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United States sex education pre- and post- the Dobbs decision: Feminist critiques and student concerns 多布斯裁决前后的美国性教育:女权主义者的批评和学生的担忧
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-20 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102895
Phoebe Kazdin Schnitzer , Susan Thomson Tripathy

How has the 2022 U.S. Supreme Court's Dobbs decision, overturning the constitutional right to abortion, impacted the country's sex education? Our answer begins by reviewing the status of U.S. sex education, pre-Dobbs: feminist critiques and our survey of young people's perspectives both underscore the inadequacy of risk-focused approaches, the importance of practical information, and the different sex educational issues facing young women vs. young men. We then examine published feminist and student reactions to Dobbs, its negative impact on sex education and potential positive effects. While several states have passed bills against teaching crucial sex- and gender-related topics, these restrictions have intensified feminist critiques, provoking steps to improve access to contraceptives, and providing guidance for home-based sex-educational conversations. And, young people themselves are taking initiative, developing sex education programs addressing their most pressing concerns. We ask: might we be at a pivotal moment in the evolution of U.S. sex education?

2022 年美国最高法院的多布斯判决推翻了宪法规定的堕胎权,该判决对美国的性教育产生了怎样的影响?我们的答案首先回顾了多布斯案之前美国性教育的现状:女权主义者的批评和我们对年轻人观点的调查都强调了以风险为重点的方法的不足、实用信息的重要性,以及年轻女性与年轻男性所面临的不同性教育问题。然后,我们将研究已发表的女权主义者和学生对多布斯的反应、其对性教育的负面影响以及潜在的积极影响。虽然有几个州通过了反对教授重要的性和性别相关话题的法案,但这些限制加剧了女权主义者的批评,引发了改善避孕药具获取途径的措施,并为家庭性教育对话提供了指导。而且,年轻人自己也在采取主动,制定性教育计划,解决他们最关心的问题。我们不禁要问:我们是否正处于美国性教育发展的关键时刻?
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引用次数: 0
Feminization of equity deserving work in the third sector 第三部门公平工作的女性化
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102897
Mia Tulli-Shah , Ghada Sayadi , Aisha Giwa , Myra Kandemiri , Nat Hurley , Bukola Salami

Non-profit work plays a vital role in connecting policy and community, as well as providing essential services in Canada. However, evidence suggests that despite being often engaged in equity seeking work, many non-profit organizations remain sites of inequity and marginalization among service provider staff. In this qualitative study, researchers conducted interviews with representatives from 60 organizations across the province of Alberta, Canada. Using intersectionality and thematic analysis, the study identified three key themes across issues related to the feminization of gender-equity seeking work in the third sector. First, economic exploitation, including low pay across the non-profit sector, and pay discrepancies across positions within non-profit work, impact staff in gendered and racialized ways. Second, uneven labour expectations compound exploitation through failures of performative Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI), unpaid labour expectations, and gender bias both within and outside of organizational structure. Third, service provider capacities are being restricted through staff mental health challenges and burnout, staff use of the services they provide clients, and challenges with worker retention. Organizations and funders may address these inequities by demanding transparency in promotion policies to ensure women and gender-diverse people, particularly those who are racialized, have fair access to management and leadership positions, as well as by reforming funding structures to encourage more equitable pay.

在加拿大,非营利工作在连接政策与社区以及提供基本服务方面发挥着重要作用。然而,有证据表明,尽管许多非营利组织经常参与寻求公平的工作,但它们仍然是服务提供者中存在不公平和边缘化现象的场所。在这项定性研究中,研究人员对加拿大艾伯塔省 60 家机构的代表进行了访谈。通过交叉性分析和主题分析,研究人员确定了与第三部门寻求性别平等工作女性化相关的三个关键主题。首先,经济剥削,包括整个非营利部门的低工资,以及非营利工作中不同职位的工资差异,以性别和种族化的方式影响着工作人员。其次,不平衡的劳动预期通过公平、多样性和包容性(EDI)的失败、无偿劳动预期以及组织结构内外的性别偏见,加剧了剥削。第三,服务提供者的能力因员工的心理健康挑战和职业倦怠、员工使用他们为客户提供的服务以及留住员工方面的挑战而受到限制。各组织和资助者可以通过要求晋升政策的透明度来解决这些不平等问题,以确保妇女和不同性别的人,特别是那些种族化的人,能够公平地获得管理和领导职位,并通过改革资金结构来鼓励更公平的薪酬。
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引用次数: 0
Institutional challenges to delivering domestic violence services in Ghana: A case of structural violence? 加纳在提供家庭暴力服务方面面临的体制挑战:结构性暴力?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102894
Alice Pearl Sedziafa , Eric Y. Tenkorang

In Ghana, institutional support for victims of domestic violence is provided by the Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU), a specialized unit of the Ghana Police Services. We conducted in-depth interviews with 16 women with a history of domestic violence and 10 DOVVSU personnel in Greater Accra, Ashanti, and North regions. The purpose was to document institutional challenges to delivering domestic violence services in Ghana and determine whether these cause further harm to victims and survivors and thus constitute structural violence. Challenges were linked to a lack of investment in developing the infrastructure needed to address inaccessibility to domestic violence services and to create risk mitigation strategies. This is a case of structural violence because further harm is caused when women lack institutional support, including revictimization, unwanted pregnancy, family tensions, abandonment, premature death, unprofessionalism, and ethical distress. The government should provide more resources to address the challenges.

在加纳,家庭暴力和受害者支持小组 (DOVVSU) 为家庭暴力受害者提供机构支持,该小组是加纳警察局的一个专门小组。我们对大阿克拉、阿散蒂和北部地区的 16 名有家庭暴力史的妇女和 10 名 DOVVSU 工作人员进行了深入访谈。目的是记录加纳在提供家庭暴力服务方面所面临的制度性挑战,并确定这些挑战是否会对受害者和幸存者造成进一步伤害,从而构成结构性暴力。这些挑战与缺乏对发展必要基础设施的投资有关,而这些基础设施是解决无法获得家庭暴力服务和制定风险缓解战略所必需的。这是一种结构性暴力,因为当妇女缺乏机构支持时,就会造成进一步的伤害,包括再次受害、意外怀孕、家庭关系紧张、被遗弃、过早死亡、不专业以及道德困扰。政府应提供更多资源来应对这些挑战。
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引用次数: 0
A thematic content analysis of views regarding sexual assault disclosure and the #MeToo/WeToo movements for CALD Japanese women in Australia 对澳大利亚 CALD 日本妇女有关性侵犯披露和 #MeToo/WeToo 运动的观点进行主题内容分析
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102898
Kaoru Sato , Lynlee Howard-Payne

Women from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds in Australia may be unlikely to disclose sexual assault, due to the social norms in their home countries. Due to varying degrees of acculturation, Japanese residents of Australia may be influenced by Japanese norms. The Australian government acknowledges that targeted responses may be needed to support CALD women disclose sexual assault, yet research on this area is scarce. This study explores the views of CALD Japanese women living in Australia regarding sexual assault disclosure and the #MeToo and #WeToo movements. A thematic content analysis of interviews with eight CALD Japanese women revealed that their views on sexual assault disclosure were dominated by two opposing themes, Systemic Avoidance and Empowerment through Social Activism, which were informed by the degree to which they upheld Hofstede's individualism, masculinity, and power distance cultural values. Our findings may help policy makers develop culturally nuanced approaches to encourage the disclosure of sexual violence.

在澳大利亚,来自不同文化和语言背景(CALD)的女性可能不太可能揭露性侵犯行为,这是由于她们本国的社会规范所致。由于文化适应程度不同,澳大利亚的日本居民可能会受到日本规范的影响。澳大利亚政府承认,可能需要采取有针对性的应对措施来支持 CALD 妇女披露性侵犯,但这方面的研究却很少。本研究探讨了居住在澳大利亚的 CALD 日本女性对性侵犯披露以及 #MeToo 和 #WeToo 运动的看法。通过对八名 CALD 日本女性的访谈内容进行主题分析,发现她们对性侵害披露的看法主要受两个对立主题的支配,即系统性回避和通过社会活动赋权,而这两个主题又与她们对霍夫斯泰德(Hofstede)的个人主义、男子气概和权力距离文化价值观的支持程度有关。我们的研究结果可能会帮助政策制定者们制定出在文化上有细微差别的方法来鼓励披露性暴力。
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引用次数: 0
Cutting through complexity: An intersectional analysis of female genital cutting in Indonesia 穿越复杂性:对印度尼西亚切割女性生殖器的交叉分析
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102906
Vimala Asty F.T. Jaya , Yanghee Kim , Minah Kang

Female genital cutting (FGC) in Indonesia is still prevalent, and it is increasingly prevalent in urban than in rural areas. This study analyzed the prevalence of FGC in Indonesia and the urbanization and medicalization of FGC practices. Specifically, it addresses the critical questions of how urbanization affects the prevalence of FGC, why the medicalization of FGC became prevalent in urban areas, and how it proceeded with the commercialized form of FGC. This study reviews the existing literature and analyses secondary data from government survey reports and policy documents to answer these questions. The results indicate that the high prevalence of FGC in Indonesia is caused by the complexity of the ambiguity of the government’s stance and policy towards FGC and the influence of the actors involved in FGC practices, such as the government, religious organizations, and medical professionals. Hence, legal measures and comprehensive and culturally sensitive strategies are needed to abandon FGC practices in Indonesia.

女性生殖器切割(FGC)在印度尼西亚仍然普遍存在,而且城市地区比农村地区更为普遍。本研究分析了印度尼西亚切割女性生殖器的流行情况以及切割女性生殖器做法的城市化和医疗化。具体而言,本研究探讨了城市化如何影响女性外阴残割的流行、女性外阴残割的医疗化为何在城市地区盛行以及女性外阴残割的商业化形式是如何发展的等关键问题。本研究回顾了现有文献,并分析了来自政府调查报告和政策文件的二手数据,以回答这些问题。研究结果表明,印尼女性外阴残割的高流行率是由政府对女性外阴残割的立场和政策的模糊性以及参与女性外阴残割行为的各方(如政府、宗教组织和医疗专业人士)的影响等复杂因素造成的。因此,需要采取法律措施和全面且具有文化敏感性的战略来摒弃印度尼西亚的女性外阴残割习俗。
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引用次数: 0
Maternity protection and work-family balance support policies: A Korean case study 产妇保护和工作与家庭平衡支持政策:韩国案例研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102899
Kyu-Hyoung Jeong , Seoyoon Lee , HyoJoo Lee

More Korean women participate in economic and social activities, but also more of them decide not to work or to delay childbirth. This study used data from the Korean Longitudinal Survey of Women & Families (KLoWF) between 2010 and 2018 to examine changes in awareness of the policies on maternity protection and work-family balance support, and the factors behind them. We selected 972 female workers (between 15 and 49 years of age) for this analysis. Using Growth Mixture Modelling (GMM), we identified three types of changes in awareness. Having lower education levels and fewer children, working in production rather than professional management, and having a smaller workforce increase the likelihood of being in the ‘reducing’ type of awareness change. These findings suggest the need for a review of current maternity protection and work-family balance support systems, and guide the future directions for improvement which we identify at the end of the article.

越来越多的韩国女性参与经济和社会活动,但也有越来越多的女性决定不工作或推迟生育。本研究利用 2010 年至 2018 年期间韩国妇女及家庭纵向调查(KLoWF)的数据,研究了对生育保护和工作与家庭平衡支持政策的认识变化及其背后的因素。我们选取了 972 名女工(年龄在 15 岁至 49 岁之间)进行分析。利用增长混合模型(GMM),我们确定了三种意识变化类型。教育水平较低、子女较少、从事生产工作而非专业管理工作以及劳动力规模较小,都会增加意识变化 "减少 "类型的可能性。这些发现表明,有必要对当前的孕产妇保护和工作与家庭平衡支持系统进行审查,并为我们在文章末尾确定的未来改进方向提供指导。
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引用次数: 0
Not in the mood for gender and feminism. Exploring affect and expertise through Spanish anti-gender movements 没有心情讨论性别和女权主义。通过西班牙反性别运动探索情感和专业知识
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102892
Marcel Obst

This article explores the use of affect in the study of anti-gender movements – a loosely connected network of actors that seeks political goals through their opposition to women's and LGBTQ+ rights and lives. Drawing on ethnographic data from Spain, it examines ‘anti-gender’ moods and the collective attunements that underpin these movements. Through this affective turn, it suggests that these moods can have profound binding and mobilising effects, capable of cultivating dynamics of hateful love; this is, anti-gender movements create spaces that nurture love for the perceived ingroup and simultaneously stoke hate towards the Other. The article suggests that how things are communicated is entangled with what is communicated, stressing the importance of the expert as a figure that contributes an authorising dimension to this mood of hateful love.

反性别运动是一个联系松散的行动者网络,他们通过反对妇女和 LGBTQ+ 的权利和生活来寻求政治目标。文章利用西班牙的人种学数据,研究了 "反性别 "情绪以及支撑这些运动的集体调适。通过这种情感转向,文章指出,这些情绪可以产生深远的约束和动员效果,能够培养憎恨之爱的动力;也就是说,反性别运动创造了培养对所认为的内群体的爱的空间,同时也激发了对他者的憎恨。文章认为,事物的传播方式与传播内容是相互关联的,并强调了专家的重要性,因为专家在这种爱恨交织的情绪中起到了授权的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Self help groups and politics: A complex relationship 自助团体与政治:复杂的关系
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-06 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102893
Annabel Dulhunty

Despite a large body of literature investigating the impact of self-help groups (SHGs) on women, less detailed attention has been paid to the complicated relationship between SHGs and politics, beyond political ‘awareness’. Based on qualitative on the ground research in West Bengal, this article shows that the relationship between politics and SHGs is highly complex, since political involvement in SHGs can create conflict and division in communities but also can provide unique opportunities for women. By drawing on theories of social exclusion and feminist literature on the public/private binary, this article argues that politics is critical in understanding how SHGs operate, particularly the way in which political exclusion through SHGs fuels ostracisation and conflict in communities.

尽管有大量文献调查了自助团体(SHGs)对妇女的影响,但除了政治 "意识 "之外,对自助团体与政治之间复杂关系的详细关注却较少。本文基于在西孟加拉邦的实地定性研究,指出政治与自助团体之间的关系非常复杂,因为自助团体中的政治参与可能会在社区中造成冲突和分裂,但也可能为妇女提供独特的机会。通过借鉴社会排斥理论和关于公私二元对立的女权主义文献,本文认为政治对于理解自助团体的运作方式至关重要,尤其是通过自助团体进行政治排斥会加剧社区中的排斥和冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Clarice and the sweet pea of her sexual desires 克拉丽斯和她性欲的甜豆
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102896
Maedeh Tajalli

In the aftermath of Iran's Islamic revolution, the representation and expression of women's sexuality have undergone stringent official censorship. Zoya Pirzad stands out among Iranian female authors for subtly challenging the Islamic regime's censorship of Iranian women's bodies and sexuality in her writings. In Things We Left Unsaid (2012), while articulating the sexual desires of her protagonist, Pirzad adeptly employed indirect writing techniques to safeguard her work from censorship. This article delves into the author's nuanced literary techniques, including similes, metaphors, idioms, symbols, allusions, haptic perception, and the portrayal of bodily effects, as means to subvert Iran's official censorship. Pirzad employs these literary tactics to discreetly depict her protagonist's illicit sexual relationship, interwoven with the author's critique of the government's repressive policies on women's rights. To understand the intricate dance between the said and unsaid in Pirzad's work, this article draws upon the insights of affect theory.

伊朗伊斯兰革命后,官方对妇女的性表现和表达进行了严格的审查。在伊朗女作家中,卓娅-皮尔扎德(Zoya Pirzad)脱颖而出,在她的作品中巧妙地挑战了伊斯兰政权对伊朗女性身体和性的审查。在《Things We Left Unsaid》(2012 年)中,皮尔扎德在表达主人公性欲望的同时,巧妙地运用了间接写作技巧,以保护其作品免受审查。本文深入探讨了作者细微的文学技巧,包括比喻、隐喻、成语、象征、典故、触觉感知和对身体效果的描绘,以此来颠覆伊朗官方的审查制度。皮尔扎德运用这些文学手法,谨慎地描写了主人公的非法性关系,并将作者对政府压制妇女权利政策的批判交织在一起。为了理解皮尔扎德作品中 "说 "与 "不说 "之间错综复杂的关系,本文借鉴了情感理论的见解。
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引用次数: 0
“Syrian second wives”: Polygyny, gender relations, and the experiences of Syrian and Turkish women "叙利亚二奶":一夫多妻制、性别关系以及叙利亚和土耳其妇女的经历
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102891
Nurgül Certel , Reyhan Atasü-Topcuoğlu

Although banned in Turkey in 1926, the number of cases of polygyny has increased in the country as a result of forced migration from Syria. This patriarchal practice, which exposes women to violence before and during marriage, deepens gender inequality. This article seeks to better understand the experiences of women involved in polygynous marriages initiated by Turkish men, and to make gender-based violence visible. It relies on interviews with Turkish and Syrian women part of the same households located in three Turkish provinces bordering Syria. We found that both Turkish and Syrian women experience violence in polygyny, and that their different legal status and the validity of their marriages shape the experiences and demands of these two groups of women.

虽然土耳其在 1926 年就禁止一夫多妻制,但由于叙利亚人被迫移民,该国一夫多妻的情况有所增加。这种重男轻女的做法使妇女在婚前和婚姻存续期间遭受暴力,加深了性别不平等。本文旨在更好地了解由土耳其男性发起的一夫多妻制婚姻中的女性经历,并使基于性别的暴力变得可见。本文通过对土耳其与叙利亚接壤的三个省份中同一家庭中的土耳其和叙利亚妇女进行访谈。我们发现,土耳其和叙利亚妇女在一夫多妻制中都会遭受暴力,她们不同的法律地位和婚姻的有效性决定了这两类妇女的经历和要求。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Womens Studies International Forum
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