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Science diplomacy in the Global South—an introduction 全球南方的科学外交——导论
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad028
Derya Büyüktanir Karacan, Pierre-Bruno Ruffini
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引用次数: 0
Do winners pick government? How scale-up experience shapes entrepreneurs’ assessments of innovation policy mixes 赢家会选择政府吗?规模化经验如何影响企业家对创新政策组合的评估
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad030
S. Denney, Travis Southin, David A. Wolfe
How do entrepreneurs of high-growth firms in small, open economies evaluate innovation policy mixes? In response to market consolidation by large firms, governments in such countries are using a mix of innovation policy tools to support firms with high-growth potential in digitally intensive sectors. Government objectives, however, are not being realized. Bringing actor-centric perspectives to the policy mix literature, we analyze interviews with entrepreneurs from Canadian technology firms to determine whether there is a disconnect between the objectives and instruments employed by the government. With distinct policy preferences rooted in their growth experiences specific to the country’s political economy, we find that scale-up entrepreneurs prefer a more active role of the government in the form of demand-side, direct, and targeted innovation instruments. The findings presented in this article provide a more nuanced understanding of the innovation policy landscape and the preferences of technology scale-up firms
小型开放经济体中高增长企业的企业家如何评估创新政策组合?为了应对大公司的市场整合,这些国家的政府正在使用多种创新政策工具来支持数字密集型行业中具有高增长潜力的公司。然而,政府的目标并没有实现。将以行动者为中心的视角纳入政策组合文献,我们分析了对加拿大科技公司企业家的采访,以确定政府使用的目标和工具之间是否存在脱节。由于不同的政策偏好植根于他们特定于国家政治经济的增长经历,我们发现,扩大规模的企业家更喜欢政府以需求侧、直接和有针对性的创新工具的形式发挥更积极的作用。本文中的研究结果对创新政策格局和技术扩大型企业的偏好提供了更细致的理解
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引用次数: 0
European industrial policy for the green and digital revolution 绿色和数字革命的欧洲产业政策
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad018
Alessio Terzi, Monika Sherwood, Aneil Singh
The urgent need to accelerate on, and make a national success of, the green and digital transition is leading to widespread calls for greater government involvement in the economy, including by means of an active industrial policy. After reviewing several case studies, it becomes evident that, against conventional wisdom, nearly all countries have systematically engaged in some form of industrial policy, especially large economies like the USA and China, notwithstanding their very different economic models. The same is true for Europe, both at the national level and through European Union policies. After analysing these experiences, we draw six key policy lessons to inform future debates on how to shape a successful industrial policy in the years to come and mitigate its risks, while acting in a context of souring geopolitical tensions.
加快绿色和数字化转型并在全国范围内取得成功的迫切需要,导致人们广泛呼吁政府更多地参与经济,包括通过积极的产业政策。在回顾了几项案例研究后,很明显,与传统观点相反,几乎所有国家都有系统地采取了某种形式的产业政策,尤其是像美国和中国这样的大型经济体,尽管它们的经济模式非常不同。欧洲也是如此,无论是在国家层面还是通过欧盟政策。在分析了这些经验后,我们得出了六个关键的政策教训,为未来关于如何在未来几年制定成功的产业政策并减轻其风险的辩论提供信息,同时在地缘政治紧张局势恶化的背景下采取行动。
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引用次数: 1
Science diplomacy from a nation-state’s perspective: a general framing and its application to Global South countries 民族国家视角下的科学外交:一个总体框架及其在全球南方国家的应用
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad023
Pierre-Bruno Ruffini, O. Krasnyak
Based on International Relations (IRs) grounding theories, this article outlines a realist-constructivist perspective in science diplomacy when assessing a nation-state’s foreign policy decision-making and behaviour. The proposed theoretical framing helps us evaluate existing practices of science diplomacy within the larger context of IRs and allows us to better understand the increasing role of science diplomacy and its potency in the foreign policy of emerging and developing countries. The proposed exploratory research methodology outlines the contours of a science diplomacy reading grid breaking it down into the categories of objectives, strategic drivers, and tools. The data collection and semi-structured interviews with high-ranking practitioners and experts allowed us to assess the meaning of science diplomacy as understood and implemented by Global South countries and to distinguish science diplomacy practices as oriented towards the satisfaction of domestic needs and international positioning.
基于国际关系(IRs)的基础理论,本文概述了科学外交在评估一个民族国家的外交政策决策和行为时的现实主义-建构主义视角。提出的理论框架有助于我们在更大的ir背景下评估现有的科学外交实践,并使我们能够更好地理解科学外交日益增长的作用及其在新兴国家和发展中国家外交政策中的潜力。提出的探索性研究方法概述了科学外交阅读网格的轮廓,将其分解为目标、战略驱动因素和工具的类别。数据收集和对高级从业人员和专家的半结构化访谈使我们能够评估全球南方国家理解和实施的科学外交的意义,并区分面向满足国内需求和国际定位的科学外交实践。
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引用次数: 0
The globalization of science diplomacy in the early 1970s: a historical exploration 20世纪70年代初科学外交全球化的历史探索
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad026
Sam Robinson, M. Adamson, Gordon Barrett, L. Jacobsen, S. Turchetti, A. Homei, P. Marton, L. Aronowsky, Iqra Choudry, Johan Gärdebo, Jaehwan Hyun, Gerardo Ienna, Carringtone Kinyanjui, Beatriz Martínez-Rius, Júlia Mascarello, Doubravka Olšáková, Giulia Rispoli, Waqar H. Zaidi
The early 1970s brought fundamental transitions in international scientific collaboration that significantly affected the international relations in global patterns that are still relevant today. This article uses a multi-perspective approach to argue that the underlying condition for the globalization of science diplomacy was the increasing participation of recently independent countries in international technoscientific affairs, examining critical research areas, including space exploration, oceanography, nuclear technoscience, the environmental sciences, and health and population studies. Themes emerged at that time that continue to characterize what we term ‘Global Science Diplomacy’: multipolarity, resistance and agency, lack of global consensus, regional alliances and interests, and the centrality of the United Nations system to the conduct of transnational science. This survey is a first step in historical reflection on this phenomenon and shows that it was the emergence of the Global South in Science Diplomacy affairs that made Science Diplomacy global at the beginning of the 1970s.
20世纪70年代初,国际科学合作发生了根本性转变,极大地影响了当今仍然相关的全球格局中的国际关系。本文采用多视角的方法认为,科学外交全球化的根本条件是最近独立的国家越来越多地参与国际技术科学事务,审查关键研究领域,包括太空探索、海洋学、核技术科学、环境科学,以及健康和人口研究。当时出现的主题仍然是我们所称的“全球科学外交”的特征:多极、抵抗和代理、缺乏全球共识、区域联盟和利益,以及联合国系统在跨国科学领域的中心地位。这项调查是对这一现象进行历史反思的第一步,表明正是全球南方在科学外交事务中的出现,使科学外交在20世纪70年代初走向了全球。
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引用次数: 0
Scientific collaborations between Latin America and Europe: an approach from science diplomacy towards international engagement 拉丁美洲和欧洲的科学合作:从科学外交走向国际交往
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-03 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad025
L. F. Echeverría-King, Aura Fossati, N. Raja, Kleinsy Bonilla, B. Urbani, R. K. Whiffen, Tereza Vizinová
International collaborations show asymmetries and imbalances that influence how countries take part in international relations. In this context, science diplomacy (SD) could offer possibilities towards building partnerships and meaningful engagement between Europe and Latin America. The purpose of this article is to analyse how scientific collaborations between Latin American and European researchers are carried out, observing trends, behaviours, and perceptions. Qualitative methodologies and the analysis of empirical data collected through a survey allow the extraction of relevant experiences from real cases of international joint projects. Findings indicate that addressing the asymmetries in the collaboration between partnering researchers from Europe and Latin America is essential, and SD approaches may facilitate such endeavour. SD may not represent a panacea; however, it seems to facilitate the internationalisation of research in terms of mobility, international scientific collaborations, and knowledge exchange with under-represented actors in traditional international scientific schemes, such as indigenous communities.
国际合作显示出影响各国参与国际关系方式的不对称和不平衡。在这种情况下,科学外交可以为欧洲和拉丁美洲之间建立伙伴关系和有意义的接触提供可能性。本文的目的是分析拉丁美洲和欧洲研究人员之间的科学合作是如何进行的,观察趋势、行为和看法。定性方法和对通过调查收集的经验数据的分析可以从国际联合项目的实际案例中提取相关经验。研究结果表明,解决欧洲和拉丁美洲合作研究人员之间合作中的不对称问题至关重要,可持续发展方法可能有助于这一努力。SD可能不是万灵药;然而,它似乎在流动性、国际科学合作以及与传统国际科学计划中代表性不足的参与者(如土著社区)的知识交流方面促进了研究的国际化。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring indicators for monitoring sociotechnical system transitions through portfolio networks 探索通过投资组合网络监测社会技术系统转变的指标
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-02 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad015
Caetano C. R. Penna, Oscar Y. Romero Goyeneche, C. Matti
In this paper, we propose a method for tracking the evolution of sociotechnical niches supported by sustainability-focused project portfolios. Based on social network analysis (SNA), this method can be used to evaluate and monitor funding initiatives that seek to advance sociotechnical transitions. It is an important area of study because there is currently a lack of tools for measuring the success of efforts to promote transformative innovation. Conceptually, our approach is based on existing sociotechnical transition research and offers insights into how project networks evolve. We applied this method to a specific portfolio of food system projects that the European Institute for Innovation and Technology Climate-KIC supported. Our results show that SNA can provide a proper visual representation of the infrastructure that supports programme-based investment and can help us understand how specific network structures can support niche development and protect it from external pressures.
在本文中,我们提出了一种方法来跟踪以可持续性为重点的项目组合所支持的社会技术利基的演变。基于社会网络分析(SNA),该方法可用于评估和监测旨在推动社会技术转型的资助举措。这是一个重要的研究领域,因为目前缺乏衡量促进变革性创新努力成功与否的工具。从概念上讲,我们的方法基于现有的社会技术转型研究,并提供了对项目网络如何发展的见解。我们将这种方法应用于欧洲创新与技术气候KIC支持的特定食品系统项目组合。我们的研究结果表明,国民账户体系可以为支持基于计划的投资的基础设施提供适当的视觉表现,并可以帮助我们了解特定的网络结构如何支持利基发展并保护其免受外部压力。
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引用次数: 0
Ideology, knowledge, and the assessment of science policy agencies 意识形态、知识和科学政策机构的评估
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad020
Kathryn Haglin, A. Vedlitz
In the USA, politics often dominates the conversation surrounding science and related technologies. We also live in times of high political polarization, leading to political debate over scientific discoveries and subsequent policy implications. Given these dynamics, there is much to be learned about the politicization of science, individuals’ policy views, and the public’s relationship with the communication and interpretation of scientific findings. Agencies are often responsible for facilitating scientific research and framing its policy relevance for decision makers and the public. This paper uses data from a large national public opinion survey to investigate citizen attitudes about government science agencies. We theorize that disparities between objective and self-assessed scientific knowledge coupled with ideological cues help frame citizen evaluations of agencies. We find that individuals’ political ideologies and disparities between knowledge types shape citizen assessments of energy-related scientific agencies. These findings have important implications for our understanding of public acceptance of the work of government science agencies.
在美国,围绕科学和相关技术的讨论常常被政治所主导。我们也生活在高度政治两极分化的时代,这导致了对科学发现和随后的政策影响的政治辩论。考虑到这些动态,关于科学的政治化、个人的政策观点以及公众与科学发现的沟通和解释的关系,还有很多东西需要学习。各机构通常负责促进科学研究并为决策者和公众制定其政策相关性。本文利用一项大型全国民意调查的数据来调查公民对政府科学机构的态度。我们的理论是,客观和自我评估的科学知识之间的差异加上意识形态线索有助于构建公民对机构的评估。我们发现,个人的政治意识形态和知识类型之间的差异影响了公民对能源相关科学机构的评估。这些发现对我们理解公众对政府科学机构工作的接受程度具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Coloniality in science diplomacy—evidence from the Atlantic Ocean 科学外交中的殖民主义——来自大西洋的证据
4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-31 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad027
Andrei Polejack
Abstract Ocean science diplomacy stands for the social phenomena resulting from the interaction of science and diplomacy in ocean affairs. It refers, inter alia, to the provision of scientific evidence in support of international decision-making, the building of alliances through scientific cooperation, and the enhancement of international collaborative marine research. Despite this generalization, we still lack an understanding of the sense practitioners make of ocean science diplomacy. This paper reports on perceptions of ocean science diplomacy collected through twenty in-depth interviews with South and North Atlantic government officials and researchers involved in the All-Atlantic Ocean Research Alliance. In principle, interviewees perceive ocean science diplomacy as a positive and critically important phenomenon that combines the best of science and diplomacy. However, below this generally positive perception, there seems to be a polarization of power between science and policy and also between South and North Atlantic perspectives. Scientists have reported feeling suspicious of policymaking processes, while officials portray science as unaccountable and segregated from policy. South Atlantic researchers expressed concern over limited research capabilities, and officials reported an openness to the scientific evidence presented by scientists. Northern interviewees, with reported enhanced research capabilities, seem more inclined to search for the right scientific evidence in support of national political goals. A preconceived sense of the other is what seems to permeate South–North Atlantic relationships. Northern subjects make sense of their Southern peers as those in need of assistance, while Southern interviewees claimed being unheard and victims of tokenism. I discuss these findings in light of postcolonial and decolonial theories, advocating for the need to decolonize ocean science diplomacy in the Atlantic Ocean if we are to achieve its alluded benefits.
海洋科学外交是科学与外交在海洋事务中相互作用而产生的社会现象。除其他外,它指的是提供科学证据以支持国际决策,通过科学合作建立联盟,以及加强国际海洋合作研究。尽管如此,我们仍然缺乏对实践者对海洋科学外交的理解。本文报告了通过对南、北大西洋政府官员和全大西洋研究联盟研究人员的20次深度访谈收集到的对海洋科学外交的看法。原则上,受访者认为海洋科学外交是一种积极的、至关重要的现象,它结合了科学和外交的优点。然而,在这种普遍积极的看法之下,似乎存在着科学和政策之间以及南大西洋和北大西洋观点之间的权力两极分化。科学家报告说,他们对政策制定过程感到怀疑,而官员们则把科学描绘成不负责任的、与政策分离的。南大西洋的研究人员对有限的研究能力表示担忧,官员们报告说,他们对科学家提出的科学证据持开放态度。据报道,研究能力较强的北方受访者似乎更倾向于寻找支持国家政治目标的正确科学证据。一种对对方的先入为主的感觉似乎渗透在南-北大西洋关系中。北方的受访者认为他们的南方同伴需要帮助,而南方的受访者则声称自己没有被倾听,是象征性的受害者。我根据后殖民和非殖民理论讨论这些发现,主张如果我们要实现其隐含的好处,就需要在大西洋进行海洋科学外交的非殖民化。
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引用次数: 0
Does international R&D cooperation under institutional agreements have a greater impact than those without agreements? 制度性协议下的国际研发合作是否比非制度性协议下的影响更大?
IF 2.7 4区 管理学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1093/scipol/scad019
P. Feitosa, S. Salles-Filho, Adriana Bin, Yohanna Juk, F. Colugnati
Funding agencies (FAs) have increasingly engaged in international cooperation agreements (ICAs) to encourage world-class research and achieve more promising outcomes in the context of increasing competition for research resources. While the benefits of International Research Collaboration are largely supported by literature, less attention was paid to the influence of ICA on scientific and technological outputs. We employed a quasi-experimental evaluation with a comparison between funding for international collaboration carried under ICA (treatment) and funding for international collaboration not carried under ICA (control). The sample was collected from the database of the São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) between 1990 and 2018. We have found that ICA has a positive and significant impact on the quality of scientific production measured by the number of citations, h-index, and the number of national and international papers co-authorship. However, no significant difference was found in terms of scholarly and technological outputs.
资助机构(FAs)越来越多地参与国际合作协议(ica),以鼓励世界级的研究,并在研究资源竞争日益激烈的背景下取得更有希望的成果。虽然国际研究合作的好处在很大程度上得到文献的支持,但对国际合作对科技产出的影响的关注较少。我们采用了一种准实验评估,比较了在ICA(治疗)下进行的国际合作的资助和在ICA(控制)下进行的国际合作的资助。该样本是从1990年至2018年期间从圣保罗研究基金会(FAPESP)的数据库中收集的。我们发现,通过引用次数、h指数以及国内外合著论文数量来衡量,ICA对科学生产质量具有显著的积极影响。然而,在学术和技术产出方面没有发现显著差异。
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引用次数: 0
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Science and Public Policy
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