance policies","authors":"Anna Elomäki","doi":"10.1177/0192512120978329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512120978329","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union’s (EU) economic governance is pivotal for gender equality in the EU, yet gender equality concerns have been sidelined in governance processes. This article analyzes the struggles involved in integrating a gender perspective into the EU’s economic governance in the European Parliament (EP). It explores how the EP, often perceived as a champion of gender equality, constructs gender in relation to economic governance and how conflicts between the EP’s political groups and committees influence the EP’s ability to challenge gendered inequalities related to the governance regime. This article reveals that the EP’s positions have been characterized by strategic silence about gender and understandings of gender equality as a productive factor that legitimized gendered policies. Party-political conflicts and compromises that have sidelined critical views, and a boundary between social and economic issues and actors, were key barriers for the integration of critical gender perspectives.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"403 - 417"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512120978329","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49380780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-15DOI: 10.1177/01925121211024159
Bas Hooijmaaijers
This article explores and explains the internal and external institutionalization of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) countries via a case study of the New Development Bank. It contributes to the existing literature on the BRICS and the New Development Bank by identifying internal and external factors of institutionalization and by presenting the most recent developments in the field. The internal and external channels of cooperation complement the traditional one based on hosting annual joint BRICS summits. In 2014, these five countries institutionalized their cooperation with an agreement to establish this Bank. The recently established various New Development Bank regional offices play an essential role in its internal and external institutionalization. The New Development Bank is still very much in development. Nonetheless, the internal and external institutionalization approaches provide useful conceptual lenses to understand BRICS cooperation via the New Development Bank better.
{"title":"The internal and external institutionalization of the BRICS countries: The case of the New Development Bank","authors":"Bas Hooijmaaijers","doi":"10.1177/01925121211024159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211024159","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores and explains the internal and external institutionalization of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) countries via a case study of the New Development Bank. It contributes to the existing literature on the BRICS and the New Development Bank by identifying internal and external factors of institutionalization and by presenting the most recent developments in the field. The internal and external channels of cooperation complement the traditional one based on hosting annual joint BRICS summits. In 2014, these five countries institutionalized their cooperation with an agreement to establish this Bank. The recently established various New Development Bank regional offices play an essential role in its internal and external institutionalization. The New Development Bank is still very much in development. Nonetheless, the internal and external institutionalization approaches provide useful conceptual lenses to understand BRICS cooperation via the New Development Bank better.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"481 - 494"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211024159","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48881820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-15DOI: 10.1177/01925121211026489
T. Zittel, Tom Louwerse, Helene Helboe Pedersen, W. Schakel
Correspondence study field experiments with political elites are a recent addition to legislative studies research, in which unsolicited emails are sent to elites to gauge their responsiveness. In this article, we discuss their ethical implications. We advance from the viewpoint that correspondence study field experiments involve trade-offs between costs and benefits that need to be carefully weighted. We elaborate this argument with two contributions in mind. First, we synthesize ethical considerations in published work to explore what the specific trade-offs are and how they can be mitigated by experimental design. We conclude that correspondence study field experiments with political elites are worth pursuing given their potential to further good governance. But they also involve distinct trade-offs that are particularly challenging. Second, we draw from our own considerations while designing a comparative correspondence study field experiment and stress challenges resulting from cross-national designs. In sum, we aim to facilitate further reasoned discussion on an important methodological issue.
{"title":"Should we conduct correspondence study field experiments with political elites?","authors":"T. Zittel, Tom Louwerse, Helene Helboe Pedersen, W. Schakel","doi":"10.1177/01925121211026489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211026489","url":null,"abstract":"Correspondence study field experiments with political elites are a recent addition to legislative studies research, in which unsolicited emails are sent to elites to gauge their responsiveness. In this article, we discuss their ethical implications. We advance from the viewpoint that correspondence study field experiments involve trade-offs between costs and benefits that need to be carefully weighted. We elaborate this argument with two contributions in mind. First, we synthesize ethical considerations in published work to explore what the specific trade-offs are and how they can be mitigated by experimental design. We conclude that correspondence study field experiments with political elites are worth pursuing given their potential to further good governance. But they also involve distinct trade-offs that are particularly challenging. Second, we draw from our own considerations while designing a comparative correspondence study field experiment and stress challenges resulting from cross-national designs. In sum, we aim to facilitate further reasoned discussion on an important methodological issue.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"459 - 470"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211026489","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45704552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-22DOI: 10.1177/01925121211019269
Trix van Mierlo
Oftentimes, democracy is not spread out evenly over the territory of a country. Instead, pockets of authoritarianism can persist within a democratic system. A growing body of literature questions how such subnational authoritarian enclaves can be democratized. Despite fascinating insights, all existing pathways rely on the actions of elites and are therefore top-down. This article seeks to kick-start the discussion on a bottom-up pathway to subnational democratization, by proposing the attrition mechanism. This mechanism consists of four parts and is the product of abductive inference through theory-building causal process tracing. The building blocks consist of subnational democratization literature, social movement theory, and original empirical data gathered during extensive field research. This case study focuses on the ‘Dynasty Slayer’ in the province of Isabela, the Philippines, where civil society actors used the attrition mechanism to facilitate subnational democratization. This study implies that civil society actors in subnational authoritarian enclaves have agency.
{"title":"Attrition as a bottom-up pathway to subnational democratization","authors":"Trix van Mierlo","doi":"10.1177/01925121211019269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211019269","url":null,"abstract":"Oftentimes, democracy is not spread out evenly over the territory of a country. Instead, pockets of authoritarianism can persist within a democratic system. A growing body of literature questions how such subnational authoritarian enclaves can be democratized. Despite fascinating insights, all existing pathways rely on the actions of elites and are therefore top-down. This article seeks to kick-start the discussion on a bottom-up pathway to subnational democratization, by proposing the attrition mechanism. This mechanism consists of four parts and is the product of abductive inference through theory-building causal process tracing. The building blocks consist of subnational democratization literature, social movement theory, and original empirical data gathered during extensive field research. This case study focuses on the ‘Dynasty Slayer’ in the province of Isabela, the Philippines, where civil society actors used the attrition mechanism to facilitate subnational democratization. This study implies that civil society actors in subnational authoritarian enclaves have agency.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"262 - 276"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211019269","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44529531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-22DOI: 10.1177/01925121211001759
Cai (Vera) Zuo, Zhongyuan Wang, Qingjie Zeng
Despite the rapid decrease in poverty across the developing world, there have been few attempts to analyze the implication of poverty alleviation on regime legitimacy. Bridging the literature on poverty alleviation and political trust, this analysis examines the mechanisms through which poverty reduction affects trust in local elected and appointed officials. Using an original survey on the Target Poverty Alleviation campaign in China and causal mediation analyses, we find that beneficiary status is positively associated with political trust. The perception of anti-poverty governance quality, rather than economic evaluation, is the mediator through which beneficiary status affects political trust. Moreover, the intensified non-formalistic elite-mass linkage developed in the poverty alleviation campaign enhances political trust through the improvement of perception of governance quality. These findings have implications for mechanisms through which poverty reduction affects political trust and the type of political linkage that sustains regime legitimacy.
{"title":"From poverty to trust: Political implications of the anti-poverty campaign in China","authors":"Cai (Vera) Zuo, Zhongyuan Wang, Qingjie Zeng","doi":"10.1177/01925121211001759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211001759","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the rapid decrease in poverty across the developing world, there have been few attempts to analyze the implication of poverty alleviation on regime legitimacy. Bridging the literature on poverty alleviation and political trust, this analysis examines the mechanisms through which poverty reduction affects trust in local elected and appointed officials. Using an original survey on the Target Poverty Alleviation campaign in China and causal mediation analyses, we find that beneficiary status is positively associated with political trust. The perception of anti-poverty governance quality, rather than economic evaluation, is the mediator through which beneficiary status affects political trust. Moreover, the intensified non-formalistic elite-mass linkage developed in the poverty alleviation campaign enhances political trust through the improvement of perception of governance quality. These findings have implications for mechanisms through which poverty reduction affects political trust and the type of political linkage that sustains regime legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"277 - 298"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211001759","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44202110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-22DOI: 10.1177/0192512121991973
Robert G. Blanton, Dursun Peksen
The ‘resource curse’ associated with natural resource abundance has long been a subject of study across multiple disciplines. Though much research has focused on possible effects of resource wealth on the formal economy, little is known about how such wealth affects the informal sector, a substantial portion of global economic activity. We posit that resource windfalls directly contribute to growth in the informal economy, as investment and spending patterns associated with such revenues limit opportunities within the formal sector and thus channel more labor and businesses into the informal sector. We test these claims across a panel of over 120 countries for the period 1985 to 2012. Across multiple model specifications, we find that resource wealth growth is associated with increased informal economic activity.
{"title":"Natural resource wealth and the informal economy","authors":"Robert G. Blanton, Dursun Peksen","doi":"10.1177/0192512121991973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121991973","url":null,"abstract":"The ‘resource curse’ associated with natural resource abundance has long been a subject of study across multiple disciplines. Though much research has focused on possible effects of resource wealth on the formal economy, little is known about how such wealth affects the informal sector, a substantial portion of global economic activity. We posit that resource windfalls directly contribute to growth in the informal economy, as investment and spending patterns associated with such revenues limit opportunities within the formal sector and thus channel more labor and businesses into the informal sector. We test these claims across a panel of over 120 countries for the period 1985 to 2012. Across multiple model specifications, we find that resource wealth growth is associated with increased informal economic activity.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"418 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/0192512121991973","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43994628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121211015759
Daniel Stockemer, T. Reidy
Starting in February 2020, the world experienced probably the worst external shock of the 21st century to date, the ongoing COVID-19 crisis. Detected first in the province of Wuhan, People’s Republic of China (PRC), in December 2019, or January 2020, COVID-19 travelled across the world, infecting over 130 million individuals and killing almost three million people (as of 7 April 2021), and the numbers continue to grow (see Johns Hopkins University Corona Virus Resource Center, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic continues to generate a political and economic crisis of global magnitude with countries in the Global South and Global North grappling with the health consequences of the virus and the social and economic outcomes of the varying strategies imposed by national and subnational governments to halt the spread of COVID-19. The scale of the crisis has triggered a so-called risk-society in many countries across the globe in which ‘concerns about personal safety and health as well as collective security have risen to the top of the social and political agendas’ (Boin and t’Hart, 2003: 548). With few exceptions governments in countries as diverse as India, Germany or Argentina have reacted to the highly contagious disease by implementing drastic measures including shutting down economies and confining people to their homes. These measures inflict enormous damage beyond their health impacts and have created severe strains on the economic and social lives of countries. Specifically, the crisis has already triggered one of the largest economic recessions of the 21st century with millions of people unemployed around the world. In addition, social distancing and confinement measures have curtailed basic individual freedoms and put a strain on human relations. School and childcare facility closures have led to increased stress in families causing psychological damage. The COVID-19 pandemic is a ‘transboundary crisis’; a crisis where ‘the functioning of multiple, life-sustaining systems, functions, or infrastructures is acutely threatened and the causes of
{"title":"Special issue introduction: The political ramifications of COVID-19","authors":"Daniel Stockemer, T. Reidy","doi":"10.1177/01925121211015759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211015759","url":null,"abstract":"Starting in February 2020, the world experienced probably the worst external shock of the 21st century to date, the ongoing COVID-19 crisis. Detected first in the province of Wuhan, People’s Republic of China (PRC), in December 2019, or January 2020, COVID-19 travelled across the world, infecting over 130 million individuals and killing almost three million people (as of 7 April 2021), and the numbers continue to grow (see Johns Hopkins University Corona Virus Resource Center, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic continues to generate a political and economic crisis of global magnitude with countries in the Global South and Global North grappling with the health consequences of the virus and the social and economic outcomes of the varying strategies imposed by national and subnational governments to halt the spread of COVID-19. The scale of the crisis has triggered a so-called risk-society in many countries across the globe in which ‘concerns about personal safety and health as well as collective security have risen to the top of the social and political agendas’ (Boin and t’Hart, 2003: 548). With few exceptions governments in countries as diverse as India, Germany or Argentina have reacted to the highly contagious disease by implementing drastic measures including shutting down economies and confining people to their homes. These measures inflict enormous damage beyond their health impacts and have created severe strains on the economic and social lives of countries. Specifically, the crisis has already triggered one of the largest economic recessions of the 21st century with millions of people unemployed around the world. In addition, social distancing and confinement measures have curtailed basic individual freedoms and put a strain on human relations. School and childcare facility closures have led to increased stress in families causing psychological damage. The COVID-19 pandemic is a ‘transboundary crisis’; a crisis where ‘the functioning of multiple, life-sustaining systems, functions, or infrastructures is acutely threatened and the causes of","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"297 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211015759","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46887556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1177/01925121211012291
C. Hsieh, Mao Wang, Natalie WM Wong, L. Ho
This article analyzes Taiwan’s National Epidemic Prevention Team, a collective synergy between government and society in fighting COVID-19. We draw on a model of collaborative governance to dissect the collaboration between National Epidemic Prevention Team members; that is, central government, local governments, private enterprises and citizens. We argue that the 2003 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak, democratic deepening and continual diplomatic isolation despite the global health crisis contributed to Taiwan’s National Epidemic Prevention Team capacity and cohesiveness. Our analysis contributes to the heated discourse on democratic resilience in these turbulent times, suggesting that outbreak control can succeed only if there is an integrated system of interdepartmental, central–local, intersectoral and citizen–state collaboration. Overall, this article shows how liberal democracies can control and counteract COVID-19 without resorting to authoritarian methods of containment.
{"title":"A whole-of-nation approach to COVID-19: Taiwan’s National Epidemic Prevention Team","authors":"C. Hsieh, Mao Wang, Natalie WM Wong, L. Ho","doi":"10.1177/01925121211012291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211012291","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes Taiwan’s National Epidemic Prevention Team, a collective synergy between government and society in fighting COVID-19. We draw on a model of collaborative governance to dissect the collaboration between National Epidemic Prevention Team members; that is, central government, local governments, private enterprises and citizens. We argue that the 2003 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak, democratic deepening and continual diplomatic isolation despite the global health crisis contributed to Taiwan’s National Epidemic Prevention Team capacity and cohesiveness. Our analysis contributes to the heated discourse on democratic resilience in these turbulent times, suggesting that outbreak control can succeed only if there is an integrated system of interdepartmental, central–local, intersectoral and citizen–state collaboration. Overall, this article shows how liberal democracies can control and counteract COVID-19 without resorting to authoritarian methods of containment.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"300 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211012291","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47648661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-27DOI: 10.1177/01925121211002736
Maximilian Filsinger, M. Freitag
The Corona crisis is an unprecedented challenge for societies. Lockdowns and physical distancing orders have generated economic, social and health-related consequences in many countries. In this regard, we evaluate how information about positive economic expectations during the crisis affects citizens’ attitudes. Using a real-world survey experiment, our analyses indicate that information about a positive economic outlook and governmental support to mitigate the crisis actually promote people’s subjective feelings of disadvantage rather than reducing them. Interestingly, it seems that information about economic recovery that opens up opportunities may backfire due to increased upward comparisons and perceived competition. Structural equation analyses suggest that this relationship is mediated by critical views about democratic institutions during the crisis. Citizens lose confidence in their governments and democratic decision-makers to uphold principles of fairness after the crisis ends. Our results have important implications on how to communicate measures that aim to deal with the crisis.
{"title":"When good news backfires: Feelings of disadvantage in the Corona crisis","authors":"Maximilian Filsinger, M. Freitag","doi":"10.1177/01925121211002736","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211002736","url":null,"abstract":"The Corona crisis is an unprecedented challenge for societies. Lockdowns and physical distancing orders have generated economic, social and health-related consequences in many countries. In this regard, we evaluate how information about positive economic expectations during the crisis affects citizens’ attitudes. Using a real-world survey experiment, our analyses indicate that information about a positive economic outlook and governmental support to mitigate the crisis actually promote people’s subjective feelings of disadvantage rather than reducing them. Interestingly, it seems that information about economic recovery that opens up opportunities may backfire due to increased upward comparisons and perceived competition. Structural equation analyses suggest that this relationship is mediated by critical views about democratic institutions during the crisis. Citizens lose confidence in their governments and democratic decision-makers to uphold principles of fairness after the crisis ends. Our results have important implications on how to communicate measures that aim to deal with the crisis.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"367 - 382"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/01925121211002736","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43294968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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