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Can hypergamy affect married women's entrepreneurship in China? 一夫多妻制会影响中国已婚妇女的创业精神吗?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102889
Fang Yuan , Yingru Lu , Peijin Xu

Women's entrepreneurship in China remains an under-researched topic from a marital angle, especially the significant effects of marital status in hypergamy, a type of marriage in which the socioeconomic status of the woman is lower than that of the man. This paper fills this research gap by investigating the relationship between marriage and women's entrepreneurship, particularly different effects of marital status based on the data from the 2017 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), a nationwide survey in mainland China. The findings reveal that women in education-based hypergamy (men's education levels are higher than women's) are less likely to establish a business, whereas women in income-based hypergamy (men's incomes are higher than women's) are more likely to undertake entrepreneurship. In addition, raising more children would strengthen the negative impact of education-based hypergamy on women entrepreneurs. Moreover, we examine the mediation roles of decision-making power and social capital for the underlying mechanisms of education-based hypergamy and income-based hypergamy respectively. Our study contributes to existing literature on the correlation between marriage (hypergamy in particular) and female entrepreneurship in China, meanwhile applies the theories of power-dependence, opportunity cost and bargaining to better comprehend the martial influence on female entrepreneurship, and draws practical implications for developing countries.

从婚姻角度来看,中国女性创业仍是一个研究不足的课题,尤其是在超常婚姻(一种女方社会经济地位低于男方的婚姻类型)中婚姻状况的显著影响。本文基于 2017 年中国社会综合调查(CGSS)数据,研究了婚姻与女性创业之间的关系,尤其是婚姻状况的不同影响,填补了这一研究空白。研究结果显示,教育型超配偶(男性教育水平高于女性)中的女性不太可能创业,而收入型超配偶(男性收入高于女性)中的女性更有可能创业。此外,养育更多子女会加强基于教育的超一夫一妻制对女性创业者的负面影响。此外,我们还研究了决策权和社会资本分别对基于教育的超一夫一妻制和基于收入的超一夫一妻制的内在机制所起的中介作用。我们的研究为现有关于中国婚姻(尤其是超常婚姻)与女性创业之间相关性的文献做出了贡献,同时运用权力依赖、机会成本和讨价还价理论更好地理解了婚姻对女性创业的影响,并得出了对发展中国家的实际启示。
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引用次数: 0
The Missing White Woman Syndrome on the Turkish Twitter 土耳其推特上的失踪白人女性综合症
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102878
Bahar Muratoğlu Pehlivan, Gül Esra Atalay

Despite extensive research on media representation in feminist studies, the inequality in media visibility of femicide victims remains a relatively less discussed aspect. This study investigated the Missing White Woman Syndrome of domestic and foreign femicide victims on the Turkish Twitter. Data on femicide cases was collected from the Monument Counter (Anıt Sayaç) platform and Twitter between January 2018 and March 2023. Our sample included 135 foreign and 139 Turkish victims, whose nationality, age, marital status, and social status were analyzed. Using Twitter's advanced search option, victim names were examined as exact phrases and hashtags within 30 days of the femicide. The findings indicated disparities in the Twitter visibility of femicide cases between Turkish and foreign victims. Foreign femicide victims showed more limited visibility than Turkish victims, and factors such as social status, age, and marital status affected visibility. By highlighting the prevalence of the Missing White Woman Syndrome in relation to femicide, the research underlined the importance of recognizing and challenging biases in social media representation to foster greater awareness, empathy, and social change to combat violence against women in Turkey and beyond.

尽管女权主义研究对媒体表现进行了广泛的研究,但媒体对杀害女性受害者的不平等报道仍是一个相对较少讨论的方面。本研究调查了土耳其推特上国内外杀害女性受害者的 "失踪白人女性综合症"。有关杀戮女性案件的数据收集自2018年1月至2023年3月期间的纪念碑计数器(Anıt Sayaç)平台和推特。我们的样本包括 135 名外国受害者和 139 名土耳其受害者,分析了他们的国籍、年龄、婚姻状况和社会地位。使用 Twitter 的高级搜索选项,对杀害女性事件发生后 30 天内的受害者姓名作为精确短语和标签进行了研究。研究结果表明,土耳其和外国受害者在 Twitter 上对杀戮女性案件的关注度存在差异。与土耳其受害者相比,外国杀戮女性受害者的能见度更为有限,社会地位、年龄和婚姻状况等因素也影响了能见度。通过强调与杀戮女性相关的 "失踪白人女性综合症 "的普遍性,该研究强调了认识和挑战社交媒体表述中的偏见的重要性,以促进更高的意识、同理心和社会变革,从而打击土耳其及其他国家的暴力侵害妇女行为。
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引用次数: 0
Voices of the career delayed: Korean millennial women's underemployed experience 职业延迟者的声音:韩国千禧一代女性就业不足的经历
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102886
Jiyea Park

South Korean Millennials have exceptional educational, cultural, and professional backgrounds compared to other generations, but they are overqualified and underemployed in the country's competitive job market. Moreover, Korean Millennial women face more complex forms of discrimination than Korean men. Thus far, most empirical studies have illuminated the problem of unemployment rather than that of underemployment, and studies of women in underemployment are even rarer still. This study employed a feminist methodological approach, conducting qualitative interviews in order to reveal well-educated Korean Millennial women's job experiences and how living in a male-dominated society and patriarchal system affects them. This study used thematic analysis to examine ten underemployed Korean Millennial women's job experiences. Through feminist qualitative interviews, the ten women not only revealed their experiences of being subjugated as women employees at work, they also highlighted both the negative and positive sides of being underemployed.

与其他几代人相比,韩国 "千禧一代 "拥有特殊的教育、文化和职业背景,但在韩国竞争激烈的就业市场上,他们的资质过高,就业不足。此外,与韩国男性相比,韩国千禧一代女性面临的歧视形式更为复杂。迄今为止,大多数实证研究都是针对失业问题而非就业不足问题的,而针对女性就业不足问题的研究更是少之又少。本研究采用了女性主义方法论,进行了定性访谈,以揭示受过良好教育的韩国千禧一代女性的工作经历,以及生活在男性主导的社会和父权制对她们的影响。本研究采用主题分析法研究了十位就业不足的韩国千禧一代女性的工作经历。通过女权主义定性访谈,这十位女性不仅揭示了她们作为女性雇员在工作中被征服的经历,还强调了就业不足的消极和积极两面。
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引用次数: 0
Japan's new anti-harassment law and the ironic legitimation of workplace harassment against women managers 日本新的《反骚扰法》以及将工作场所骚扰女性管理者的行为合法化的讽刺意味
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102884
Swee-Lin Ho

This paper examines the conflicts and challenges faced by women managers in Japan following the introduction of a new law in 2020 which merely obliges employers to take preventive measures against workplace bullying and pawahara (power harassment), but does not stipulate any criminal punishment for corporations or individuals responsible for workplace harassment, or the specific grounds for victims to have the right to claim damages. Cases are left to be disputed and decided in a costly and complicated process of arbitration, which could further exacerbate the precarious position of vulnerable workers, including women managers who are not only a small minority, but many are also marginal players in the workplace where job promotions do not enhance their participation in corporate decision-making. This paper elucidates how the new law ironically enables employers to legitimize discriminatory practices and acts of harassment against women, with serious, long-term ramifications on the emotional and mental health of these workers, as well as on the gendered workforce in Japan amidst global trends towards improving gender equality.

日本于 2020 年出台了一项新法律,该法律仅规定雇主有义务采取预防措施防止职场欺凌和权力骚扰(pawahara),但并未规定对职场骚扰责任企业或个人的任何刑事处罚,也未规定受害者有权要求损害赔偿的具体理由,本文探讨了日本女性管理者面临的冲突和挑战。案件只能通过昂贵而复杂的仲裁程序进行争议和裁决,这可能会进一步加剧弱势工人的不稳定地位,其中包括女性管理人员,她们不仅是少数,而且许多还是工作场所的边缘人物,职位晋升并不能提高她们参与企业决策的程度。本文阐述了新法律如何具有讽刺意味地使雇主将歧视妇女的做法和骚扰妇女的行为合法化,从而对这些工人的情感和心理健康造成严重和长期的影响,并在改善性别平等的全球趋势下对日本的性别劳动力造成影响。
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引用次数: 0
Legacies and recipe of constructing successful righteous motherhood policies: The case of Hungary 构建成功的正直母亲政策的遗产和秘诀:匈牙利案例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102885
Andrea Pető , Borbála Juhász

This study will show how the Hungarian ruling FIDESZ government has built its so-called family-friendly system, which has both nationalized and privatized the process of reproduction together. First, we discuss the demographic discourse and family mainstreaming as the basis of “righteous motherhood” producing more children together with hate campaigns, second, we argue that one of the reasons why most women voted for FIDESZ despite the collapsing health care system, the education system, growing inflation, corruption, and Putin's friendship is exactly the convincingly crafted cult of righteous motherhood. While some of the literature still uses Nazi Germany as a historical analogy to explain the FIDESZ government's family policy as forcing women back into the kitchen, with this it loses the ability to recognize what is new in the illiberal politics with its built-in conscious application of ambiguities of righteous motherhood, we call Janus-faced, secures electoral support to these regimes.

本研究将展示匈牙利执政党 FIDESZ 政府是如何建立其所谓的家庭友好型制度的,该制度同时将生育过程国有化和私有化。首先,我们讨论了作为 "正义母亲 "的基础的人口话语和家庭主流化,它与仇恨运动一起制造了更多的孩子;其次,我们认为,尽管医疗系统、教育系统、通货膨胀日益严重、腐败和普京的友谊都在崩溃,但大多数妇女仍然投票支持 FIDESZ 的原因之一正是令人信服的正义母亲崇拜。虽然一些文献仍以纳粹德国作为历史类比,来解释 FIDESZ 政府的家庭政策,即迫使妇女重返厨房,但这样一来,就失去了认识非自由主义政治中的新事物的能力,因为它有意识地运用了我们称之为 "亚努斯面孔 "的正义母性的模棱两可之处,确保了这些政权在选举中获得支持。
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引用次数: 0
Gender mainstreaming in Albanian higher education institutions 阿尔巴尼亚高等教育机构的性别平等主流化
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102888
Denisa Titili , Viola Dolani , Lorena Margo

Gender equality is a fundamental human right and the foundation for a sustainable, peaceful, and prosperous world. Achieving gender equality and women's empowerment is integral to each sustainable development goal. Higher education and research institutions must create a working environment and organisational culture based on equal opportunities and the promotion of good relations based on protected characteristics such as gender, race, disability, or age. The paper aims to examine the experiences of Albanian universities regarding gender mainstreaming. The aim is to understand the level of commitment of Albanian universities to achieving gender equality and to identify gaps and weaknesses. The analysis was based methodologically on gender indicators from several public and non-public Albanian universities and statistical indicators published by INSTAT for all Albanian universities. The analysis focused on gender indicators regarding access to education, progress in career and gender representation in decision-making bodies. The paper found that while implementing a gender mainstreaming strategy is important and shows progress, there are still many challenges. Horizontal segregation is still present. Women are less represented at the top position of academic career progression than their average presence among teaching staff. They remain underrepresented in academic and administrative leadership and decision-making positions in universities. This diagnosis allows for evident actual measures, reinforces existing structures, and defines goals based on the needs detected.

性别平等是一项基本人权,也是建设可持续、和平与繁荣世界的基础。实现性别平等和妇女赋权是每个可持续发展目标的组成部分。高等教育和研究机构必须创造一个基于平等机会的工作环境和组织文化,并促进基于性别、种族、残 疾或年龄等受保护特征的良好关系。本文旨在研究阿尔巴尼亚各大学在性别平等主流化方面的经验。目的是了解阿尔巴尼亚各大学对实现性别平等的承诺程度,找出差距和不足。分析方法基于阿尔巴尼亚几所公立和非公立大学的性别指标以及国家统计局公布的阿尔巴尼亚所有 大学的统计指标。分析的重点是受教育机会、职业发展和决策机构中的性别代表性方面的性别指标。文件发现,尽管实施性别平等主流化战略非常重要并取得了进展,但仍然存在许多挑战。横向隔离依然存在。妇女在学术职业发展的最高职位上所占比例低于她们在教学人员中的平均比例。在大学的学术和行政领导及决策职位上,女性的比例仍然偏低。通过诊断,可以采取明显的实际措施,加强现有结构,并根据发现的需求确定目标。
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引用次数: 0
Sexism and women's access to justice: Feminist judging in Indonesian Islamic judiciary 性别歧视与妇女诉诸司法:印度尼西亚伊斯兰司法机构中的女权审判
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102883
Iim Halimatusa’diyah , Windy Triana

Sexism in the judicial system is a persistent problem in countries where women frequently are held to a different moral standard than men. As such, some advocates and legal experts argue that feminist judging practices are necessary for ensuring women's access to justice. While many studies focus on the effect of sexism on gender inequality in politics, the extent to which sexism may lead to further gender inequality in the judiciary remains understudied. Additionally, much research on feminist judging relies on qualitative data from trial or court transcripts to determine judges' approaches, but quantitative examinations of feminist judging are still few. Drawing on a mixed methods sequential explanatory approach, our study examines how sexism contributes to shaping the support for feminist judging in the Indonesian Islamic judiciary. We use several cases of polygamy, marriage dispensation, divorce involving domestic violence, and post-divorce alimony as proxies to measure the support for feminist judging. The findings show that hostile sexism is not statistically associated with the support for feminist judging, but benevolent sexism facilitates judges' support for feminist approaches. Female judges are more likely to support feminist judging than male judges.

在一些国家,司法系统中的性别歧视是一个长期存在的问题,因为在这些国家,妇女的道德标准往往与男子不同。因此,一些倡导者和法律专家认为,女权主义司法实践对于确保妇女获得司法公正是必要的。尽管许多研究关注性别歧视对政治领域性别不平等的影响,但对于性别歧视在多大程度上可能导致司法领域性别不平等的进一步加剧,研究仍然不足。此外,关于女性主义审判的研究大多依赖于审判或法庭记录中的定性数据来确定法官的做法,但对女性主义审判的定量研究仍然很少。我们的研究采用混合方法的顺序解释法,探讨了性别歧视如何影响印度尼西亚伊斯兰司法机构对女权审判的支持。我们使用一夫多妻制、婚姻调解、涉及家庭暴力的离婚和离婚后赡养费等几个案例来衡量女性主义司法的支持度。研究结果表明,在统计学上,敌意的性别歧视与对女性主义审判的支持并无关联,但仁慈的性别歧视会促进法官对女性主义审判方式的支持。与男性法官相比,女性法官更有可能支持女性主义司法。
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引用次数: 0
Honour-based violence: Legal and institutional approaches in Spain 基于名誉的暴力:西班牙的法律和制度办法
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102890
Carolina Villacampa

The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (known as the Istanbul Convention) imposes on States Parties the need to address holistically all forms of violence against women, including honour-based violence not only by prosecuting such conduct, but also by preventing it and, above all, protecting its victims. While some northern European countries have addressed it, this form of violence against women has not yet received the attention it deserves in some Mediterranean European countries. This paper uses Spain as a case study to expose its deficient institutional and regulatory approach and lack of visibility of this form of violence against women. It analyses this reality phenomenologically, examines the legal and institutional response to it from a victim-centred perspective, and proposes ways to overcome this situation.

欧洲委员会《预防和打击暴力侵害妇女行为及家庭暴力公约》(又称《伊斯坦布尔公约》)规定,缔约国必须全面解决一切形式的暴力侵害妇女行为,包括为维护名誉而实施的暴力行为,不仅要起诉此类行为,还要预防此类行为,最重要的是要保护受害者。虽然一些北欧国家已经着手解决这一问题,但在一些地中海欧洲国家,这种形式的暴力侵害妇女行为尚未得到应有的重视。本文以西班牙为案例,揭露其在制度和监管方面的不足,以及对这种形式的暴力侵害妇女行为缺乏关注。本文从现象上分析了这一现实,从以受害者为中心的角度研究了法律和机构对此的应对措施,并提出了克服这种状况的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Partner's contribution to housework and couple bonding activities among Korean working women: Heterogeneity by socioeconomic status 韩国职业女性中伴侣对家务劳动和夫妻联谊活动的贡献:社会经济地位的异质性
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102887
Gum-Ryeong Park , Hyunseo Rim , Jinho Kim

The present study investigates: (a) how a partner's contribution to housework is associated with couple bonding activities among Korean women in dual-earner couples and (b) whether this association varies by socioeconomic status. Using eight waves from the Korean Longitudinal Survey of Women & Families (N = 5758), we estimated fixed effects models to account for individual-level heterogeneity. Engagement in couple bonding activities was measured by the frequency of physical and cultural activities with a partner. Fixed effects estimates showed that a partner's contribution to housework is positively associated with engagement in physical and cultural activities with a partner. The association between a partner's contribution to housework and physical and cultural activities was more pronounced among women in dual-earner couples in which the woman was highly educated. The association for cultural activities, not physical activities, was amplified by household income. This study supports the notion that a more equal distribution of housework is important for improving the quality of life in a marriage.

本研究调查了:(a) 在韩国双职工夫妇中,伴侣对家务劳动的贡献如何与夫妻间的亲子活动相关联;(b) 这种关联是否因社会经济地位而异。我们利用韩国妇女及家庭纵向调查的八个波次(N = 5758),对固定效应模型进行了估计,以考虑个体层面的异质性。参与夫妻联谊活动的情况是通过与伴侣一起参加体育和文化活动的频率来衡量的。固定效应估计结果显示,伴侣对家务劳动的贡献与伴侣参与体育和文化活动呈正相关。在受过高等教育的双职工夫妇中,伴侣分担家务与身体和文化活动之间的关联更为明显。文化活动(而非体力活动)的关联因家庭收入而扩大。这项研究支持这样一种观点,即更平等地分配家务对于提高婚姻生活质量非常重要。
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引用次数: 0
Women's empowerment and power relations: Evidence from Grameen Bank China 妇女赋权与权力关系:来自中国格莱珉银行的证据
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2024.102882
Wenpei You, Kathi Badertscher

Women's empowerment fundamentally shifts power relations, a systematic process of removing deeply embedded unequal power structures. Drawing upon qualitative data from Grameen Bank China (GBC) and an inductive case study, this paper asserts an empowering methodology based on preconditions for membership and three mechanisms through which traditional gendered hierarchical power relations shift: relational justice, self-governance, and repetitive praxis. Women's empowerment, to achieve equal and shared relationships, is neither imposed on women nor naturally occurring among poor rural Chinese women. The findings suggest a development intervention and the crucial front-line worker who facilitates empowerment by “nudging” GBC women borrowers to empower themselves.

妇女赋权从根本上改变了权力关系,是消除根深蒂固的不平等权力结构的系统过程。本文利用格莱珉银行(Grameen Bank China,GBC)的定性数据和归纳式案例研究,提出了一种基于成员资格先决条件的赋权方法,以及传统性别等级权力关系转变的三种机制:关系公正、自我管理和重复实践。赋予妇女权力以实现平等和共享的关系,既不是强加给妇女的,也不是在中国贫困农村妇女中自然产生的。研究结果提出了一种发展干预措施,以及通过 "鼓励 "GBC 借款妇女增强自身能力来促进赋权的关键一线工作者。
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引用次数: 0
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Womens Studies International Forum
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