Journal of Anthropological Archaeology最新文献

In the Chincha Valley of southern Peru, pigmented human remains and grave goods were found in over 100 large and accessible mortuary structures associated with the Late Intermediate Period (1000 – 1400 CE), the Late Horizon (1400 – 1532 CE), and the Colonial Period (1532 – 1825 CE). We characterize 38 red pigment samples, reveal their potential sources and how they were processed and applied to human remains, and determine the demographic profiles of pigmented individuals. Results suggest that cinnabar- (HgS) and hematite (Fe₂O₃)-based pigments, likely from local and nonlocal sources, were mixed in water and applied to skeletonized and disarticulated individuals of different age and sex categories. We interpret red pigment application to human remains as part of a prolonged process of social dying that transitioned the ontological status of the dead and contributed to the development of social difference and group identity. Multidisciplinary research designs are ideal for studying red pigment practices, which are activities concerning the production and use of red pigment that range from procurement to the treatment of the dead. Here, we advance a methodology integrating archaeometric, archaeological, and bioarchaeological analyses with anthropological theories of personhood and social dying to investigate red pigment practices.

The only pottery known to have been produced in the New Guinea Highlands is associated with communities speaking Agarabi, a non-Austronesian language in the Eastern Highlands of Papua New Guinea. This paper provides a comprehensive summary of Agarabi pottery forms and production processes, combining published sources with previously unpublished records, notes, sketches and photographs from ethnoarchaeological fieldwork amongst Agarabi speakers in the Kainantu District in 1987. Agarabi vessels are characterised by their ovoid elongated shape with gently pointed bases and out-curving rims. Decoration, where it is present, occurs on the rims and / or around the neck and consists of incisions or punctate impressions, often from multi-toothed combs. These characteristics clearly distinguish Agarabi ware from pottery produced in communities speaking Austronesian languages in the neighbouring Upper Markham and Middle Ramu valleys. The multi-faceted description of Agarabi pottery production presented here provides a foundation for further enquiry into the cultural processes and historical trajectories that have shaped this unique Highlands ceramic ware.

The bow and arrow is a crucial component of Homo sapiens’ material culture. In South America, data on the bow and arrow are widely scattered, which motived this comprehensive compilation of archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic information. For millennia prior to the bow’s first appearance, hunters relied on the spearthrower. In the Andes around 1650 BCE (3600 BP), knappers began making much smaller projectile points, but it is unclear whether they were for bows. Later, evidence for bow use is strong and widespread: very small lithic points (∼1 cm wide), preserved bows and arrows, and iconography. This evidence is concentrated in two spans: 1) the Middle Horizon (600–1000 CE or 1350–950 BP) and 2) the Late Intermediate, Inca, and early Colonial Periods, when continental trends in demography and conflict peaked (1200–1620 CE or 750–330 BP). Ethnographers have documented bow-using groups in all ecoregions around the continent. They have shown that the bow is deeply integrated into masculine identities. Finally, the interplay of this information informs a critical review of current issues. We identify promising avenues for future research, for example, how to improve metric comparisons and whether the bow’s prevalence derives from continental-scale cultural transmission or independent invention.

During the Andean Middle Horizon (CE 600–1000), the highland Wari emerged as an expansive power that formed the largest pre-Inka imperial project in the Andes. Although territorially discontinuous, the introduction of Wari state institutions to disparate regions of Peru knit together far-flung and diverse social groups. Recent excavations at Pakaytambo in southern Peru have uncovered a Wari ritual complex replete with a d-shaped temple, patio-group architecture, and monumental platform construction. The complex was established in the upper Majes-Chuquibamba drainage of Arequipa at ∼ 1700 masl and was strategically placed along a major pre-Inka road at the nexus of highland-coastal populations and socio-ecological zones. In this article, excavations at Pakaytambo are presented and discussed in terms of architectural canons, site chronology, and material studies in consideration to broader changes during the late Middle Horizon. d-shaped temples represent the most ubiquitous form of civic-ceremonial architecture related to Wari religious institutions and imperial ideology. Thus, Pakaytambo provides invaluable insights into the production of state authority through public ritual and performance in regions beyond a state heartland. A focus on institutions, their group members, norms, shared objectives, and archaeological patterning provides a middle-level unit of social analysis complimentary to high theory of the state.

Indigenous coastal communities across the globe sustainably harvested oysters and other shellfish species for millennia. European colonialism and the emergence of market-based institutions, however, lead to the eventual demise of many oyster reefs and fisheries beginning in the late 1800 s. Circular shell rings situated on Georgia’s South Atlantic coast are the preserved remnants of Native American village communities during the Late Archaic (5000–3000 cal. BP). Mollusk shells from these archaeological contexts hold chemical clues into past human-environmental interactions and thus give insight into Indigenous histories and sustainable shellfish harvesting practices. In this paper, we interpret shellfish geochemistry data (oxygen isotopes, δ¹⁸O) from the Sapelo Island Shell Ring Complex within a theoretical framework of cooperation and collective action to understand the ways in which Ancestral Muskogean people of Sapelo Island, Georgia, effectively managed and sustained oyster reefs and other coastal fisheries during the Late Archaic. More specifically, δ¹⁸O values from 18 oysters and 57 clams were used to determine season of harvest and to estimate salinity values of the habitats from which the shells were harvested. Results demonstrate considerable variation in estimated salinity values and some statistically significant differences in δ¹⁸O and salinity values between shells harvested in different seasons. This indicates that the sedentary villagers who lived at the Sapelo Shell Ring Complex were moving around seasonally and using an array of habitats. We argue that this suggests the presence of social institutions or rules that governed the use of coastal estuaries so that mollusks were not overexploited.

The maritime hiri exchange system spanned up to 350 km of Papua New Guinea’s south coast, connecting ceramicist Motu with Papuan Gulf villagers who produced large quantities of sago palm (Metroxylon sagu) starch and rainforest logs. Archaeological and ethnographic evidence for the development of the hiri derives mostly from the Motu end of the exchange system. As a result, the Motu are often typecast as adventurous protagonists and Papuan Gulf peoples as passive “recipients” of specialised trade goods (pottery and shell valuables). We trace historical understandings of the hiri and outline the dynamic transformations that took place in this exchange network from the early colonial era to the mid-1950s. We introduce oral traditions recorded in Orokolo Bay in 2015 and ethnography from nearby communities which provide a Papuan Gulf lens through which to see the exchange network. Papuan Gulf peoples assert that their ancestors initiated the hiri in the cosmological past and helped maintain it through reverse-hiri (bevaia) voyages in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Inter-generational exchange partnerships were cultivated and sometimes cemented through temporary adoption. We conclude by drawing out some under-appreciated social dimensions of the hiri’s history and avenues for future research.

The Late Chalcolithic Leilatepe “phenomenon” in the Southern Caucasus has often been regarded as the product of Mesopotamian incursions into the region for the purpose of acquiring metals and semi-precious stones for trade.

The material evidence has shown clearly that these migrations resulted in the development of both hybridised and altogether new ways of engaging with the world, including novel architectural, metallurgical, ceramic, lithic, and ritual technologies and practices.

This paper approaches this period of intense cultural interaction from a practice theory lens, aiming to view the social dynamics and processes associated with the emergence of Leilatepe “culture”. In doing so, we draw from Richard White’s Middle Ground concept to illustrate how new social practices emerge when two cultural groups with distinct habitus come into close and sustained contact with each other. Our research indicates that, while trade was likely an important aspect of the Leilatepe phenomenon, a number of factors also point to a sustained migration or migrations by a broad swath of Mesopotamian society who arrived in the region due to a combination of push and pull factors, and did not just engage in extractive trade, but settled permanently, creating new social realities.

This paper addresses the enchainment of skills and interactions for the production of ceramic shell horns, and the meaning of these musical instruments whose sounds have shaped the ritual soundscapes of the central Andes since the boom in public architecture in the second millennium BC (early Formative Period c. 3800–3300 BP). Linguistic and ethnohistoric reviews shed light on performance practices and meanings at the time of conquest. Contextual analysis of thin sections of ceramic shell horns excavated in Keushu (Yungay, Ancash, Peru) and dated to the Early Intermediate Period and early Middle Horizon (c. 2200–1600 BP) suggests the agency of specialist itinerant potters. Crafting processes are reconstructed by bringing together material analysis (petrography, X-ray tomography, X-ray diffraction), bioarchaeology, studies of instrument organology, and ceramic ethnoarchaeology. Informed by experimental reconstruction distinct modeling techniques are distinguished and crossed with available provenience data to suggest three independently arising traditions or hotspots in northern Ecuador, on the central Andean coast, and in the highlands of northern Peru. The ritual sounds and soundscapes of the latter area are discussed. Like earlier conch horns, ceramic shell horns played a pivotal part in ritual performances that accompanied the development of irrigation-dependent agrarian and pastoral lifeways in the Andes. Enduring symbolic linkages between shell horn sounds, the sea and irrigation water may indeed represent a powerful embodiment of the voice of God.

Homegardens are spaces where food, medicine, construction materials, and plants of aesthetic value are grown, both for household consumption, but also for sale in markets to supplement household income. Importantly, they are also spaces of cultural significance; gardens are spaces where many household activities are enacted, where household income is supplemented, where cultural memory is maintained. Archaeological explorations of garden spaces, particularly in the Neotropics, have successfully utilized soil chemical, archaeobotanical, and spatial analysis in identifying the location of cultivated spaces in relation to household structures. Having refined our ability to identify homegarden spaces, we can focus on anthropologically oriented questions regarding gender, status, political economy, and identity. In this special issue we are looking beyond gardens as simply utilitarian and functional spaces, and seeing them as places that have social, cultural, personal, and psychological importance. This introductory article will present some of the past and current research on homegardens and provide avenues for future archaeological research.

For more than 150 years, global perspectives on the mobile to sedentary transition have been framed by deeply entrenched categorical assumptions that have effectively blinded archaeologists to the fundamental importance of interpersonal relationships. Combining multi-disciplinary studies of living groups with recent archaeological findings, we formulate a model that identifies regularities and divergences in the social interactions and institutions of small-scale, variably settled communities. We then confirm the model’s diachronic validity for a sample of archaeological cases that followed alternative pathways to greater residential permanence. When interactive densities surpassed critical demographic thresholds and fissioning did not occur, diverse interpersonal realignments ensued. Much of the variability evident across cases stemmed from the characteristics of key resources. When resources were heritable, but not monopolizable, new institutional arrangements and social adjustments tended to be collectively organized, but when they were both, the new organizational arrangements tended to be more inequitable with greater power differentials.