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Unconventional Work, Conventional Problems: Gig Microtask Work, Inequality, and the Flexibility Mystique 非传统的工作,传统的问题:零工微任务工作,不平等,和灵活性的奥秘
4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2268679
Reilly Kincaid, Jeremy Reynolds
ABSTRACTGig work platforms often promise workers flexibility and freedom from formal constraints on their work schedules. Some scholars have questioned whether this “formal flexibility” actually helps people arrange gig work around non-work commitments, but few studies have examined this empirically. This paper examines how hours spent in microtask work – a form of gig work with high formal flexibility – influence work-to-life conflict (WLC) relative to conventional work hours, and how these relationships differ by workers’ gender and financial situation. Fixed-effects regressions using panel data from workers on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk platform (MTurk) suggest that microtask work hours are just as closely associated with WLC as conventional work hours. Moreover, microtask work disadvantages the same groups as conventional work (i.e. women and financially struggling workers). Only financially comfortable men seem immune from microtask hours’ association with WLC. This suggests that the benefits of gig work’s formal flexibility are often elusive. We argue that platforms like MTurk promote a flexibility mystique: the illusory promise that gig work empowers workers to set their own schedules and earn decent income without disrupting their personal/family lives. The gig economy’s expansion may thus do little to bring work-life balance to the masses or alleviate inequalities at the work-life nexus.KEYWORDS: Flexibilitywork scheduleswork-life conflictgendergig work Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. We use “work-to-life conflict” rather than Greenhaus and Beutell’s (1985) original term “work-family conflict” because the original concept is too narrow to appropriately capture the scope and heterogeneity of both non-work demands and workers themselves.2. Wald tests comparing coefficients for non-gig and microtask hours in Model 2 confirm that they are not statistically different from each other (p = .95).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by [Grant # 2105-32350] from the Russell Sage Foundation. Any opinions expressed are those of the principal investigator(s) alone and should not be construed as representing the opinions of the Foundation.Notes on contributorsReilly KincaidJeremy Reynolds Dr. is Professor of Sociology at Purdue. He studies how workplaces contribute to inequality. He is particularly interested in the extent to which people can arrange their paid work schedules to accommodate life outside of work and in what happens when they cannot. Dr. Reynolds is a former winner of the Rosabeth Moss Kanter Award for Work-Family research, and his work has been supported by funding from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Russell Sage Foundation. His research has appeared in leading journals including American Sociological Review, Social Forces, Work and Occupations, Journal of Marriage and Family, and Journal of Family Issues.Jeremy ReynoldsReilly Kincaid is a PhD candidate i
摘要零工工作平台通常承诺工人的灵活性和自由,不受工作时间表的正式限制。一些学者质疑这种“正式的灵活性”是否真的能帮助人们在非工作时间安排零工,但很少有研究对此进行实证检验。本文研究了微任务工作(一种具有高度正式灵活性的零工工作形式)所花费的时间如何影响相对于传统工作时间的工作与生活冲突(WLC),以及这些关系如何因工人的性别和经济状况而有所不同。使用亚马逊土耳其机械平台(MTurk)上工人的面板数据进行的固定效应回归表明,微任务工作时间与WLC的关系与传统工作时间一样密切。此外,微任务工作与传统工作(即妇女和经济困难的工人)一样对同一群体不利。只有经济宽裕的男性似乎才不受微任务时间与WLC的关联影响。这表明,零工工作的正式灵活性带来的好处往往难以捉摸。我们认为,像MTurk这样的平台宣传了一种灵活性的神秘感:它虚幻地承诺,零工让员工能够设定自己的时间表,在不干扰个人/家庭生活的情况下获得体面的收入。因此,零工经济的扩张可能无助于为大众带来工作与生活的平衡,也无助于缓解工作与生活之间的不平等。关键词:灵活性,工作时间,工作-生活冲突,性别,零工,披露声明,作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。我们使用“工作-生活冲突”而不是Greenhaus和Beutell(1985)最初的术语“工作-家庭冲突”,因为最初的概念过于狭隘,无法恰当地捕捉非工作需求和工人本身的范围和异质性。Wald检验比较模型2中非gig和微任务小时的系数,证实它们之间没有统计学差异(p = .95)。本研究由Russell Sage基金会[Grant # 2105-32350]资助。所表达的任何意见仅为主要研究者的意见,不应被解释为代表基金会的意见。作者简介赖利·金凯德·杰里米·雷诺兹博士是普渡大学社会学教授。他研究工作场所是如何导致不平等的。他特别感兴趣的是,人们能在多大程度上安排自己的带薪工作时间表,以适应工作之外的生活,以及当他们做不到这一点时会发生什么。雷诺兹博士是Rosabeth Moss Kanter工作-家庭研究奖的前获奖者,他的工作得到了Alfred P. Sloan基金会和Russell Sage基金会的资助。他的研究发表在《美国社会学评论》、《社会力量》、《工作与职业》、《婚姻与家庭杂志》和《家庭问题杂志》等主要期刊上。赖利·金凯德是普渡大学社会学博士候选人。她研究社会不平等、工作、家庭和性别。她的研究得到了罗素·塞奇基金会和美国社会学协会社会心理学分会的资助。她的研究发表在《社会科学研究》、《性别角色》、《工作与职业》和《家庭问题杂志》等期刊上。
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引用次数: 0
Mooring Christian Nationalism: How Religious Institutions, Participation, and Beliefs Inform Christian Nationalism 系泊基督教民族主义:宗教机构、参与和信仰如何影响基督教民族主义
4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2263495
Darren E. Sherkat, Derek Lehman, Nabil Bill Julkif
ABSTRACTChristian nationalism has been linked to a variety of political and social outcomes in the contemporary United States, however little research has investigated factors that give rise to it. Most scholars examining Christian nationalism contend that it is unmoored from extant social institutions, and even oppositional to institutional Christianity. This claim is associated with earlier research arguing for the declining influence of denominations, and particularly mainline Protestantism. In contrast, social movement theory views Christian nationalism as an ideological outgrowth of religious organizations, structured by exclusivist religious beliefs, and reenforced through religious participation. Using data from the General Social Survey (GSS) this investigation examines how religious and political factors inform subscription to Christian nationalism and explores how religious and political commitments are connected. In general, the findings support the expectations of the social movement perspective. Christian nationalism is strongly predicted by ties to sectarian Protestantism, religious participation, and fundamentalist beliefs, and it is not embraced by secular and non-Christian Americans.KEYWORDS: Christian nationalismreligionpolitics Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. A large and growing body of studies have examined the effect of United States Christian nationalism on varied outcomes such as: opposition to same sex marriage (Perry and Whitehead Citation2015b); support for Donald Trump (Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020b; Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2022; Samuel et al. Citation2021; Whitehead and Perry Citation2020a); views about and behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic (Corcoran, Scheitle, and DiGregorio Citation2021; Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2020, Citation2021a; Whitehead and Perry Citation2020b); opposition to pornography (Perry and Whitehead Citation2020); support for abusive police behavior (Perry, Whitehead, and Davis Citation2019); opposition to immigration and negative views of immigrants (McDaniel, Nooruddin, and Faith Shortle Citation2011; Samuel, Rackin, and Froese Citation2021; Sherkat and Lehman Citation2018; Shortle and Keith Gaddie Citation2015); tolerance of racists (Davis and Perry Citation2021); opposition to science (Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020a); punitive attitudes (Davis Citation2018); perceptions of discrimination against Christians (Perry, Schnabel, and Grubbs Citation2022); support for racist family policy (Perry and Whitehead Citation2015a, Citation2015b) and ignorance about American political history (Perry et al. Citation2022).2. While the use of a single item to tap Christian nationalism may not be ideal, there are substantial problems with the multi-item measure used in the Baylor data. Recent research finds a substantial lack of unidimensionality in the scale (Davis Citation2023; Jesse and Adler Citation202
【摘要】基督教民族主义与当代美国的各种政治和社会结果联系在一起,但很少有研究调查其产生的因素。大多数研究基督教民族主义的学者认为,它脱离了现存的社会制度,甚至反对制度化的基督教。这一说法与早期的研究有关,该研究认为教派的影响力正在下降,尤其是主流新教。相反,社会运动理论认为基督教民族主义是宗教组织的意识形态产物,由排他性的宗教信仰构成,并通过宗教参与得到加强。利用综合社会调查(GSS)的数据,本调查探讨了宗教和政治因素如何影响基督教民族主义的订阅,并探讨了宗教和政治承诺是如何联系在一起的。总的来说,研究结果支持社会运动观点的预期。基督教民族主义与宗派主义的新教、宗教参与和原教旨主义信仰有着强烈的联系,它不被世俗和非基督教美国人所接受。关键词:基督教民族主义宗教政治披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。越来越多的研究调查了美国基督教民族主义对各种结果的影响,例如:反对同性婚姻(Perry and Whitehead citation, 2015b);支持唐纳德·特朗普(Baker, Perry, and Whitehead citation) 2020b;Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2022;塞缪尔等人。Citation2021;怀特海和佩里引文(2020a);关于COVID-19大流行期间的观点和行为(Corcoran, Scheitle, and DiGregorio Citation2021;Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2020, Citation2021a;Whitehead and Perry Citation2020b);反对色情(Perry and Whitehead Citation2020);支持滥用警察行为(Perry, Whitehead, and Davis Citation2019);反对移民和对移民的负面看法(McDaniel, Nooruddin, and Faith Shortle citation, 2011;Samuel, Rackin and Froese Citation2021;Sherkat and Lehman Citation2018;肖特和基思·加迪引文(2015);对种族主义者的容忍(Davis and Perry Citation2021);反对科学(Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020a);惩罚性态度(Davis Citation2018);对基督徒歧视的看法(Perry, Schnabel, and Grubbs Citation2022);对种族主义家庭政策的支持(Perry and Whitehead Citation2015a, Citation2015b)和对美国政治史的无知(Perry et al.)。Citation2022)。2。虽然使用单一项目来挖掘基督教民族主义可能并不理想,但贝勒数据中使用的多项目测量存在实质性问题。最近的研究发现,在尺度上严重缺乏单维性(Davis Citation2023;杰西和阿德勒引文(2022)。此外,Jesse和Adler (Citation2022)发现,许多项目并不是基督教民族主义的明确操作,而是反映了其他理论结构,如公民共和主义或宗教保守主义。这种分类系统优于先前的方案,因为它没有将所有黑人新教徒归入同一类别(Shelton和Cobb Citation2017),它能够区分温和新教徒,并将非宗派新教徒与宗派新教徒区分开来(Burge和Djupe Citation2021)。其他分类也将宗教参与与宗教认同混为一谈,从而妨碍对宗教参与方面的教派差异进行任何有意义的审查。附录A显示了使用这种方案估计的模型的结果。值得注意的是,没有什么实质性的区别,但“福音派”的类别稍微明显一些,因为它与宗教参与混为一谈。表2显示了非宗派新教徒和天主教徒之间的显著差异,这在常用的分类中没有进行调查,并且使用该方案失去了61名非宗派受访者。本文作者darren E. Sherkat是南伊利诺伊大学卡本代尔分校的社会学教授。他的研究主要集中在宗教和政治,宗教和分层,以及美国的宗教人口统计。德里克·雷曼是塔尔顿州立大学社会学助理教授。他的研究重点是美国宗教与政治意识形态和身份的交集。Nabil Billy Julkif是南伊利诺伊大学卡本代尔分校的社会学博士生,对定量方法和社会心理学感兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Labor Market Inequality, Debt, and the Consequences of Sub-Baccalaureate Higher Education 劳动力市场不平等,债务和欠学士学位高等教育的后果
4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2253315
Alec P. Rhodes
U.S. young adults in the 2000s and 2010s entered a national labor market that was highly stratified by education. While the socioeconomic consequences of a four-year bachelor’s degree are well documented during this period, less is known about the consequences of seeking a sub-baccalaureate credential. I analyze the employment, earnings, and student debt outcomes associated with several sub-baccalaureate experiences differentiated by enrollment, credential level, and for-profit attendance using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-1997 Cohort. Using fixed-effects regression models, I find that certificates and associate degrees are associated with employment advantages relative to a high school diploma. However, young adults with some two-year college and no credential or a certificate have no higher earnings than those with a high school diploma. Sub-baccalaureate credentials can also be costly, as those who attend a for-profit college have more student debt than those who do not. Results shed light on labor market inequality among a large but understudied segment of higher education and underscore the importance of considering debt alongside labor market outcomes in analyses of the socioeconomic consequences of higher education.
2000年代和2010年代的美国年轻人进入了一个教育程度高度分化的全国劳动力市场。虽然四年制学士学位的社会经济后果在这一时期得到了很好的记录,但人们对寻求副学士学位证书的后果知之甚少。我利用1997年全国青年纵向调查的数据,分析了就业、收入和学生债务与几个次学士学位经历相关的结果,这些经历因入学率、证书水平和营利性出勤率而有所不同。使用固定效应回归模型,我发现相对于高中文凭,证书和副学士学位与就业优势相关。然而,受过两年制大学教育但没有文凭或证书的年轻人的收入并不比拥有高中文凭的人高。副学士学位证书也很昂贵,因为那些上营利性大学的人比那些没有上的人有更多的学生债务。研究结果揭示了高等教育中大量但尚未得到充分研究的劳动力市场不平等现象,并强调了在分析高等教育的社会经济后果时,将债务与劳动力市场结果一并考虑的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
How Local Perceptions Contribute to Urban Environmental Activism: Evidence from the Chicago Metropolitan Area 地方观念如何促进城市环境行动:来自芝加哥大都市区的证据
4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394
Juanita Vivas Bastidas, Maria Akchurin, Dana Garbarski, David Doherty
ABSTRACTIn this paper, we examine how structural and social-psychological factors combine to motivate urban environmental activism. Specifically, we argue that residents’ everyday perceptions about environmental, social, and political conditions in their neighborhoods and cities are connected to their likelihood of involvement in environmental collective action. We use logistic regression models and original survey data from the 2021 Cook County Community Survey (n = 1,069) to investigate whether urban residents’ perceptions of the conditions where they live are associated with their likelihood of participating in protests or public meetings around environmental issues. Our findings show that, in the context of the Chicago metropolitan area, residents who perceive worse environmental conditions in their communities, feel a greater sense of belonging to their neighborhoods, and feel they understand local politics and have political power are more likely to mobilize. In contrast, those who are pessimistic about the future of their neighborhoods are less likely to act. The study suggests that participation in urban environmental collective action is partly explained by how people interpret the daily surroundings they routinely navigate and experience where they live.KEYWORDS: Environmental activismlocal perceptionsneighborhoodsurban AcknowledgmentsWe would like to thank the Loyola University Chicago’s Department of Sociology for funding Juanita Vivas Bastidas’s research assistantship with Maria Akchurin, which supported our collaboration on this paper. Next, we would like to thank Keyla Navarrete, Sophia Bardelli, Gabrielle Castro, Miranda Hertzog, Andrew Byrne, and other members of the Cook County Community Survey team for their feedback and encouragement during the development of the survey’s environment block. We would also like to thank audience members from the Center for Urban Research and Learning (CURL), the Midwest Association for Public Opinion Research (MAPOR), and the Midwest Sociological Society (MSS) for their comments and questions. Finally, we would like to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their time spent recommending helpful revisions to this manuscript. The Cook County Community Survey funding came from LUC Office of Research Services (ORS).Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Ethics DeclarationsThe Institutional Review Board at Loyola University Chicago approved the project (#3115).Supplementary dataSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394.Notes1. A limitation of web-based surveys using quota sampling is that they may underrepresent respondents who are harder to reach or have a lower propensity to respond, such as older respondents, those without Internet access, and those who do not speak English.2. We ran our models with the complete dataset, including respondents who identified as non-binary and as Asia
摘要本文探讨了结构因素和社会心理因素如何共同激发城市环境行动主义。具体而言,我们认为居民对其社区和城市的环境、社会和政治状况的日常感知与他们参与环境集体行动的可能性有关。我们使用逻辑回归模型和2021年库克县社区调查(n = 1,069)的原始调查数据来调查城市居民对其居住条件的看法是否与他们参与围绕环境问题的抗议或公开会议的可能性有关。我们的研究结果表明,在芝加哥大都市区的背景下,那些认为社区环境状况较差的居民,对社区的归属感更强,觉得他们了解当地政治并拥有政治权力,更有可能动员起来。相比之下,那些对自己社区的未来感到悲观的人不太可能采取行动。研究表明,参与城市环境集体行动的部分原因是人们如何理解他们日常生活的环境和体验他们居住的地方。我们要感谢芝加哥洛约拉大学社会学系为Juanita Vivas Bastidas和Maria Akchurin的研究资助,他们支持了我们在本文中的合作。接下来,我们要感谢Keyla Navarrete、Sophia Bardelli、Gabrielle Castro、Miranda Hertzog、Andrew Byrne和库克县社区调查小组的其他成员,感谢他们在调查环境区块开发过程中的反馈和鼓励。我们还要感谢来自城市研究与学习中心(CURL)、中西部民意研究协会(MAPOR)和中西部社会学学会(MSS)的听众的评论和问题。最后,我们要感谢编辑和匿名审稿人花时间推荐对本文有益的修订。库克县社区调查的资金来自卢克大学研究服务办公室(ORS)。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。伦理声明芝加哥洛约拉大学机构审查委员会批准了该项目(#3115)。本文的补充数据可以在线访问https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394.Notes1。使用配额抽样的基于网络的调查的一个局限性是,它们可能无法充分代表较难接触到或倾向于较低的应答者,例如老年应答者、无法上网的应答者和不会说英语的应答者。我们用完整的数据集运行我们的模型,包括那些被认定为非二元和单独的亚洲人的受访者,不止一个种族类别,没有列出。我们关于局部感知变量的发现没有改变。我们还使用性别和种族群体的虚拟变量来运行模型。我们的结果没有改变。见附录。因为我们使用原始的测量方法来评估感知,所以我们遵循了一种具有更高效度和信度的特定项目提问策略(Dykema等)。Citation2022)。4。虽然环境模块中的问题涉及基于社区的感知,但我们关于参与的调查问题并不能让我们理清参与抗议或公共会议的受访者是否因为地理上接近的环境问题而参加抗议或公共会议。未来的研究可以通过具体说明人们正在动员的环境问题的类型和规模或使用民族志工作来三角测量发现来解决这一缺点。其他两两差异无统计学意义(未显示)。在种族和教育程度组之间没有其他两两差异具有统计学意义(未显示)。31 - 44岁年龄组和45 - 64岁年龄组之间的两两差异也具有统计学意义(未显示)。45 - 64岁和65岁以上的人之间的两两差异没有统计学意义(未显示)。作者简介:胡安妮塔·维瓦斯·巴斯蒂达是芝加哥洛约拉大学社会学专业的博士生。她的作品考察了人们在移民、心理健康和环境正义的背景下如何体验种族/民族、性别、民族和公民身份。她在芝加哥洛约拉大学获得硕士学位。Maria Akchurin是芝加哥洛约拉大学社会学助理教授。 她的研究考察了社区如何围绕全球社会环境问题(包括水和卫生基础设施、资源开采和环境危害的不平等暴露)进行解释和政治组织。她在芝加哥大学获得博士学位。Dana Garbarski是芝加哥洛约拉大学社会学系副教授和大学核心课程主任。她的工作检查并告知关于健康和福祉的有效和可靠的调查数据收集,并交叉关注种族/民族、性别、社会经济地位和性取向的维度。她在威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校获得博士学位。大卫·多尔蒂(David Doherty)是芝加哥洛约拉大学政治学教授。他的研究使用调查和实验方法来探索有关大众和精英行为和态度的问题。他在科罗拉多大学获得博士学位。
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引用次数: 0
Sad Puppies and SJWs: Symbolic Revolution and Challenges to Field Orthodoxy in the Struggle for Control of Science Fiction’s Hugo Awards 悲伤的小狗和SJWs:雨果奖控制权争夺战中的象征革命和对正统领域的挑战
4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2252866
Gregory Goalwin
ABSTRACT In 2013 a group of science fiction authors launched a campaign to reform the Hugos, one of science fiction’s most prestigious awards. Dubbing themselves “Sad Puppies,” these activists sought to correct what they viewed as a political imbalance. Science fiction, they argued, had moved away from entertaining story telling in favor of heavy-handed message fiction meant to spread pernicious liberal values. This article draws on an analysis of internet posts by actors involved in the movement to examine the Puppies’ efforts to reform the science fiction field, reclaiming it as a space for conservative authors and fans. I argue that the leaders of the movement were able to build small fan communities into a larger social movement by framing the movement in such a way as to link their efforts to exogenous political and cultural debates occurring in proximate social fields. This analysis demonstrates the processes by which tournament rituals in popular culture can come to serve as contests of values, arenas within which larger political and cultural conflicts are waged.
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引用次数: 0
Grappling with Chance in a Changing World: Towards a Typology and Understanding of Fortune 在变化的世界中与机遇搏斗:走向对财富的类型学和理解
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2252897
Matthew L. Turnbough
ABSTRACT The social changes tied to late modernity and an increasingly precarious labor market have facilitated the emergence of fortune as a potentially significant element for understanding contemporary society. This article approaches this contingent, individualized, secularized, and uncertain panorama from the perspective of the young adults tasked with navigating these societal transformations and the effects of a prolonged economic crisis. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults in Spain, it examines how chance/luck is employed by these individuals. A typology is presented and discussed, consisting of four different relationships with fortune. In the participants’ narratives this paper finds a meritocratic approach, which involves an understanding that good luck is attained through individual initiative, but also relationships less concerned with human agentic power where it can be conceived as an explanatory or meaning making device, as a threat or as an element tied to hope. Consequently, the article seeks to address a gap in sociological research, which has tended to overlook the analytical relevance of fortune, arguing that it constitutes a central element to the symbolic frameworks of these vulnerable young adults as they make their way through a changing world.
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引用次数: 0
The New Class and Right-Wing Populism: The Case of Wisconsin 新阶级与右翼民粹主义——以威斯康辛州为例
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2236662
C. Goldberg, M. Movahed
ABSTRACT While previous scholarship highlights the importance of cross-class alliances between intellectuals and workers in past social-democratic and labor movements, the growth of right-wing populism may signal the breakdown of this political alignment today. We investigate the extent to which intellectuals and workers remain politically aligned through a case study of political developments in the state of Wisconsin, which pioneered social-democratic reforms in the US in the early twentieth century and then turned toward right-wing populism in the twenty-first century. We draw on Alvin Gouldner and Pierre Bourdieu to theorize intellectual-worker alliances. We then present historical evidence that an intellectual-worker alliance played an important role in the earlier period. Logistic regression analysis with survey data shows continued political antagonism between the state’s wealthiest and most highly educated citizens in the later period, as well as an enduring political alignment of highly educated and working-class Wisconsinites. Our results demonstrate that right-wing populism prevailed in Wisconsin despite an intellectual-worker alliance, not because the alliance broke down. We conclude with a discussion of what these findings imply about contemporary right-wing populism beyond Wisconsin.
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引用次数: 0
The Inevitability and Promise of Historical Sociology 历史社会学的必然性与前景
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2236661
Brian Donovan
ABSTRACT As sociologists, we engage in history whether or not we see ourselves, professionally, as historical sociologists. These remarks discuss the varieties of ways sociologists use and approach historical scholarship, including history-as-context, analytic comparative/historical sociology, and interpretive approaches. I also reflect on the first fifty years of Midwest Sociological Society to show that, at different moments, the MSS mirrored, propelled, or lagged behind societal change.
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引用次数: 1
Our Kind of American: Christian Nationalism, Race, and Contingent Views of Cultural Membership 我们这类美国人:基督教民族主义、种族和文化成员的偶然性观点
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2229385
Samuel L. Perry, C. Schleifer, Andrew L. Whitehead, Kenneth E. Frantz
ABSTRACT American “Christian nationalism” is strongly associated with ethno-racial prejudice and xenophobia, particularly among White Americans. Yet research to date ignores the possibility of Christian nationalism operating similarly for ethno-racial minorities depending on the latter’s identification with the in-group vis-à-vis another out-group. Integrating insights from Christian nationalism research with social identity and group threat theories, we theorize racial identity differentially shapes the association between Christian nationalism and attitudes about ethno-racial exclusion or assimilation, contingent on which group is situated as the out-group. Data from the 2014 General Social Survey show Christian nationalism predicts White adults hold more exclusionary and assimilationist views. However, among Black adults (not Hispanic adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of domestic racial/ethnic minorities assimilating. And among Hispanic adults (not Black adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of exclusionary or assimilationist views when immigrants are under consideration. In contrast, when immigrants are the target, Christian nationalism operates identically for Black and White Americans. The same is true for Hispanic and White Americans when domestic minorities are the target. For ethno-racial minorities, Christian nationalism is thus linked with both inclusive/pluralistic views and exclusionary/assimilationist views, contingent on whether it connects them to the in-group or out-group.
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引用次数: 3
Does Feminization Always Lead to Declines in Earnings? Evidence from China’s Marketization (1988 to 2013) 女性化总是导致收入下降吗?来自中国市场化的证据(1988 - 2013)
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2228366
Meiying Li
ABSTRACT One explanation of increasing gender earnings inequality during China’s marketization is the increasing representation of women in industries and occupations in which, on average, earnings are declining. I argue that focusing on the average relationship between feminization and earnings is insufficient to understand complex changes in gender inequality during this period. I hypothesize that the feminization-earnings relationship may vary by industry because of differences in devaluation, social closure, and earnings-setting mechanisms. The hypotheses are tested using data from the China Household Income Project (1988– 2013) in industry-province level fixed-effects models. Results support the hypotheses that focus on industry-specific contexts. Specifically, feminization is not negatively associated with earnings in state-monopolized industries, where earnings are protected, and finance-insurance industries, where high-skilled female-typed skills have been increasingly in demand. I discuss implications for understanding segregation amongst the highly educated.
摘要中国市场化过程中性别收入不平等加剧的一种解释是,女性在平均收入下降的行业和职业中的代表性不断增加。我认为,关注女性化与收入之间的平均关系不足以理解这一时期性别不平等的复杂变化。我假设,由于贬值、社会封闭和收入设定机制的差异,女性化与收入的关系可能因行业而异。这些假设是使用中国家庭收入项目(1988-2013)的数据在工业-省级固定效应模型中进行检验的。研究结果支持了专注于特定行业背景的假设。具体而言,在收入受到保护的国家垄断行业和金融保险行业,女性化与收入没有负面关系,在这些行业,对女性高技能技能的需求越来越大。我讨论了理解高学历人群中种族隔离的含义。
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Sociological Quarterly
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