Pub Date : 2021-10-14DOI: 10.1177/01925121211048297
Niall Duggan, Juan Carlos Ladines Azalia, M. Rewizorski
The emergence of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) as an alternative force to the West has ignited a debate within the discipline of international political economy on the nature of the group’s rise. Global governance scholars either debate the role of the BRICS in transforming the world order (playing the game) or focus on the domestic sources of the BRICS nations’ preference formation (the position of states within the game). This article goes beyond the game-versus-player debate, by focusing on the structural power of the BRICS to ‘change the rules of the game’. The article investigates how the BRICS-created New Development Bank as an alternative circuit for actors to exchange goods in the area of development finance has been integrated into global governance. The article argues that the New Development Bank does not grant the BRICS the structural power needed to change the rules and norms that underpin the game.
{"title":"The structural power of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) in multilateral development finance: A case study of the New Development Bank","authors":"Niall Duggan, Juan Carlos Ladines Azalia, M. Rewizorski","doi":"10.1177/01925121211048297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211048297","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) as an alternative force to the West has ignited a debate within the discipline of international political economy on the nature of the group’s rise. Global governance scholars either debate the role of the BRICS in transforming the world order (playing the game) or focus on the domestic sources of the BRICS nations’ preference formation (the position of states within the game). This article goes beyond the game-versus-player debate, by focusing on the structural power of the BRICS to ‘change the rules of the game’. The article investigates how the BRICS-created New Development Bank as an alternative circuit for actors to exchange goods in the area of development finance has been integrated into global governance. The article argues that the New Development Bank does not grant the BRICS the structural power needed to change the rules and norms that underpin the game.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"495 - 511"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46938889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1177/01925121211036423
Adam Kirpsza
The article explores factors affecting the duration of the co-decision procedure (currently the ordinary legislative procedure), the main procedure for adopting legislation in the European Union. Drawing from rational choice institutionalism, it expects the speed of co-decision to be determined by three attributes: the impatience of legislators, issue linkage and the characteristics of Council and European Parliament negotiators (relais actors). The hypotheses are tested using survival analysis on a dataset of 599 controversial legislative acts submitted and enacted under co-decision between 1999 and 2009. The results show that co-decision proposals are decided faster when they are urgent, negotiated prior to the European Parliament elections and concluded through single proposal logrolls. By contrast, multi-proposal packages and the ideological distance between relais actors prolong decision-making. Overall, the article contributes to the literature by showing that the impatience of legislators, package deals and the properties of negotiators are relevant drivers of co-decision duration.
{"title":"Time is of the essence: Explaining the duration of European Union lawmaking under the co-decision procedure","authors":"Adam Kirpsza","doi":"10.1177/01925121211036423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211036423","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores factors affecting the duration of the co-decision procedure (currently the ordinary legislative procedure), the main procedure for adopting legislation in the European Union. Drawing from rational choice institutionalism, it expects the speed of co-decision to be determined by three attributes: the impatience of legislators, issue linkage and the characteristics of Council and European Parliament negotiators (relais actors). The hypotheses are tested using survival analysis on a dataset of 599 controversial legislative acts submitted and enacted under co-decision between 1999 and 2009. The results show that co-decision proposals are decided faster when they are urgent, negotiated prior to the European Parliament elections and concluded through single proposal logrolls. By contrast, multi-proposal packages and the ideological distance between relais actors prolong decision-making. Overall, the article contributes to the literature by showing that the impatience of legislators, package deals and the properties of negotiators are relevant drivers of co-decision duration.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"564 - 579"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45869602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-06DOI: 10.1177/01925121211040946
Paris Aslanidis
This article problematizes how non-spatial factors facilitate the formation of extraordinary ideologically mismatched government coalitions. An intensive case study analysis of the SYRIZA–ANEL governments in Greece (2015–2019) suggests that a shared symbolic discourse directed against mainstream contenders allowed elite actors with widely disparate programmatic commitments to circumvent rigid constraints imposed by minimal range theory. Under conditions of acute polarization and socioeconomic upheaval owing to the Greek sovereign debt crisis, a strategic use of populist anti-bailout discourse upset the usual order of party competition along spatial dimensions, fostering cross-ideological cohabitation at the executive level between the radical-left SYRIZA and the radical-right ANEL for a total of four years. However, an office-seeking approach based on a populist symbolic framework to represent salient grievances cannot fully eliminate policy dissension. Once core ideological commitments become explicitly challenged, inelastic policy-oriented factions and voting blocs may ultimately precipitate the expiration of the populist coalition.
{"title":"Coalition-making under conditions of ideological mismatch: The populist solution","authors":"Paris Aslanidis","doi":"10.1177/01925121211040946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211040946","url":null,"abstract":"This article problematizes how non-spatial factors facilitate the formation of extraordinary ideologically mismatched government coalitions. An intensive case study analysis of the SYRIZA–ANEL governments in Greece (2015–2019) suggests that a shared symbolic discourse directed against mainstream contenders allowed elite actors with widely disparate programmatic commitments to circumvent rigid constraints imposed by minimal range theory. Under conditions of acute polarization and socioeconomic upheaval owing to the Greek sovereign debt crisis, a strategic use of populist anti-bailout discourse upset the usual order of party competition along spatial dimensions, fostering cross-ideological cohabitation at the executive level between the radical-left SYRIZA and the radical-right ANEL for a total of four years. However, an office-seeking approach based on a populist symbolic framework to represent salient grievances cannot fully eliminate policy dissension. Once core ideological commitments become explicitly challenged, inelastic policy-oriented factions and voting blocs may ultimately precipitate the expiration of the populist coalition.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"42 1","pages":"631 - 648"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43423247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-22DOI: 10.1177/01925121211040961
Rainbow Murray, Ragnhild L. Muriaas, Vibeke Wang
Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.
{"title":"Editorial introduction: Gender and political financing","authors":"Rainbow Murray, Ragnhild L. Muriaas, Vibeke Wang","doi":"10.1177/01925121211040961","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211040961","url":null,"abstract":"Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"3 - 12"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41791994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-13DOI: 10.1177/01925121211040025
Rainbow Murray
Why is politics dominated by wealthy men, and how do gendered and class barriers to running for office intersect? This article addresses these questions using the UK as a case study. Drawing on interview data, I highlight the formal and informal institutions that shape the class and glass ceilings in electoral politics. I identify how the high personal costs of running for office, especially in relation to candidates’ time, present a barrier to those without significant financial resources. These costs are gendered, as women typically have less time and money than men. These resource barriers are compounded by additional gendered obstacles including discrimination, abuse and gendered family roles. I find that the intersection of the class and glass ceilings creates cumulative barriers that are particularly prohibitive for working-class women. The findings extend our understanding of class and gender gaps within politics and, crucially, the intersection between them.
{"title":"It’s a rich man’s world: How class and glass ceilings intersect for UK parliamentary candidates","authors":"Rainbow Murray","doi":"10.1177/01925121211040025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211040025","url":null,"abstract":"Why is politics dominated by wealthy men, and how do gendered and class barriers to running for office intersect? This article addresses these questions using the UK as a case study. Drawing on interview data, I highlight the formal and informal institutions that shape the class and glass ceilings in electoral politics. I identify how the high personal costs of running for office, especially in relation to candidates’ time, present a barrier to those without significant financial resources. These costs are gendered, as women typically have less time and money than men. These resource barriers are compounded by additional gendered obstacles including discrimination, abuse and gendered family roles. I find that the intersection of the class and glass ceilings creates cumulative barriers that are particularly prohibitive for working-class women. The findings extend our understanding of class and gender gaps within politics and, crucially, the intersection between them.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"13 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41483536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121211026522
G. Baldini, Nicola Chelotti
Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK’s decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.
{"title":"The Brexit effect: Political implications of the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union","authors":"G. Baldini, Nicola Chelotti","doi":"10.1177/01925121211026522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211026522","url":null,"abstract":"Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK’s decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"319 - 328"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47907947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121211036417
C. Schulz, Laura Levick
Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported ‘commitment gap’ by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a ‘commitment gap’ at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions.
{"title":"Regional patterns of multilateral treaty cooperation: Is there a Latin American ‘commitment gap’?","authors":"C. Schulz, Laura Levick","doi":"10.1177/01925121211036417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211036417","url":null,"abstract":"Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported ‘commitment gap’ by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a ‘commitment gap’ at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"316 - 333"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47204952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121211028472
Shintaro Hamanaka, Sufian Jusoh
The compatibility in terms of domestic systems that embed specific values of particular legal traditions is a critical determinant of international cooperation. We analyze international cooperation on professional qualifications because a domestic qualification system best showcases its distinct approach to social governance. Civil law states, which value written rules and certainty, use paper examinations as a core component of competency assessment of professionals, and upon international cooperation they opt to harmonize paper examinations. Common law states regard track record as important in assessing competence, and they often mutually allow professionals from partner states who have a good track record to practice in their territory. Cooperation between civil and common law states is possible when both parties make a conscious effort to align their domestic systems. In this case, an international mechanism has features of harmonization and mutual recognition. We also consider how to generalize the findings to explain states’ attitude toward inter-governmental organizations in general.
{"title":"Domestic legal traditions and international cooperation: Insights from domestic and international qualification systems","authors":"Shintaro Hamanaka, Sufian Jusoh","doi":"10.1177/01925121211028472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211028472","url":null,"abstract":"The compatibility in terms of domestic systems that embed specific values of particular legal traditions is a critical determinant of international cooperation. We analyze international cooperation on professional qualifications because a domestic qualification system best showcases its distinct approach to social governance. Civil law states, which value written rules and certainty, use paper examinations as a core component of competency assessment of professionals, and upon international cooperation they opt to harmonize paper examinations. Common law states regard track record as important in assessing competence, and they often mutually allow professionals from partner states who have a good track record to practice in their territory. Cooperation between civil and common law states is possible when both parties make a conscious effort to align their domestic systems. In this case, an international mechanism has features of harmonization and mutual recognition. We also consider how to generalize the findings to explain states’ attitude toward inter-governmental organizations in general.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"434 - 452"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44219641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-26DOI: 10.1177/01925121211035122
M. Larionova, A. Shelepov
The article reviews cooperation between the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and their collective efforts to promote reform of international financial institutions, shape global financial regulation and improve financial cooperation. The authors focus on the BRICS–G20 engagement for global economic governance reform. To assess the progress so far, the study employs original quantitative data on the BRICS and G20 commitments and compliance, and qualitative analysis of the BRICS and G20 discourse and the transformation of the international economic architecture. The results suggest that, contrary to the common perception of the BRICS as a challenger of the traditional western-dominated international monetary and financial system, it acts in a cooperative manner, seeking to make the international financial architecture and global regulation more representative and responsive to emerging markets and developing economies needs, and strengthen the stability and resilience of international and domestic financial markets.
{"title":"BRICS, G20 and global economic governance reform","authors":"M. Larionova, A. Shelepov","doi":"10.1177/01925121211035122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211035122","url":null,"abstract":"The article reviews cooperation between the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and their collective efforts to promote reform of international financial institutions, shape global financial regulation and improve financial cooperation. The authors focus on the BRICS–G20 engagement for global economic governance reform. To assess the progress so far, the study employs original quantitative data on the BRICS and G20 commitments and compliance, and qualitative analysis of the BRICS and G20 discourse and the transformation of the international economic architecture. The results suggest that, contrary to the common perception of the BRICS as a challenger of the traditional western-dominated international monetary and financial system, it acts in a cooperative manner, seeking to make the international financial architecture and global regulation more representative and responsive to emerging markets and developing economies needs, and strengthen the stability and resilience of international and domestic financial markets.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"43 1","pages":"512 - 530"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44223396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-30DOI: 10.1177/0192512121992671
R. Bonifácio, João Carlos Amoroso Botelho
This article analyses electoral support for chavismo in Venezuela from 1998 to 2015, comprising five presidential elections (1998, 2000, 2006, 2012, and 2013) and the legislative election of 2015. Drawing on a comprehensive historical series, the findings contradict an influential body of literature on Venezuelan politics and show that economic voting prevailed during the analysed period. In relation to class voting, the analysis does not find a monotonic vote, in which the poor supported Hugo Chávez and his allies, whereas the rich rejected them, at each election. The direction of associations between these classes and voting for chavismo varied over the investigated period. The findings have important implications for Latin American politics, showing the relevance of economic factors for the left turn in regional politics and helping explain the recent losses of leftist parties in presidential elections.
{"title":"Class voting or economic voting? Electoral support for chavismo (1998–2015)","authors":"R. Bonifácio, João Carlos Amoroso Botelho","doi":"10.1177/0192512121992671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512121992671","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses electoral support for chavismo in Venezuela from 1998 to 2015, comprising five presidential elections (1998, 2000, 2006, 2012, and 2013) and the legislative election of 2015. Drawing on a comprehensive historical series, the findings contradict an influential body of literature on Venezuelan politics and show that economic voting prevailed during the analysed period. In relation to class voting, the analysis does not find a monotonic vote, in which the poor supported Hugo Chávez and his allies, whereas the rich rejected them, at each election. The direction of associations between these classes and voting for chavismo varied over the investigated period. The findings have important implications for Latin American politics, showing the relevance of economic factors for the left turn in regional politics and helping explain the recent losses of leftist parties in presidential elections.","PeriodicalId":47785,"journal":{"name":"International Political Science Review","volume":"44 1","pages":"334 - 353"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48963577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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