Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2191657
M. Clement, N. Dede-Bamfo, Jack DeWaard, Seoyoun Kim
ABSTRACT Perspectives in human ecology and political economy present local growth as a syndrome of interdependent changes happening over time within municipalities. This quantitative study examines the reciprocal relationship between three core concepts of growth: employment, land development, and migration. To assess these associations across the United States, covering the years 2001–2011, we merge county-level data (n = 3,108) from three sources: USA Counties’ Employment Data; satellite imagery from the National Land Cover Database; and the Internal Revenue Service’s County-to-County Migration Data. In structural equation models (SEMs) with cross-lagged associations, we estimate the reciprocal relationship between first-difference change scores for three variables: the unemployment rate, the area of human constructed impervious surfaces (i.e. land development), and the ratio of in/out migration. While land development and migration are in an asymmetric, positive feedback loop, the reciprocal association between unemployment and migration is positive in one direction and negative in the other. With SEM, the analysis contributes to the literature by highlighting the social forces of local growth as an interdependent system of reciprocal change, although not fully recursive.
{"title":"The Interdependent Forces of Local Growth: A County-Level Study, 2001-2011","authors":"M. Clement, N. Dede-Bamfo, Jack DeWaard, Seoyoun Kim","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2191657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2191657","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Perspectives in human ecology and political economy present local growth as a syndrome of interdependent changes happening over time within municipalities. This quantitative study examines the reciprocal relationship between three core concepts of growth: employment, land development, and migration. To assess these associations across the United States, covering the years 2001–2011, we merge county-level data (n = 3,108) from three sources: USA Counties’ Employment Data; satellite imagery from the National Land Cover Database; and the Internal Revenue Service’s County-to-County Migration Data. In structural equation models (SEMs) with cross-lagged associations, we estimate the reciprocal relationship between first-difference change scores for three variables: the unemployment rate, the area of human constructed impervious surfaces (i.e. land development), and the ratio of in/out migration. While land development and migration are in an asymmetric, positive feedback loop, the reciprocal association between unemployment and migration is positive in one direction and negative in the other. With SEM, the analysis contributes to the literature by highlighting the social forces of local growth as an interdependent system of reciprocal change, although not fully recursive.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"564 - 586"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44095253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2208637
Michael D. Briscoe, Jennifer E. Givens
ABSTRACT Ecologically unequal exchange theory explains that unequal trade arrangements between higher- and lower-income countries result in greater environmental degradation in lower-income countries. Farm animals are sometimes neglected by sociology because of their unique place between nature and society. Here, we extend ecologically unequal exchange theory to analyze trade relationships between higher- and lower-income countries and farm animal cruelty, using data from 2014. Results from regression analyses show that contrary to what we would expect based on ecologically unequal exchange theory, higher levels of exports to high-income countries from low- and middle-income countries is associated with lower overall farm animal cruelty and production of farm animal cruelty. We suggest that this may be the result of spillover effects, where the types of legislation meant to improve farm animal welfare passed in high-income countries are affecting lower-income countries, and call for more research into animal welfare, including research that examines changes over time as data become available.
{"title":"Ecologically Unequal Exchange and Farm Animal Welfare: An Empirical Analysis Using the Voiceless Animal Cruelty Index","authors":"Michael D. Briscoe, Jennifer E. Givens","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2208637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2208637","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ecologically unequal exchange theory explains that unequal trade arrangements between higher- and lower-income countries result in greater environmental degradation in lower-income countries. Farm animals are sometimes neglected by sociology because of their unique place between nature and society. Here, we extend ecologically unequal exchange theory to analyze trade relationships between higher- and lower-income countries and farm animal cruelty, using data from 2014. Results from regression analyses show that contrary to what we would expect based on ecologically unequal exchange theory, higher levels of exports to high-income countries from low- and middle-income countries is associated with lower overall farm animal cruelty and production of farm animal cruelty. We suggest that this may be the result of spillover effects, where the types of legislation meant to improve farm animal welfare passed in high-income countries are affecting lower-income countries, and call for more research into animal welfare, including research that examines changes over time as data become available.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"651 - 675"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47031898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2200474
A. Kroska, Sarah K. Harkness, Kelsey N. Mattingly, Mollie A. Lovera
ABSTRACT We explore the idea that performance expectations in problem-solving groups (e.g., juries, planning groups) are partially outside of group members’ awareness. We first identify a divergence between indirect and direct teammate performance assessments among participants who are working with a teammate with schizophrenia in a two-person task group. The indirect indicator is the participant’s resistance to the teammate’s problem-solving suggestions, and the direct indicator is the participant’s subsequent and private responses to a series of questions about the teammate’s task performance. We explore the divergence further by assessing the extent to which participants’ political beliefs differentially affect the two measures. Liberals are likely to hold less explicitly prejudicial views of individuals with a mental illness than do conservatives. But, if performance expectations are driven by fairly uniform status beliefs, liberals’ resistance to influence from individuals with a mental illness should be similar to conservatives’. Consistent with that expectation, liberals’ direct assessment of the task performance of teammates with schizophrenia is more positive than conservatives’, but their indirect assessment (i.e., their resistance to their influence) is the same as conservatives’. All the findings hold with controls for stigmatized behavior toward the teammate (social and physical distance), stigmatized perceptions of the teammate (teammate evaluation and teammate likability), and social desirability bias. The findings are generally consistent with the idea that deference behaviors are sometimes rooted in performance expectations that are subconsciously held. They also illuminate status processes related to mental health and suggest a new way to infer the extent to which explicit performance assessments differ from performance expectations.
{"title":"Psychiatric Labels: Exploring Indirect and Direct Assessments of Task Performance","authors":"A. Kroska, Sarah K. Harkness, Kelsey N. Mattingly, Mollie A. Lovera","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2200474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2200474","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We explore the idea that performance expectations in problem-solving groups (e.g., juries, planning groups) are partially outside of group members’ awareness. We first identify a divergence between indirect and direct teammate performance assessments among participants who are working with a teammate with schizophrenia in a two-person task group. The indirect indicator is the participant’s resistance to the teammate’s problem-solving suggestions, and the direct indicator is the participant’s subsequent and private responses to a series of questions about the teammate’s task performance. We explore the divergence further by assessing the extent to which participants’ political beliefs differentially affect the two measures. Liberals are likely to hold less explicitly prejudicial views of individuals with a mental illness than do conservatives. But, if performance expectations are driven by fairly uniform status beliefs, liberals’ resistance to influence from individuals with a mental illness should be similar to conservatives’. Consistent with that expectation, liberals’ direct assessment of the task performance of teammates with schizophrenia is more positive than conservatives’, but their indirect assessment (i.e., their resistance to their influence) is the same as conservatives’. All the findings hold with controls for stigmatized behavior toward the teammate (social and physical distance), stigmatized perceptions of the teammate (teammate evaluation and teammate likability), and social desirability bias. The findings are generally consistent with the idea that deference behaviors are sometimes rooted in performance expectations that are subconsciously held. They also illuminate status processes related to mental health and suggest a new way to infer the extent to which explicit performance assessments differ from performance expectations.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"606 - 629"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42231569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-17DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2198574
Valerie Taing
ABSTRACT How and why do advocates choose frames, and what are the effects of these choices? This study draws on two decades of data about the Center for the Child Care Workforce (CCW), an advocacy organization founded by feminist early childhood educators in 1977 to raise child care wages. It traces how contextual factors shape framing choices, and how framing choices shape advocacy goals and claims. Archival research and interview data reveal that discursive barriers led CCW to lobby for ensuring “quality” child care, a strategic choice that inadvertently prioritized professional educators’ interests over those of other caregivers.
{"title":"From Rights Claims to Quality Frames in US Child Care Advocacy","authors":"Valerie Taing","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2198574","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2198574","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How and why do advocates choose frames, and what are the effects of these choices? This study draws on two decades of data about the Center for the Child Care Workforce (CCW), an advocacy organization founded by feminist early childhood educators in 1977 to raise child care wages. It traces how contextual factors shape framing choices, and how framing choices shape advocacy goals and claims. Archival research and interview data reveal that discursive barriers led CCW to lobby for ensuring “quality” child care, a strategic choice that inadvertently prioritized professional educators’ interests over those of other caregivers.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"587 - 605"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48453581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-11DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2198583
A. Manzoni, J. Streib
ABSTRACT Nearly a third of students whose parents do not have bachelor’s degrees become first-generation college graduates and over a third of students with at least one parent with a bachelor’s degree do not become continuing-generation college graduates. We apply insights from social reproduction theory to study educational mobility, examining which factors are associated with becoming a first-generation college graduate and not becoming a continuing-generation college graduate. Drawing on data from The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we find that students with low educational origins who become first-generation college graduates have parents who possess and pass down high levels of some resources for their educational level and are well equipped to use the resources they receive. Likewise, students with high educational origins who do not become continuing-generation graduates tend to have parents who possess few resources for their education level, pass down few of some resources, and are less well equipped to use the resources they receive. We discuss the implications of our findings for the openness of the American educational system.
近三分之一的父母没有学士学位的学生成为第一代大学毕业生，超过三分之一的父母至少有一方拥有学士学位的学生没有成为下一代大学毕业生。我们运用社会再生产理论的见解来研究教育流动性，研究哪些因素与成为第一代大学毕业生而不是成为连续一代大学毕业生有关。根据《全国青少年到成人健康纵向研究》(National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health)的数据，我们发现，低教育背景的学生成为第一代大学毕业生，他们的父母拥有并传承了与他们的教育水平相当的一些资源，并且有能力利用他们获得的资源。同样，受过高等教育的学生，如果没有成为下一代毕业生，他们的父母往往拥有与他们的教育水平相当的资源，他们的一些资源也很少传承下来，他们也没有很好地利用他们所获得的资源。我们讨论了我们的发现对美国教育系统开放性的影响。
{"title":"Moving Away from One’s Origins: Predictors of Becoming a First-Generation College Graduate and Not Becoming a Continuing-Generation Graduate","authors":"A. Manzoni, J. Streib","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2198583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2198583","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Nearly a third of students whose parents do not have bachelor’s degrees become first-generation college graduates and over a third of students with at least one parent with a bachelor’s degree do not become continuing-generation college graduates. We apply insights from social reproduction theory to study educational mobility, examining which factors are associated with becoming a first-generation college graduate and not becoming a continuing-generation college graduate. Drawing on data from The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we find that students with low educational origins who become first-generation college graduates have parents who possess and pass down high levels of some resources for their educational level and are well equipped to use the resources they receive. Likewise, students with high educational origins who do not become continuing-generation graduates tend to have parents who possess few resources for their education level, pass down few of some resources, and are less well equipped to use the resources they receive. We discuss the implications of our findings for the openness of the American educational system.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"630 - 650"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58950232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-29DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2189465
J. Budge
ABSTRACT Attitudes toward gay men and lesbians in the United States have liberalized dramatically over time yet vary substantially between states. Trends in college attainment mirror this uneven progress. This study draws on theories of the university as a cultural institution to examine the relationship between college-educated populations and attitudes toward gay men and lesbians over time and across American states. Employing 1984–2016 American National Election Studies data, this study demonstrates that larger shares of college graduates in a state are associated with more favorable attitudes on average toward gay men and lesbians, including among those who do not have a college degree. These results are robust to competing state-level religious, political, and economic explanations. Results also show that individuals in states with more college graduates are more likely to identify as LGB. This increases the likelihood of knowing someone who is LGB, which in turn leads to more accepting views. Cultural values of tolerance and acceptance espoused by university graduates may create social contexts in which sexual minorities feel safe to come out, thus increasing the visibility of sexual minority communities and enhancing favorable attitudes.
{"title":"Are More Educated States More Gay-Friendly? How the Increase in College Attainment Promotes Acceptance of Gay Men and Lesbians","authors":"J. Budge","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2189465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2189465","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Attitudes toward gay men and lesbians in the United States have liberalized dramatically over time yet vary substantially between states. Trends in college attainment mirror this uneven progress. This study draws on theories of the university as a cultural institution to examine the relationship between college-educated populations and attitudes toward gay men and lesbians over time and across American states. Employing 1984–2016 American National Election Studies data, this study demonstrates that larger shares of college graduates in a state are associated with more favorable attitudes on average toward gay men and lesbians, including among those who do not have a college degree. These results are robust to competing state-level religious, political, and economic explanations. Results also show that individuals in states with more college graduates are more likely to identify as LGB. This increases the likelihood of knowing someone who is LGB, which in turn leads to more accepting views. Cultural values of tolerance and acceptance espoused by university graduates may create social contexts in which sexual minorities feel safe to come out, thus increasing the visibility of sexual minority communities and enhancing favorable attitudes.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"541 - 563"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45473973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2177207
S. Young, Ann M. Beutel, Stephanie W. Burge
ABSTRACT Educational expectations have increased over time, with greater increases among young women than men, yet research focused on expectations for post-baccalaureate degrees is limited. We investigate young men’s and women’s plans to attend graduate or professional school using Monitoring the Future data from 12th graders for 1976 to 2019, focusing on how academic performance and work and family values may be associated with post-baccalaureate expectations. We find that young women’s expectations for graduate or professional school began to exceed young men’s in the early 1990s and continued to do so afterward, although expectations for post-baccalaureate schooling declined some in recent years, especially among young men. Results also indicate that the gender gap over time is driven partially by more young women than men with B or lower average grades holding post-baccalaureate expectations. Work values may foster these high expectations, especially for lower-achieving young women. Finally, we examine whether post-baccalaureate expectations translate into higher attainments, and results suggest that higher-achieving students are better positioned to meet their post-baccalaureate expectations. Collectively, our findings suggest that sociocultural factors promoting women’s participation in the public sphere may encourage some young women to form high-level expectations that they are not academically equipped to meet.
{"title":"High Hopes: Gender Trends in Educational Expectations for Graduate and Professional School, 1976-2019","authors":"S. Young, Ann M. Beutel, Stephanie W. Burge","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2177207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2177207","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Educational expectations have increased over time, with greater increases among young women than men, yet research focused on expectations for post-baccalaureate degrees is limited. We investigate young men’s and women’s plans to attend graduate or professional school using Monitoring the Future data from 12th graders for 1976 to 2019, focusing on how academic performance and work and family values may be associated with post-baccalaureate expectations. We find that young women’s expectations for graduate or professional school began to exceed young men’s in the early 1990s and continued to do so afterward, although expectations for post-baccalaureate schooling declined some in recent years, especially among young men. Results also indicate that the gender gap over time is driven partially by more young women than men with B or lower average grades holding post-baccalaureate expectations. Work values may foster these high expectations, especially for lower-achieving young women. Finally, we examine whether post-baccalaureate expectations translate into higher attainments, and results suggest that higher-achieving students are better positioned to meet their post-baccalaureate expectations. Collectively, our findings suggest that sociocultural factors promoting women’s participation in the public sphere may encourage some young women to form high-level expectations that they are not academically equipped to meet.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"493 - 519"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48988260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-24DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2179951
Daniel J. Bartholomay, Meagan Pendleton
ABSTRACT Society’s binary understanding of gender and sexuality often render the identities of bisexual, queer, and pansexual (bi+) people invisible in everyday interactions. Furthermore, when a bi+ person gets married, they are often mistakenly presumed to have “made a choice” regarding their sexual preference or identity. What are the consequences – both negative and positive – of this perception? Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with 23 married bi+ individuals, this research extends the theory of doing gender to the context of doing sexuality to explore if and how married bi+ people attempt to make their sexual identities known in everyday interactions. Findings suggest that being married increased feelings of bisexual erasure. However, married bi+ people who were presumed by others to be heterosexual during interactions frequently reported taking advantage of passing to situationally avoid prejudice or discrimination. Applying a queer theoretical critique of heteronormativity and the binaries it reinforces, this research considers how increased visibility of married bi+ people could contribute to the deconstruction of gender and sexual binaries and the inequalities they create.
{"title":"Doing Sexuality: How Married Bisexual, Queer, and Pansexual People Navigate Passing and Erasure","authors":"Daniel J. Bartholomay, Meagan Pendleton","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2179951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2179951","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Society’s binary understanding of gender and sexuality often render the identities of bisexual, queer, and pansexual (bi+) people invisible in everyday interactions. Furthermore, when a bi+ person gets married, they are often mistakenly presumed to have “made a choice” regarding their sexual preference or identity. What are the consequences – both negative and positive – of this perception? Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted with 23 married bi+ individuals, this research extends the theory of doing gender to the context of doing sexuality to explore if and how married bi+ people attempt to make their sexual identities known in everyday interactions. Findings suggest that being married increased feelings of bisexual erasure. However, married bi+ people who were presumed by others to be heterosexual during interactions frequently reported taking advantage of passing to situationally avoid prejudice or discrimination. Applying a queer theoretical critique of heteronormativity and the binaries it reinforces, this research considers how increased visibility of married bi+ people could contribute to the deconstruction of gender and sexual binaries and the inequalities they create.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"520 - 539"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43044226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2167672
Arman Azedi, Evan Schofer
ABSTRACT This study examines protests targeting Multilateral Economic Institutions (MEIs), namely the WTO, IMF, and World Bank from 1995 to 2018 across a large sample of countries using data drawn from media reports. We consider conventional social movement arguments regarding domestic and international resources and political opportunities, as well as economic threats, integration into the global economy, and the effects of international lending. Hypotheses are evaluated using negative binomial panel regression models of annual country protest counts. Results are consistent with several arguments. Recessions and high unemployment are associated with the number of anti-MEI protests, and countries that receive large IMF loans also tend to have more protests. Moreover, we observe a globalization of the political landscape itself. International sites, such as the locations of WTO, IMF, and World Bank summits, serve as powerful magnets for protest. Finally, we note a decline in anti-globalization protests in recent years. We suspect that this reflects the weakening of MEIs, which have seen their influence wane amidst diminished enthusiasm for globalization. As the neo-liberal agenda stalls, MEIs lose salience and social movements have shifted their attention elsewhere.
{"title":"Assessing the Anti-Globalization Movement: Protest Against the WTO, IMF, and World Bank in Cross-National Perspective","authors":"Arman Azedi, Evan Schofer","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2167672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2167672","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines protests targeting Multilateral Economic Institutions (MEIs), namely the WTO, IMF, and World Bank from 1995 to 2018 across a large sample of countries using data drawn from media reports. We consider conventional social movement arguments regarding domestic and international resources and political opportunities, as well as economic threats, integration into the global economy, and the effects of international lending. Hypotheses are evaluated using negative binomial panel regression models of annual country protest counts. Results are consistent with several arguments. Recessions and high unemployment are associated with the number of anti-MEI protests, and countries that receive large IMF loans also tend to have more protests. Moreover, we observe a globalization of the political landscape itself. International sites, such as the locations of WTO, IMF, and World Bank summits, serve as powerful magnets for protest. Finally, we note a decline in anti-globalization protests in recent years. We suspect that this reflects the weakening of MEIs, which have seen their influence wane amidst diminished enthusiasm for globalization. As the neo-liberal agenda stalls, MEIs lose salience and social movements have shifted their attention elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"445 - 470"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41959260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT This article draws on sociological theories of affect and ambivalence to empirically examine individuals who express support for the rights of gays and lesbians but not transgender people. Using a representative survey of Nebraska residents and quantitative and qualitative analysis of close-ended and open-ended responses, we find that the group we call “inconsistents” are more similar demographically to consistent opponents, they outnumber consistent opponents, and that they rely on two types of logics to justify their views. For nearly all who oppose employment nondiscrimination and bathroom protections for transgender people, they use an identity logic to express skepticism, and often overt hostility, toward transgender identity. For most who oppose only bathroom protections but support employment nondiscrimination, they use a setting logic that emphasizes how social context determines when definitions of gender matter (like when using public restrooms). Our analysis shows that attitudes about LGBT rights are not dichotomous or always uniform and serves as a model to understand other contentious social issues.
{"title":"LG but Not T: Opposition to Transgender Rights Amidst Gay and Lesbian Acceptance","authors":"Kelsy Burke, Emily Kazyak, Marissa Oliver, Payton Valkr","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2167673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2167673","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article draws on sociological theories of affect and ambivalence to empirically examine individuals who express support for the rights of gays and lesbians but not transgender people. Using a representative survey of Nebraska residents and quantitative and qualitative analysis of close-ended and open-ended responses, we find that the group we call “inconsistents” are more similar demographically to consistent opponents, they outnumber consistent opponents, and that they rely on two types of logics to justify their views. For nearly all who oppose employment nondiscrimination and bathroom protections for transgender people, they use an identity logic to express skepticism, and often overt hostility, toward transgender identity. For most who oppose only bathroom protections but support employment nondiscrimination, they use a setting logic that emphasizes how social context determines when definitions of gender matter (like when using public restrooms). Our analysis shows that attitudes about LGBT rights are not dichotomous or always uniform and serves as a model to understand other contentious social issues.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"471 - 492"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41699141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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