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The materiality and temporality of St. Lawrence Iroquoian incorporation in late precolonial northern Iroquoia 圣劳伦斯伊洛魁人融入前殖民晚期北伊洛魁的物质性与时间性
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-06-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101600
Jonathan Micon, Jennifer Birch

Research on regional depopulation is often framed around identifying external causal factors and subsequent effects on adjacent societies. This has been the case for studies of the depopulation of the St. Lawrence River Valley (SLRV) of northeastern North America. During the sixteenth century CE, an estimated 8,000–10,000 St. Lawrence Iroquoians (SLI) left the valley in response to climatic and social disruptions. We argue that preexisting sets of relations between people residing in the SLRV and neighboring groups were equally important for structuring the relocation and incorporation of SLI peoples and traditions. To evaluate this process, we employ high-resolution radiocarbon timeframes and data on the quantity, nature, and distribution of SLI material culture to examine when and how objects associated with SLI practices appeared and remained within six community sequences belonging to ancestral Wendat, Onoñda’gegá, and Kanien’kehá:ka traditions. Our results demonstrate that localized SLI material practices first appear outside of the SLRV by 1450 and continue to appear in each sequence, though with meaningful variation. We argue that while SLI individuals and groups extended their familial and cultural connections through strategic interactions and movements, the ways in which those identities were expressed varied as per distinct cultural and historical contexts.

有关区域人口减少的研究通常围绕确定外部因果因素及其对邻近社会的后续影响展开。对北美东北部圣劳伦斯河谷(SLRV)人口减少的研究就属于这种情况。在公元 16 世纪,估计有 8,000-10,000 名圣劳伦斯伊洛克人(SLI)因气候和社会混乱而离开了该河谷。我们认为,居住在圣劳伦斯河谷的人们与邻近群体之间先前存在的一系列关系对于构建 SLI 民族和传统的迁移和融合同样重要。为了评估这一过程,我们采用了高分辨率放射性碳时间框架和有关 SLI 物质文化的数量、性质和分布的数据,以研究与 SLI 实践相关的物品何时以及如何出现和留在属于祖先 Wendat、Onoñda'gegá 和 Kanien'kehá:ka 传统的六个社区序列中。我们的研究结果表明,到 1450 年,本地化的 SLI 物质习俗首次出现在 SLRV 之外,并继续出现在每个序列中,尽管存在有意义的差异。我们认为,虽然 SLI 个人和群体通过战略互动和运动扩展了他们的家庭和文化联系,但这些身份的表达方式因不同的文化和历史背景而各不相同。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond identification: Human use of animal dung in the past 超越鉴定:过去人类对动物粪便的使用
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-06-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101601
Shira Gur-Arieh , Marco Madella

Animal dung is still considered a secondary by-product of domestication, even though a growing body of evidence is showing that humans recognized its properties as fuel and fertilizer and utilized dung prior to—and alongside—the process of animal domestication. In this paper, we review the advancements made in dung identification over the last decades and suggest a multi-proxy workflow for fast screening for dung in the field laboratory and more refined post-excavation analysis. In addition, we provide a global synthesis of evidence for dung used as a resource, both from ethnographic and archaeological records. We review the use of animal dung as fuel, fertilizer, construction material, and medication, alongside its symbolic role in different societies around the globe. Finally, the use of animal dung as a proxy for human-animal interaction is discussed, and possible avenues for future research are proposed. Understanding how humans used dung can help answer a range of questions related to animal domestication, subsistence practices, technological advancements, and human decisions regarding resource allocation, among others.

尽管越来越多的证据表明,人类认识到了动物粪便作为燃料和肥料的特性,并在动物驯化之前和驯化过程中利用了粪便,但动物粪便仍然被认为是驯化的次要副产品。在本文中,我们回顾了过去几十年来在粪便鉴定方面取得的进展,并提出了在野外实验室快速筛查粪便和更精细的发掘后分析的多代理工作流程。此外,我们还对人种学和考古学记录中有关粪便作为一种资源的证据进行了全面综合。我们回顾了动物粪便作为燃料、肥料、建筑材料和药物的用途,以及它在全球不同社会中的象征性作用。最后,我们讨论了动物粪便作为人与动物互动的替代物的用途,并提出了未来研究的可能途径。了解人类如何使用粪便有助于回答与动物驯化、生存方式、技术进步和人类资源分配决策等相关的一系列问题。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Uniformity: Technical and historical dynamics among pottery traditions in the Falémé Valley, eastern Senegal 超越统一性:塞内加尔东部法莱梅河谷陶器传统之间的技术和历史动态变化
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101602
Adrien Delvoye , Anne Mayor , Ndèye Sokhna Guèye

Ceramic traditions are constantly evolving, but the pace of change is variable and not all stages of the chaîne opératoire are affected in the same way, depending on the causes of borrowing, abandonment, or innovation. Few ethnoarchaeological studies in Africa have focused on a detailed understanding of these dynamics, which are important for the interpretation of past societies. Our study was conducted from 2012 to 2015 along the Falémé Valley in eastern Senegal, characterized by diverse cultures and environments. It aims to understand the historical dynamics of ceramic traditions by documenting the variability and spatial distribution of the different stages of the chaîne opératoire, and analyzing the factors that explain the transformations of techniques, potters’ tools and finished objects over different temporalities, both long- and short-term.

The results show that the same fashioning technique, molding on a convex shape, is used by all potters, whatever their cultural identity. On the contrary, firing procedures indicate two different traditions. The reconstruction of potters’ genealogies and apprenticeship networks anchor both traditions in distinct social trajectories, and their spatial distribution corresponds with the ones of precolonial kingdoms expanding after the Mâli empire’s collapse, between the 17th and the 19th century CE: the Fulbe kingdom of Boundou in the north, and three Mande kingdoms in the south. Beside this long-term dynamic, elements of paste recipes’ or potter toolkits’ transformation, and the abandonment of certain types of pots refer to recent dynamics dating back to a few decades, in a context of climate change and growing globalization.

陶瓷传统在不断演变,但变化的速度是多变的,而且由于借用、放弃或创新的原因不同,并非所有阶段都受到同样的影响。非洲很少有民族考古学研究侧重于详细了解这些动态变化,而这些动态变化对于解读过去的社会非常重要。我们的研究于 2012 年至 2015 年在塞内加尔东部的法莱梅河谷(Falémé Valley)进行,该地区的文化和环境具有多样性的特点。研究旨在了解陶瓷传统的历史动态,方法是记录陶瓷制作过程中不同阶段的变化和空间分布,并分析在不同时间段(包括长期和短期)技术、陶工工具和成品的转变因素。相反,烧制程序则显示出两种不同的传统。陶工家谱和学徒网络的重建将这两种传统固定在不同的社会轨迹上,其空间分布与马利帝国崩溃后(公元 17 世纪至 19 世纪)前殖民王国的扩张相吻合:北部的富尔贝邦杜王国和南部的三个曼德王国。除了这种长期的动态变化之外,粘贴配方或陶器工具包的变化以及某些类型陶器的废弃也是在气候变化和日益全球化的背景下几十年前的最新动态。
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering narratives of household social inequality 重新考虑家庭社会不平等的说法
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-05-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101591
Ian Kuijt

The emergence of social inequality is one of, if not the, most important research question in anthropological archaeology. Social inequality within different types of households is relational, between individuals as well as within communities, multidimensional, multi-scalar, and is measured in degrees instead of merely being present or absent. In exploring how archaeologists develop narratives of inequality we need to keep in mind that field archaeologists do not find inequality, as if it was hidden beneath the ground or cultural ruins, so much as we create arguments for inequality based on material variability. Engaging with Jeanne Arnold’s (1993) paper Labor and the Rise of Complex Hunter-Gatherers, in this brief essay I explore how archaeologists are often quick to use the label inequality but fail to consider if this was meaningful to people in the past. At times we draw upon methods such as Gini indexes but without any sense of what we are measuring, and we often fail to consider how household social inequality might be connected to food storage.

社会不平等的出现是人类学考古学最重要的研究问题之一,甚至是最重要的研究问题。不同类型家庭中的社会不平等是相互关联的,既存在于个人之间,也存在于社区内部,是多维度、多尺度的,而且是以程度来衡量的,而不仅仅是存在或不存在。在探讨考古学家如何发展不平等的叙事时,我们需要牢记,田野考古学家并没有发现不平等,仿佛它就隐藏在地下或文化遗址之下,而是我们根据物质的可变性为不平等提出论据。结合珍妮-阿诺德(Jeanne Arnold,1993 年)的论文《劳动与复杂狩猎采集者的兴起》(Labor and the Rise of Complex Hunter-Gatherers),我将在这篇短文中探讨考古学家如何经常迅速使用不平等的标签,但却没有考虑这对过去的人们是否有意义。有时,我们会借鉴基尼指数等方法,但却不知道我们在测量什么,而且我们常常不考虑家庭社会不平等如何与食物储存联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Columbia plateau socio-political organization as seen through an anarchist framework: Conflict as resistence to centralization 从无政府主义框架看哥伦比亚高原社会政治组织:冲突是对中央集权的抵制
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-05-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101592
James W. Brown , Steve Hackenberger

The Columbia-Fraser Plateau of Northwestern North America was inhabited by complex hunter-gatherer populations throughout the Late Holocene. Archaeological studies have typically characterized these peoples as having corporate households and wealth inequality. Ethnographic accounts emphasize the societies of this region as egalitarian communities and pacifist. In this paper we compare radiocarbon dates for semi-subterranean houses with legacy data for skeletal remains with trauma, mesa-top and island habitations, and storage caves to identify patterns in semi-sedentary settlement and conflict. Additionally, analysis of wealth inequality is conducted using legacy data of burials from throughout the Columbia Plateau. The radiocarbon dataset and legacy data can be reconciled with ethnographic patterns using an anarchist theoretical framework, to provide a potential explanation of the historical changes in socio-economic systems.

在整个全新世晚期,北美西北部的哥伦比亚-弗雷泽高原一直居住着复杂的狩猎-采集人群。考古研究通常将这些民族描述为拥有公司家庭和财富不平等的民族。人种学研究则强调该地区的社会是平等和和平的社会。在本文中,我们将半地下房屋的放射性碳年代与带有创伤的骨骼遗骸、山顶和岛屿居住地以及储藏洞穴的遗留数据进行比较,以确定半定居定居和冲突的模式。此外,还利用整个哥伦比亚高原的墓葬遗留数据对财富不平等现象进行了分析。利用无政府主义理论框架,可以将放射性碳数据集和遗留数据与人种学模式进行协调,从而为社会经济体系的历史变迁提供可能的解释。
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引用次数: 0
Wool they, won’t they: Zooarchaeological perspectives on the political and subsistence economies of wool in northern Mesopotamia 他们是羊毛,难道不是吗?从动物考古学角度看美索不达米亚北部的羊毛政治经济和生计经济
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-04-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101590
Max D. Price , Jesse Wolfhagen

An important facet in the study of complex societies involves documenting how the extraction of resources to support political structures (the political economy) impacted the subsistence economy of everyday life. Caprine production was a central feature of ancient Mesopotamian subsistence, while ancient texts reveal that wool was centrally important to the region’s political economies. It has long been thought that at some point in the Chalcolithic or Bronze Age (c. 4500–1500 BC) caprine husbandry was reorganized at the regional level to support the wool industry that was so dear to state finance and elite wealth. Here, we use kill-off patterns and biometrics to test whether caprine husbandry patterns across northern Mesopotamia underwent a regionwide transformation. We synthesize existing data and use Bayesian modeling to estimate average sheep size, male–female ratio, and harvesting patterns targeting older sheep. We confirm previous assessments that document an increase in sheep size in the 4th millennium BC. We find no pattern in male–female ratios. Diachronic kill-off data from across the region show subtle and local shifts in the slaughter of older caprines. While ambiguities in the data persist, there is no evidence of a dramatic shift toward intensive wool production at the regional level.

复杂社会研究的一个重要方面是记录为支持政治结构而开采资源(政治经济)是如何影响日常生活中的生计经济的。畜牧业是古代美索不达米亚人生存的核心特征,而古代文献则揭示了羊毛对该地区政治经济的核心重要性。长期以来,人们一直认为,在旧石器时代或青铜时代(约公元前 4500-1500 年)的某个时期,地区一级对家畜饲养进行了重组,以支持对国家财政和精英财富至关重要的羊毛产业。在这里,我们使用杀戮模式和生物计量学来检验美索不达米亚北部的家畜饲养模式是否经历了全地区范围的转变。我们综合了现有数据,并使用贝叶斯建模法估算了绵羊的平均体型、雌雄比例以及针对老龄绵羊的收割模式。我们证实了之前的评估,这些评估记录了公元前第四个千年绵羊体型的增加。我们没有发现雌雄比例的变化规律。来自整个地区的异时空捕杀数据显示,在屠杀年长的毛冠羊方面出现了微妙的局部变化。虽然数据中仍然存在模糊之处,但没有证据表明该地区的羊毛生产急剧转向集约化。
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引用次数: 0
The one-eyed Elder woman stitches an ornament: Needles, needle cases, and women from the Iamal-Nenets region of Arctic Siberia 独眼长老妇女缝制装饰品:针、针盒和来自西伯利亚北极地区伊玛尔-涅涅茨地区的妇女
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101589
Tatiana Nomokonova , Robert J. Losey , Andrei V. Gusev , Grace Kohut , Stella Razdymakha , Lubov Vozelova , Andrei V. Plekhanov

The Iamal-Nenets region of Siberia is one of many Arctic areas where women’s sewing skills were and are crucial to daily existence. Our article explores archaeological needles and needle cases that were made and used by ancestors of the current Indigenous peoples of this region. We frame our examination of these materials through a discussion of women’s sewing bags, which are a symbolic representation of every stitch made by a woman’s hands in creating dwelling covers, bedding sets, storage bags, and every piece of clothing, all of which are crucial to the survival and well-being of her family. These particular bags are not merely containers for essential sewing supplies such as needles and needle cases. They embody layers of multigenerational skill, ancestral knowledge, and identity that are passed by women to their daughters, nieces, and granddaughters. We summarize archaeological needle and needle cases from Iamal to stitch together the meanings and importance of the materials both in the past and present. In doing so, we highlight and acknowledge the complex history of Indigenous women and their incredible sewing skills, which have allowed families to survive and flourish in the Siberian Arctic for hundreds of generations.

西伯利亚的伊玛尔-涅涅茨地区是许多北极地区之一,在那里,妇女的缝纫技能过去和现在都对日常生存至关重要。我们的文章探讨了该地区土著居民祖先制作和使用的考古针和针盒。我们通过对妇女缝纫袋的讨论来对这些材料进行研究,缝纫袋象征着妇女手中的每一针每一线,缝制住房被罩、床上用品、储藏袋和每件衣服,所有这些对家庭的生存和幸福都至关重要。这些特殊的袋子不仅仅是装针和针线盒等基本缝纫用品的容器。它们蕴含着多代人的技能、祖传知识和身份认同,由妇女传给她们的女儿、侄女和孙女。我们总结了伊阿马尔的考古针和针盒,以拼接出这些材料在过去和现在的意义和重要性。在此过程中,我们强调并肯定了土著妇女的复杂历史和她们令人难以置信的缝纫技能,这些技能使家庭得以在西伯利亚北极地区生存并繁衍了数百代人。
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引用次数: 0
How many people lived in the world’s earliest villages? Reconsidering community size and population pressure at Neolithic Çatalhöyük 世界上最早的村落里住着多少人?重新考虑新石器时代恰塔霍裕克的社区规模和人口压力
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101573
Ian Kuijt , Arkadiusz Marciniak

Adopting a building and village biography approach combining archaeology and ethnography, we critically reevaluate the historical argument that Neolithic villages were occupied by many thousands of people. Focusing on the settlement at Çatalhöyük, Turkey, where it has been argued that 3,500 and 10,000 people lived in the village, we argue that this is a significant overestimate of the number of people that occupied this settlement. Drawing upon revised distribution of residential buildings across the mound, and employing archaeological and ethnographic data exploring building life-history, we estimate that between 600 and 800 people would have lived at Çatalhöyük East during an average year during the Middle (6700–6500 cal BC) phase. This research highlights the need to critically revaluate historical population estimates for Neolithic villages, the importance of developing explicit population modeling methods in archaeology, and to reconsider population-driven evolutionary models linking the Near Eastern Neolithic to urbanism.

我们结合考古学和人种学,采用建筑和村落传记的方法,对新石器时代村落有数千人居住的历史论点进行了批判性的重新评估。以土耳其恰塔霍裕克(Çatalhöyük)的聚落为中心,有观点认为该村居住着 3500 至 10000 人,我们认为这大大高估了该聚落的居住人数。根据修订后的土丘上居住建筑的分布情况,并利用考古学和人种学数据探索建筑的生命史,我们估计在中期(公元前 6700-6500 年)阶段,平均每年有 600 到 800 人居住在恰塔霍裕克东。这项研究强调了批判性地重新评估新石器时代村落历史人口估计值的必要性、在考古学中开发明确的人口建模方法的重要性,以及重新考虑将近东新石器时代与城市化联系起来的人口驱动演化模型的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Mobility, site maintenance and archaeological formation processes: An ethnoarchaeological perspective 流动性、遗址维护和考古形成过程:民族考古学视角
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101588
David E. Friesem , Noa Lavi , Sheina Lew-Levy , Adam H. Boyette

Mobility is considered to play an important role in the way people use their habitual space. Highly mobile societies present a particular challenge to archaeologists as a direct relation is assumed between the duration of occupation and the intensity of its archaeological signature. Here, we present a cross-cultural, ethnoarchaeological study carried out among three contemporary societies that, while showing different patterns of mobility, all live in humid tropical forests—in Thailand, the Congo Basin, and India—and share many social notions and values. The aim of this study was to observe how differences in patterns of mobility affect the formation of archaeological signatures. Our study demonstrates that when a site is occupied for only a few days to a couple of weeks, activity residues tend to be deposited in situ. This could potentially preserve the original spatial pattern of material distribution that directly reflects the activity areas and people’s use of space. However, when a site is occupied for more than a week or two, maintenance practices such as sweeping begin to take place, which result in almost complete removal of activity residues from their primary location and the formation of waste areas at the edge of the dwelling sites.

人们认为,流动性在人们使用其惯常空间的方式中发挥着重要作用。高度流动的社会给考古学家带来了特殊的挑战,因为人们假定占领的持续时间与其考古特征的强度之间存在直接关系。在这里,我们介绍了一项跨文化的民族考古学研究,研究对象是三个当代社会,它们虽然表现出不同的流动模式,但都生活在泰国、刚果盆地和印度的潮湿热带森林中,并具有许多共同的社会观念和价值观。这项研究的目的是观察流动模式的差异如何影响考古特征的形成。我们的研究表明,当一个遗址被占用的时间只有几天到几周时,活动残留物往往会在原地沉积。这有可能保留物质分布的原始空间模式,直接反映活动区域和人们对空间的利用。然而,当一个地点被占用超过一两周后,就会开始进行清扫等维护工作,从而导致活动残留物几乎完全从其主要位置移走,并在居住地点的边缘形成废物区。
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引用次数: 0
Variation in bioavailable lead, copper, and strontium concentrations in human skeletons from medieval to early modern Denmark 丹麦中世纪至现代早期人类骨骼中生物可利用的铅、铜和锶浓度的变化
IF 1.8 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101587
Jesper L. Boldsen , Dorthe Dangvard Pedersen , George R. Milner , Vicki R.L. Kristensen , Lilian Skytte , Stig Bergmann Møller , Torben Birk Sarauw , Charlotte Boje Hilligsø Andersen , Lars Agersnap Larsen , Inger Marie Hyldgaard , Mette Klingenberg , Lars Krants Larsen , Lene Mollerup , Lone Seberg , Lars Christian Bentsen , Morten Søvsø , Tenna Kristensen , Jakob Tue Christensen , Poul Baltzer Heide , Lone C. Nørgaard , Kaare Lund Rasmussen

Three trace elements in human bones permit the delineation of temporal and social variability among medieval to early modern Danes in what they ate (strontium, Sr) and whether they lived in an urban or non-urban setting (lead, Pb; copper, Cu). The chemical composition of bones from 332 children (5 to 12 years old) buried in 51 Danish cemeteries was estimated through Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS). Children provide a local chemical signal because they were less likely than adults to have moved from one place to another. There was no age effect on trace element concentrations. Geographical variability in trace element concentrations was highly localized, so the three elements, individually or collectively, cannot be used to identify where in Denmark people originated. Diets and exposure to sources of Pb and Cu, however, did not remain constant over time. Trace element concentrations show that the life experiences of people from towns differed from their rural counterparts. While most apparent with Pb and Cu, it is also true of Sr until urban and rural diets converged in the early modern period.

通过人骨中的三种微量元素,可以确定中世纪至近代早期丹麦人在饮食(锶,Sr)和生活在城市或非城市环境(铅,Pb;铜,Cu)方面的时间和社会差异。我们通过电感耦合等离子体质谱法(ICP-MS)估算了埋葬在丹麦 51 个墓地中的 332 名儿童(5 至 12 岁)骨骼的化学成分。儿童提供了当地的化学信号,因为与成人相比,他们不太可能从一个地方搬到另一个地方。年龄对微量元素浓度没有影响。痕量元素浓度的地理变异具有高度的地方性,因此这三种元素单独或集体都不能用来确定丹麦人的原籍地。然而,膳食和接触铅和铜的来源并不是长期不变的。微量元素浓度表明,城镇居民的生活经历与农村居民不同。虽然铅和铜的情况最为明显,但锶的情况也是如此,直到现代早期城市和农村的饮食趋于一致。
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引用次数: 0
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