Criminology & Public Policy最新文献_第9页

Are progressive chief prosecutors effective in reducing prison use and cumulative racial/ethnic disadvantage? Evidence from Florida 进步的首席检察官在减少监狱使用和累积的种族/民族劣势方面是否有效?来自佛罗里达州的证据

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12598

Ojmarrh Mitchell, Daniela Oramas Mora, Tracey L. Sticco, Lyndsay N. Boggess

Research Summary

Progressive chief prosecutors, campaigning on platforms calling for reducing prison populations and racial/ethnic disparities, have been elected in numerous jurisdictions across the United States in recent years. Yet, there is no empirical research that compares case outcomes between jurisdictions headed by progressive and traditional chief prosecutors. In this research, we utilize a cumulative case outcome approach that tracks cases from arrest to disposition to examine whether cases prosecuted under progressive chief prosecutors receive less punitive sanctions and exhibit smaller racial/ethnic disparities. We find that cases adjudicated in progressive jurisdictions are more likely to end without a felony conviction and less likely to result in a prison sentence. Racial but not generally ethnic disadvantage is evident in case outcomes, and racial disparities are smaller in jurisdictions led by progressive chief prosecutors.

Policy Implications

The election of progressive prosecutors is a radical departure from earlier approaches aimed at controlling prison populations and mitigating racial disparities. Instead of restricting the discretion of criminal justice actors, voters are relying on progressive, reformist prosecutors to use their enormous discretion in less punitive and more egalitarian fashions. This research indicates that progressive chief prosecutors do, in fact, reduce prison use and racial disparities.

近年来，在呼吁减少监狱人口和种族/民族差异的平台上竞选的进步派首席检察官在美国许多司法管辖区当选。然而，没有实证研究比较由进步和传统首席检察官领导的司法管辖区之间的案件结果。在本研究中，我们利用累积案件结果方法，跟踪从逮捕到处置的案件，以检查在进步首席检察官下起诉的案件是否受到较少的惩罚性制裁，并表现出较小的种族/民族差异。我们发现，在进步司法管辖区裁决的案件更有可能在没有重罪定罪的情况下结束，而不太可能导致监禁。在案件结果中，种族劣势(而非普遍的族裔劣势)是显而易见的，在进步派首席检察官领导的司法管辖区，种族差距较小。选举进步的检察官是对早先旨在控制监狱人口和减轻种族差异的方法的彻底背离。选民们没有限制刑事司法行为者的自由裁量权，而是依靠进步的改革派检察官以更少惩罚和更平等的方式使用他们巨大的自由裁量权。这项研究表明，进步的首席检察官确实减少了监狱的使用和种族差异。

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引用次数: 2

De-prosecution and death: A synthetic control analysis of the impact of de-prosecution on homicides 撤销起诉与死亡:撤销起诉对杀人案影响的综合控制分析

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-07-07 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12597

Thomas P. Hogan

Research Summary

De-prosecution is a policy not to prosecute certain criminal offenses, regardless of whether the crimes were committed. The research question here is whether the application of a de-prosecution policy has an effect on the number of homicides for large cities in the United States. Philadelphia presents a natural experiment to examine this question. During 2010–2014, the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office maintained a consistent and robust number of prosecutions and sentencings. During 2015–2019, the office engaged in a systematic policy of de-prosecution for both felony and misdemeanor cases. The city recorded the fewest number of criminal prosecutions in modern history, with a 70% reduction in the number of criminal sentencings. Philadelphia experienced a concurrent and historically large increase in homicides. This article employs a difference-in-differences analysis using a synthetic control method to estimate the effects of de-prosecution on the number of homicides in Philadelphia. The potential donor pool is composed of the prosecutors’ offices for the 100 largest cities in the United States over a 10-year period, with a quantitative categorization of the prosecutors’ offices used both as a variable and to exclude cities that may have been subject to a similar de-prosecution treatment. The synthetic control model estimates that de-prosecution has been associated with a statistically significant increase of 74.79 homicides per year in Philadelphia during 2015–2019.

Policy Implications

As various prosecution policies such as de-prosecution are being implemented across the United States, such policies should be tested for downstream results. The broadscale de-prosecution policy of Philadelphia—particularly for firearm and drug trafficking offenses—appears to have a causal association with a large increase in homicides. The public in Philadelphia will have to make a normative choice between a reduction in the number of prosecutions and an increase in homicides. The government of Philadelphia may consider whether significantly decreased prosecutions by the district attorney's office should result in a decrease in the budget for those services. The overall relationship between de-prosecution and homicides should be reviewed by prosecutors across the nation for consideration in exercising their prosecutorial discretion, given unique local considerations in each jurisdiction.

不起诉是一种不起诉某些刑事犯罪的政策，无论这些犯罪是否已经实施。这里的研究问题是，撤销起诉政策的实施是否会对美国大城市的凶杀案数量产生影响。费城提供了一个检验这个问题的自然实验。2010-2014年期间，费城地方检察官办公室的起诉和判决数量保持了一致和强劲。在2015-2019年期间，该办公室对重罪和轻罪案件实施了系统的不起诉政策。该市的刑事起诉数量是现代历史上最少的，刑事判决数量减少了70%。与此同时，费城的凶杀案也出现了历史性的大幅增长。本文采用一种综合控制方法的差异中差异分析来估计撤销起诉对费城凶杀案数量的影响。潜在的捐助池由美国100个最大城市的检察官办公室组成，为期10年，其中对检察官办公室进行了数量分类，既用作变量，又排除了可能受到类似撤销起诉待遇的城市。综合控制模型估计，在2015-2019年期间，取消起诉与费城每年74.79起凶杀案的统计显著增加有关。由于美国各地正在实施各种起诉政策，例如取消起诉，因此应该对这些政策进行下游结果的测试。费城广泛的不起诉政策——尤其是枪支和毒品走私犯罪——似乎与凶杀案的大幅增加有因果关系。费城的公众将不得不在减少起诉数量和增加谋杀数量之间做出规范的选择。费城政府可能会考虑，地区检察官办公室起诉案件的大幅减少是否会导致这些服务的预算减少。鉴于每个司法管辖区的独特地方考虑，全国各地的检察官应审查撤销起诉与杀人之间的全面关系，以便在行使其起诉自由裁量权时加以考虑。

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引用次数: 4

Clearing crimes in the aftermath of police lethal violence 清除警察致命暴力后的犯罪

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-06-07 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12592

Aki Roberts, John M. Roberts Jr.

Research summary

Police use of violence may threaten police agencies’ effectiveness by reinforcing residents’ legal cynicism and disengagement from police. We examined police lethal violence against Black people and its relationship with clearance by arrest in a sample of Black victims’ crime incidents in over 350 jurisdictions in 2015, via Mapping Police Violence and the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS). We calculated each crime incident's unique time-varying exposure to police lethal violence, with an accompanying agency-level measure that averaged this incident-level measure. Under our original measures, multilevel survival analysis showed a statistically significant association with clearance for the agency-level average exposure measure, but not for the time-varying incident-level exposure measure. Subsequent exploratory analyses suggested a possibly shorter-lived relationship with incident-level police lethal violence exposure, which should be investigated in future research.

Policy implications

Agency-level findings encourage the adoption of reforms in policing practices and organizational characteristics that could enhance police legitimacy and citizen cooperation and promote perceptions of procedural justice in the Black community. Exploratory indications of a shorter-lived relationship between police lethal violence and clearance will, if supported in further research, call for agencies to think carefully about adjusting detective work and resource allocations during the critical period following a police lethal violence event. A negative relationship between clearance rates and police lethal violence suggests a mutual interest of police agencies and activists in the reduction of police lethal violence.

警察使用暴力可能会通过加强居民对法律的玩世不恭和脱离警察而威胁警察机构的有效性。我们通过绘制警察暴力和国家事件报告系统(NIBRS)，在2015年350多个司法管辖区的黑人受害者犯罪事件样本中，研究了警察对黑人的致命暴力及其与逮捕结案的关系。我们计算了每个犯罪事件对警察致命暴力的独特时变暴露，并附带了一个机构级别的测量，该测量平均了该事件级别的测量。在我们最初的测量中，多水平生存分析显示，与机构级平均暴露测量的清除率有统计学意义的关联，而与时变事件级暴露测量的清除率没有统计学意义。随后的探索性分析表明，事件级警察致命暴力暴露可能存在较短的关系，这应该在未来的研究中进行调查。政策影响机构一级的调查结果鼓励在警务实践和组织特征方面采取改革措施，以提高警察的合法性和公民合作，并促进黑人社区对程序正义的认识。如果得到进一步研究的支持，关于警察致命暴力与清场之间短暂关系的探索性迹象将要求各机构仔细考虑在警察致命暴力事件发生后的关键时期调整侦探工作和资源分配。清除率与警察致命暴力之间的负相关关系表明，警察机构和活动人士在减少警察致命暴力方面存在共同利益。

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引用次数: 2

“Culture eats strategy for breakfast”: An in-depth examination of police officer perceptions of body-worn camera implementation and their relationship to policy, supervision, and training “文化将战略作为早餐”:深入考察警官对随身摄像机实施的看法及其与政策、监督和培训的关系

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12591

James J. Willis

Research Summary

This study uses interviews with 23 police officers from a small police department to conduct an in-depth examination of their perceptions of three critical but understudied areas related to body-worn camera programs: the implementation and policy-making process, supervision, and training. The focus is on understanding the factors which contribute to, or undermine, body-worn camera integration and acceptance.

Policy Implications

Including patrol officers directly in the implementation and policy-making processes might help increase officer acceptance of body-worn cameras (BWCs), and the identification of potential implementation problems (especially around BWC activation, civilian notification, and minor violations of department policies). Moreover, police departments may need to anticipate resistance from features of the traditional police culture toward certain BWC uses and consider how these might be overcome. One suggestion is to conduct regular reviews of BWC footage with officers as a learning tool to help guide discretion on BWC use (especially around recording protocols), to help reframe BWCs as an innovative technology for improving street-level performance, and to provide routine reminders to officers of the importance of BWC activation and civilian notification for achieving their potential benefits.

本研究对来自一个小型警察部门的23名警官进行了访谈，深入调查了他们对与随身相机项目相关的三个关键但研究不足的领域的看法:实施和决策过程、监督和培训。重点是了解有助于或破坏穿戴式相机整合和接受度的因素。政策影响包括巡逻人员直接参与实施和决策过程可能有助于提高警察对随身摄像机(BWCs)的接受程度，并有助于识别潜在的实施问题(特别是在生物武器启动、民事通知和轻微违反部门政策方面)。此外，警察部门可能需要预料到传统警察文化对某些生物武器使用的抵制，并考虑如何克服这些抵制。一项建议是，与官员一起定期审查生化武器录像，作为一种学习工具，帮助指导使用生化武器的酌情决定(特别是在记录协议方面)，帮助将生化武器重新定义为一种创新技术，以改善街道水平的表现，并定期提醒官员禁用生化武器和通知平民对实现其潜在效益的重要性。

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引用次数: 7

Do body-worn cameras reduce disparities in police behavior in minority communities? Evidence of nuanced influences across Black and Hispanic neighborhoods 随身摄像机能减少少数族裔社区警察行为的差异吗?黑人和西班牙裔社区之间微妙影响的证据

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12590

Jessica Huff

Research Summary

The adoption of body-worn cameras (BWCs) is often promoted in response to contentious police use of force incidents involving minority civilians. BWCs are expected to improve policing outcomes by enhancing accountability, although researchers have yet to determine whether BWCs can reduce racial/ethnic disparities. I examine whether BWCs mitigate the influence of neighborhood racial/ethnic context on arrests and use of force using cross-classified logistic regression models to examine the outcomes of 900,000+ police–civilian contacts in Phoenix. Arrests were significantly more likely to occur in Hispanic and Black neighborhoods before and after BWC deployment, even accounting for situational, officer, and neighborhood characteristics. When BWCs were activated in Black neighborhoods, the odds of arrest decreased by 38%. However, BWCs did not moderate the influence of neighborhood percentage of Hispanic on arrest. The neighborhood racial/ethnic context was not associated with the use of force pre- or post-BWC deployment.

Policy Implications

Although BWCs have been associated with several positive outcomes, their ability to reduce racial/ethnic disparities appears to be overstated. As such, more targeted approaches to reducing disparities in policing outcomes are needed. For example, leveraging the information collected through BWCs could facilitate enhanced supervision to identify officers engaging in racially disparate practices and hold them accountable. Although neighborhood racial/ethnic context was a robust predictor of arrest, these results point to nuanced influences of BWC activation in minority communities. This could be due to differential causes of arrest in Black and Hispanic neighborhoods.

采用随身摄像机(BWCs)通常是为了应对涉及少数民族平民的有争议的警察使用武力事件。生物武器系统有望通过加强问责制来改善警务结果，尽管研究人员尚未确定生物武器系统是否可以减少种族/民族差异。我研究了生物武器是否减轻了社区种族/民族背景对逮捕和使用武力的影响，使用交叉分类逻辑回归模型来检查凤凰城900,000+警察-平民接触的结果。在部署生化武器之前和之后，西班牙裔和黑人社区的逮捕率明显更高，即使考虑到情境、警官和社区特征。当BWCs在黑人社区被激活时，被捕的几率下降了38%。然而，BWCs并没有缓和邻里西班牙裔被捕百分比的影响。在部署生化武器之前或之后，社区的种族/民族背景与使用武力无关。政策影响虽然生物武器与若干积极结果有关，但它们减少种族/民族差异的能力似乎被夸大了。因此，需要采取更有针对性的方法来缩小警务结果的差异。例如，利用通过种族歧视委员会收集的信息可以促进加强监督，以查明从事种族歧视行为的警察并追究其责任。虽然社区种族/民族背景是逮捕的有力预测因素，但这些结果指出了少数族裔社区BWC激活的微妙影响。这可能是由于黑人和西班牙裔社区的逮捕原因不同。

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引用次数: 0

Estimating the effects of shrinking the criminal justice system on criminal recidivism 估计缩小刑事司法系统对犯罪累犯的影响

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12588

Charles E. Loeffler, Anthony A. Braga

Research Summary

We examined the impact of Raise the Age (RTA) in Massachusetts, which increased the maximum jurisdictional age for its juvenile court in late 2013. Using statewide re-arraignment data and a difference-in-differences research design comparing affected 17-year-olds to unaffected 18-year-olds, we find that RTA increased recidivism for affected 17-year-olds. The observed increases in recidivism were especially large for 17-year-olds without prior justice involvement. This result may stem from the more extensive use of pretrial supervision or the diminished deterrence of prosecution within the Massachusetts juvenile justice system.

Policy Implications

This study demonstrates that prosecuting older adolescents as juveniles can exacerbate rather than reduce future justice involvement. This finding highlights the ongoing risk of unanticipated and iatrogenic impacts of criminal justice interventions. It also suggests the need for caution in further expansions of RTA until evidence of anticipated programmatic benefits can be confirmed.

我们研究了马萨诸塞州提高年龄(RTA)的影响，该法案在2013年底提高了其少年法庭的最高管辖年龄。利用全州范围内的再传讯数据和差异中差异研究设计对受影响的17岁青少年和未受影响的18岁青少年进行比较，我们发现RTA增加了受影响的17岁青少年的再犯。观察到的累犯率增加在没有前科的17岁青少年中尤为明显。这一结果可能源于更广泛地使用审前监督，或者马萨诸塞州少年司法系统中起诉的威慑力减弱。本研究表明，将年龄较大的青少年作为未成年人起诉可能会加剧而不是减少未来的司法介入。这一发现强调了刑事司法干预的意外影响和医源性影响的持续风险。报告还指出，在确定预期方案效益的证据之前，在进一步扩大区域评价方面需要谨慎。

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引用次数: 3

Police body-worn camera policies as democratic deficits? Comparing public support for policy alternatives 警察随身相机政策是民主赤字吗?比较公众对政策选择的支持

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12589

Daniel E. Bromberg, Camille Faubert, Étienne Charbonneau

Research Summary

Policies that govern the use of body-worn cameras (BWCs) by police vary widely between American cities. However, it is currently unclear whether citizen preferences for these policies vary in a similar manner. More specifically, do BWC policies reflect citizen preferences or are existing policies disfavored by a majority of the public? To investigate these questions, we randomly sampled 1000 respondents for each of the three representative metropolitan areas, Los Angeles, CA; Seattle, WA; and Charlotte, NC, in addition to a further 1000 Americans across the country to inquire about policy preferences. We found that most respondents prefer the BWC policies recommended by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to those currently implemented in their regional police departments. In other words, elements of the BWC policies in Los Angeles, Seattle, and Charlotte do not reflect residents’ preferences.

Policy Implications

The policy stating that footage access should be given to parents of minors, a deceased subject's family members, or anyone filmed in an encounter, a model promoted by ACLU, is a clear favorite in the United States at large, but also in the three cities we studied. The policy stating that footage access should not be given to superior officers to find disciplinary infractions, also backed by the ACLU, is less popular among Americans at large and residents of Seattle. Beyond the high support for BWCs within the American population, decision makers need to make sure that the policies that govern the use of this tool respect democratic principles. Therefore, the voice of citizens needs to be heard to avoid a democratic deficit.

美国不同城市的警察使用随身摄像机(BWCs)的管理政策差别很大。然而，目前尚不清楚公民对这些政策的偏好是否以类似的方式变化。更具体地说，《生物武器公约》的政策是否反映了公民的偏好，还是大多数公众不喜欢现有的政策?为了调查这些问题，我们在三个具有代表性的大都市区(加利福尼亚州洛杉矶;西雅图,华盛顿州;以及北卡罗来纳州夏洛特市，此外还有全国各地的1000名美国人询问政策偏好。我们发现，大多数受访者更喜欢美国公民自由联盟(ACLU)推荐的生物武器公约政策，而不是目前在其地区警察部门实施的政策。换句话说，洛杉矶、西雅图和夏洛特的生物武器公约政策的要素并没有反映居民的偏好。美国公民自由联盟(ACLU)倡导的一项政策规定，未成年人的父母、死者的家庭成员或任何被拍摄的人都应该有权访问录像，这一政策显然在美国广受欢迎，在我们研究的三个城市也是如此。同样得到美国公民自由联盟(ACLU)支持的一项政策规定，不应让上级官员查看监控录像，以发现违章行为，但这项政策在普通美国人和西雅图居民中不那么受欢迎。除了美国民众对生物武器的高度支持外，决策者还需要确保管理这一工具使用的政策尊重民主原则。因此，必须倾听公民的声音，以避免出现民主赤字。

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引用次数: 0

Stacking punishment: The imposition of consecutive sentences in Pennsylvania 累加刑罚:宾夕法尼亚州实行的连续刑罚

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12587

Miranda A. Galvin

Research Summary

This study introduces the decision to impose consecutive sentences as a “window of discretion” in modern sentencing regimes that has the potential to produce extreme and disparate punishment. Among cases sentenced in Pennsylvania between 2015 and 2019, consecutive sentences were present in more than 20% of all cases, including 35% of cases resulting in a primary sentence to prison and 39% of cases resulting in a primary sentence to jail. The length of consecutive incarceration and probation often exceed primary sentence length and substantially extend justice involvement.

Policy Implications

In the absence of guidance, consecutive sentences undermine policy efforts at uniformity and correctional control. Further, relatively common use of (long) probation tails may contribute to “mass probation.” Such decisions should be deserving of the same consideration as given the imposition of primary sentences, meaning the promulgation of guidance regarding imposition and reasonable limits for length.

本研究介绍了在现代量刑制度中，连续判决作为一个“自由裁量权窗口”的决定，有可能产生极端和不同的惩罚。在2015年至2019年宾夕法尼亚州被判刑的案件中，超过20%的案件是连续判刑的，其中35%的案件被判有期徒刑，39%的案件被判有期徒刑。连续监禁和缓刑的时间往往超过原判的时间，大大延长了司法介入的时间。政策影响在缺乏指导的情况下，连续判决破坏了统一和惩教控制的政策努力。此外，相对普遍地使用(长)缓刑尾巴可能会导致“大规模缓刑”。这种决定应与判处初刑一样得到同样的审议，即颁布关于判处初刑的指导意见和合理的刑期限制。

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引用次数: 0

Toward victim-sensitive body-worn camera policy: Initial insights 对受害者敏感的随身相机政策:初步见解

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-04-20 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12582

Alana Saulnier, Amanda Couture-Carron, Daniel Scholte

Research Summary

Despite constituting a substantial portion of police contacts, victims in general, and violence against women (VAW) survivors in particular, have received little attention in body-worn camera (BWC) research. As BWCs proliferate in policing, crafting victim-sensitive BWC policies is important. Drawing from qualitative interviews with 33 survivors of sexual assault and/or intimate partner violence, we identify themes that characterize victim-sensitive BWC policies: notification, consent, alternative recording options, procedural consistency, and data storage and access. These findings lay a foundation for further research that can assess the generalizability of these themes to other samples of survivors.

Policy Implications

VAW survivors are stakeholders who should be consulted in the production of victim-sensitive BWC policy for police services. This exploratory study suggests that BWC use will be more victim-sensitive when (1) officers notify victims of BWC use as soon as reasonably possible during an interaction, (2) officers ask victims if they consent to BWC recording, (3) officers deactivate the video recording function of the BWC (or reposition the BWC's lens away from the victim) if consent is not provided or if doing so would make the victim more comfortable, (4) police services ensure that BWCs are used consistently by frontline members, that BWC videos are regularly subject to supervisory review, and that videos are appropriately used in training to prepare for quality survivor-police interactions, and (5) officers and services provide victims with clear information regarding BWC footage access and data security.

尽管构成了警察接触的很大一部分，但一般来说，受害者，特别是暴力侵害妇女(VAW)幸存者，在随身相机(BWC)研究中很少受到关注。随着生物武器在警务领域的扩散，制定对受害者敏感的生物武器政策非常重要。根据对33名性侵犯和/或亲密伴侣暴力幸存者的定性访谈，我们确定了具有受害者敏感性的《禁止生物武器公约》政策特征的主题:通知、同意、替代记录选项、程序一致性以及数据存储和访问。这些发现为进一步的研究奠定了基础，可以评估这些主题对其他幸存者样本的普遍性。政策影响在为警察部门制定对受害者敏感的《禁止生物武器公约》政策时，应征求对暴力侵害妇女行为幸存者的意见。这一探索性研究表明，当(1)警察在互动过程中尽可能快地通知受害者使用生物武器，(2)警察询问受害者是否同意记录生物武器，(3)如果受害者不同意或这样做会让受害者更舒服，警察会关闭生物武器的视频记录功能(或将生物武器的镜头移到远离受害者的位置)，生物武器的使用将对受害者更敏感。(4)警察部门确保一线成员始终使用生物武器，定期对生物武器视频进行监督审查，并在培训中适当使用视频，为幸存者与警察的高质量互动做准备;(5)警察和服务部门向受害者提供有关生物武器视频访问和数据安全的明确信息。

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引用次数: 6

The impact and policy relevance of street lighting for crime prevention: A systematic review based on a half-century of evaluation research 街道照明对预防犯罪的影响和政策相关性:基于半个世纪评估研究的系统回顾

IF 4.6 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

Criminology & Public Policy

Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12585

Brandon C. Welsh, David P. Farrington, Stephen Douglas

Research Summary

This article reports on an updated systematic review and meta-analysis of the effects of street lighting interventions on crime in public places. Following Campbell Collaboration guidelines, it uses robust criteria for inclusion of studies, comprehensive search strategies to identify eligible studies, a detailed protocol for coding key study characteristics, and rigorous methods for analyzing studies. A total of 21 studies met the inclusion criteria, originating in four countries (United States, United Kingdom, Brazil, and South Korea) and covering almost 50 years (1974–2021). The review finds that street lighting interventions are associated with a significant desirable effect on total crime (14% reduction in treatment areas compared with comparable control areas); desirable effects are greater in studies that measured both night and day crimes than in studies that only measured night crimes; and street lighting is followed by a significant reduction in property crimes, but not in violent crimes.

Policy Implications

Compared to past years, it would seem that an even stronger case can be made today for street lighting interventions to be part of crime-prevention policy. A larger body of high-quality evaluation research, implemented in a range of high-crime public places, some evidence of value for money, and a continued desirable impact on crime, especially property crime, all point to the policy relevance of street lighting interventions.

本文对街道照明干预对公共场所犯罪的影响进行了最新的系统综述和荟萃分析。遵循坎贝尔合作指导方针，它使用强大的标准来纳入研究，全面的搜索策略来确定合格的研究，详细的编码关键研究特征的协议，以及严格的研究分析方法。共有21项研究符合纳入标准，来自四个国家(美国、英国、巴西和韩国)，覆盖近50年(1974-2021)。审查发现，街道照明干预与对总犯罪的显著预期效果有关(与可比控制区相比，治疗区减少了14%);同时测量夜间和白天犯罪的研究比只测量夜间犯罪的研究效果更好;街道照明之后财产犯罪显著减少，但暴力犯罪却没有减少。与过去几年相比，今天似乎有更强有力的理由将街道照明干预作为预防犯罪政策的一部分。在一系列高犯罪率的公共场所实施的大量高质量评估研究，一些物有所值的证据，以及对犯罪，特别是财产犯罪的持续理想影响，都指向街道照明干预的政策相关性。

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引用次数: 5