Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2268679
Reilly Kincaid, Jeremy Reynolds
ABSTRACTGig work platforms often promise workers flexibility and freedom from formal constraints on their work schedules. Some scholars have questioned whether this “formal flexibility” actually helps people arrange gig work around non-work commitments, but few studies have examined this empirically. This paper examines how hours spent in microtask work – a form of gig work with high formal flexibility – influence work-to-life conflict (WLC) relative to conventional work hours, and how these relationships differ by workers’ gender and financial situation. Fixed-effects regressions using panel data from workers on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk platform (MTurk) suggest that microtask work hours are just as closely associated with WLC as conventional work hours. Moreover, microtask work disadvantages the same groups as conventional work (i.e. women and financially struggling workers). Only financially comfortable men seem immune from microtask hours’ association with WLC. This suggests that the benefits of gig work’s formal flexibility are often elusive. We argue that platforms like MTurk promote a flexibility mystique: the illusory promise that gig work empowers workers to set their own schedules and earn decent income without disrupting their personal/family lives. The gig economy’s expansion may thus do little to bring work-life balance to the masses or alleviate inequalities at the work-life nexus.KEYWORDS: Flexibilitywork scheduleswork-life conflictgendergig work Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. We use “work-to-life conflict” rather than Greenhaus and Beutell’s (1985) original term “work-family conflict” because the original concept is too narrow to appropriately capture the scope and heterogeneity of both non-work demands and workers themselves.2. Wald tests comparing coefficients for non-gig and microtask hours in Model 2 confirm that they are not statistically different from each other (p = .95).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by [Grant # 2105-32350] from the Russell Sage Foundation. Any opinions expressed are those of the principal investigator(s) alone and should not be construed as representing the opinions of the Foundation.Notes on contributorsReilly KincaidJeremy Reynolds Dr. is Professor of Sociology at Purdue. He studies how workplaces contribute to inequality. He is particularly interested in the extent to which people can arrange their paid work schedules to accommodate life outside of work and in what happens when they cannot. Dr. Reynolds is a former winner of the Rosabeth Moss Kanter Award for Work-Family research, and his work has been supported by funding from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Russell Sage Foundation. His research has appeared in leading journals including American Sociological Review, Social Forces, Work and Occupations, Journal of Marriage and Family, and Journal of Family Issues.Jeremy ReynoldsReilly Kincaid is a PhD candidate i
{"title":"Unconventional Work, Conventional Problems: Gig Microtask Work, Inequality, and the Flexibility Mystique","authors":"Reilly Kincaid, Jeremy Reynolds","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2268679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2268679","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTGig work platforms often promise workers flexibility and freedom from formal constraints on their work schedules. Some scholars have questioned whether this “formal flexibility” actually helps people arrange gig work around non-work commitments, but few studies have examined this empirically. This paper examines how hours spent in microtask work – a form of gig work with high formal flexibility – influence work-to-life conflict (WLC) relative to conventional work hours, and how these relationships differ by workers’ gender and financial situation. Fixed-effects regressions using panel data from workers on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk platform (MTurk) suggest that microtask work hours are just as closely associated with WLC as conventional work hours. Moreover, microtask work disadvantages the same groups as conventional work (i.e. women and financially struggling workers). Only financially comfortable men seem immune from microtask hours’ association with WLC. This suggests that the benefits of gig work’s formal flexibility are often elusive. We argue that platforms like MTurk promote a flexibility mystique: the illusory promise that gig work empowers workers to set their own schedules and earn decent income without disrupting their personal/family lives. The gig economy’s expansion may thus do little to bring work-life balance to the masses or alleviate inequalities at the work-life nexus.KEYWORDS: Flexibilitywork scheduleswork-life conflictgendergig work Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. We use “work-to-life conflict” rather than Greenhaus and Beutell’s (1985) original term “work-family conflict” because the original concept is too narrow to appropriately capture the scope and heterogeneity of both non-work demands and workers themselves.2. Wald tests comparing coefficients for non-gig and microtask hours in Model 2 confirm that they are not statistically different from each other (p = .95).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by [Grant # 2105-32350] from the Russell Sage Foundation. Any opinions expressed are those of the principal investigator(s) alone and should not be construed as representing the opinions of the Foundation.Notes on contributorsReilly KincaidJeremy Reynolds Dr. is Professor of Sociology at Purdue. He studies how workplaces contribute to inequality. He is particularly interested in the extent to which people can arrange their paid work schedules to accommodate life outside of work and in what happens when they cannot. Dr. Reynolds is a former winner of the Rosabeth Moss Kanter Award for Work-Family research, and his work has been supported by funding from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Russell Sage Foundation. His research has appeared in leading journals including American Sociological Review, Social Forces, Work and Occupations, Journal of Marriage and Family, and Journal of Family Issues.Jeremy ReynoldsReilly Kincaid is a PhD candidate i","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"102 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135809346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2263495
Darren E. Sherkat, Derek Lehman, Nabil Bill Julkif
ABSTRACTChristian nationalism has been linked to a variety of political and social outcomes in the contemporary United States, however little research has investigated factors that give rise to it. Most scholars examining Christian nationalism contend that it is unmoored from extant social institutions, and even oppositional to institutional Christianity. This claim is associated with earlier research arguing for the declining influence of denominations, and particularly mainline Protestantism. In contrast, social movement theory views Christian nationalism as an ideological outgrowth of religious organizations, structured by exclusivist religious beliefs, and reenforced through religious participation. Using data from the General Social Survey (GSS) this investigation examines how religious and political factors inform subscription to Christian nationalism and explores how religious and political commitments are connected. In general, the findings support the expectations of the social movement perspective. Christian nationalism is strongly predicted by ties to sectarian Protestantism, religious participation, and fundamentalist beliefs, and it is not embraced by secular and non-Christian Americans.KEYWORDS: Christian nationalismreligionpolitics Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. A large and growing body of studies have examined the effect of United States Christian nationalism on varied outcomes such as: opposition to same sex marriage (Perry and Whitehead Citation2015b); support for Donald Trump (Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020b; Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2022; Samuel et al. Citation2021; Whitehead and Perry Citation2020a); views about and behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic (Corcoran, Scheitle, and DiGregorio Citation2021; Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2020, Citation2021a; Whitehead and Perry Citation2020b); opposition to pornography (Perry and Whitehead Citation2020); support for abusive police behavior (Perry, Whitehead, and Davis Citation2019); opposition to immigration and negative views of immigrants (McDaniel, Nooruddin, and Faith Shortle Citation2011; Samuel, Rackin, and Froese Citation2021; Sherkat and Lehman Citation2018; Shortle and Keith Gaddie Citation2015); tolerance of racists (Davis and Perry Citation2021); opposition to science (Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020a); punitive attitudes (Davis Citation2018); perceptions of discrimination against Christians (Perry, Schnabel, and Grubbs Citation2022); support for racist family policy (Perry and Whitehead Citation2015a, Citation2015b) and ignorance about American political history (Perry et al. Citation2022).2. While the use of a single item to tap Christian nationalism may not be ideal, there are substantial problems with the multi-item measure used in the Baylor data. Recent research finds a substantial lack of unidimensionality in the scale (Davis Citation2023; Jesse and Adler Citation202
【摘要】基督教民族主义与当代美国的各种政治和社会结果联系在一起,但很少有研究调查其产生的因素。大多数研究基督教民族主义的学者认为,它脱离了现存的社会制度,甚至反对制度化的基督教。这一说法与早期的研究有关,该研究认为教派的影响力正在下降,尤其是主流新教。相反,社会运动理论认为基督教民族主义是宗教组织的意识形态产物,由排他性的宗教信仰构成,并通过宗教参与得到加强。利用综合社会调查(GSS)的数据,本调查探讨了宗教和政治因素如何影响基督教民族主义的订阅,并探讨了宗教和政治承诺是如何联系在一起的。总的来说,研究结果支持社会运动观点的预期。基督教民族主义与宗派主义的新教、宗教参与和原教旨主义信仰有着强烈的联系,它不被世俗和非基督教美国人所接受。关键词:基督教民族主义宗教政治披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。越来越多的研究调查了美国基督教民族主义对各种结果的影响,例如:反对同性婚姻(Perry and Whitehead citation, 2015b);支持唐纳德·特朗普(Baker, Perry, and Whitehead citation) 2020b;Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2022;塞缪尔等人。Citation2021;怀特海和佩里引文(2020a);关于COVID-19大流行期间的观点和行为(Corcoran, Scheitle, and DiGregorio Citation2021;Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2020, Citation2021a;Whitehead and Perry Citation2020b);反对色情(Perry and Whitehead Citation2020);支持滥用警察行为(Perry, Whitehead, and Davis Citation2019);反对移民和对移民的负面看法(McDaniel, Nooruddin, and Faith Shortle citation, 2011;Samuel, Rackin and Froese Citation2021;Sherkat and Lehman Citation2018;肖特和基思·加迪引文(2015);对种族主义者的容忍(Davis and Perry Citation2021);反对科学(Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020a);惩罚性态度(Davis Citation2018);对基督徒歧视的看法(Perry, Schnabel, and Grubbs Citation2022);对种族主义家庭政策的支持(Perry and Whitehead Citation2015a, Citation2015b)和对美国政治史的无知(Perry et al.)。Citation2022)。2。虽然使用单一项目来挖掘基督教民族主义可能并不理想,但贝勒数据中使用的多项目测量存在实质性问题。最近的研究发现,在尺度上严重缺乏单维性(Davis Citation2023;杰西和阿德勒引文(2022)。此外,Jesse和Adler (Citation2022)发现,许多项目并不是基督教民族主义的明确操作,而是反映了其他理论结构,如公民共和主义或宗教保守主义。这种分类系统优于先前的方案,因为它没有将所有黑人新教徒归入同一类别(Shelton和Cobb Citation2017),它能够区分温和新教徒,并将非宗派新教徒与宗派新教徒区分开来(Burge和Djupe Citation2021)。其他分类也将宗教参与与宗教认同混为一谈,从而妨碍对宗教参与方面的教派差异进行任何有意义的审查。附录A显示了使用这种方案估计的模型的结果。值得注意的是,没有什么实质性的区别,但“福音派”的类别稍微明显一些,因为它与宗教参与混为一谈。表2显示了非宗派新教徒和天主教徒之间的显著差异,这在常用的分类中没有进行调查,并且使用该方案失去了61名非宗派受访者。本文作者darren E. Sherkat是南伊利诺伊大学卡本代尔分校的社会学教授。他的研究主要集中在宗教和政治,宗教和分层,以及美国的宗教人口统计。德里克·雷曼是塔尔顿州立大学社会学助理教授。他的研究重点是美国宗教与政治意识形态和身份的交集。Nabil Billy Julkif是南伊利诺伊大学卡本代尔分校的社会学博士生,对定量方法和社会心理学感兴趣。
{"title":"Mooring Christian Nationalism: How Religious Institutions, Participation, and Beliefs Inform Christian Nationalism","authors":"Darren E. Sherkat, Derek Lehman, Nabil Bill Julkif","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2263495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2263495","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTChristian nationalism has been linked to a variety of political and social outcomes in the contemporary United States, however little research has investigated factors that give rise to it. Most scholars examining Christian nationalism contend that it is unmoored from extant social institutions, and even oppositional to institutional Christianity. This claim is associated with earlier research arguing for the declining influence of denominations, and particularly mainline Protestantism. In contrast, social movement theory views Christian nationalism as an ideological outgrowth of religious organizations, structured by exclusivist religious beliefs, and reenforced through religious participation. Using data from the General Social Survey (GSS) this investigation examines how religious and political factors inform subscription to Christian nationalism and explores how religious and political commitments are connected. In general, the findings support the expectations of the social movement perspective. Christian nationalism is strongly predicted by ties to sectarian Protestantism, religious participation, and fundamentalist beliefs, and it is not embraced by secular and non-Christian Americans.KEYWORDS: Christian nationalismreligionpolitics Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. A large and growing body of studies have examined the effect of United States Christian nationalism on varied outcomes such as: opposition to same sex marriage (Perry and Whitehead Citation2015b); support for Donald Trump (Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020b; Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2022; Samuel et al. Citation2021; Whitehead and Perry Citation2020a); views about and behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic (Corcoran, Scheitle, and DiGregorio Citation2021; Perry, Whitehead, and Grubbs Citation2020, Citation2021a; Whitehead and Perry Citation2020b); opposition to pornography (Perry and Whitehead Citation2020); support for abusive police behavior (Perry, Whitehead, and Davis Citation2019); opposition to immigration and negative views of immigrants (McDaniel, Nooruddin, and Faith Shortle Citation2011; Samuel, Rackin, and Froese Citation2021; Sherkat and Lehman Citation2018; Shortle and Keith Gaddie Citation2015); tolerance of racists (Davis and Perry Citation2021); opposition to science (Baker, Perry, and Whitehead Citation2020a); punitive attitudes (Davis Citation2018); perceptions of discrimination against Christians (Perry, Schnabel, and Grubbs Citation2022); support for racist family policy (Perry and Whitehead Citation2015a, Citation2015b) and ignorance about American political history (Perry et al. Citation2022).2. While the use of a single item to tap Christian nationalism may not be ideal, there are substantial problems with the multi-item measure used in the Baylor data. Recent research finds a substantial lack of unidimensionality in the scale (Davis Citation2023; Jesse and Adler Citation202","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135570178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2253315
Alec P. Rhodes
U.S. young adults in the 2000s and 2010s entered a national labor market that was highly stratified by education. While the socioeconomic consequences of a four-year bachelor’s degree are well documented during this period, less is known about the consequences of seeking a sub-baccalaureate credential. I analyze the employment, earnings, and student debt outcomes associated with several sub-baccalaureate experiences differentiated by enrollment, credential level, and for-profit attendance using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-1997 Cohort. Using fixed-effects regression models, I find that certificates and associate degrees are associated with employment advantages relative to a high school diploma. However, young adults with some two-year college and no credential or a certificate have no higher earnings than those with a high school diploma. Sub-baccalaureate credentials can also be costly, as those who attend a for-profit college have more student debt than those who do not. Results shed light on labor market inequality among a large but understudied segment of higher education and underscore the importance of considering debt alongside labor market outcomes in analyses of the socioeconomic consequences of higher education.
{"title":"Labor Market Inequality, Debt, and the Consequences of Sub-Baccalaureate Higher Education","authors":"Alec P. Rhodes","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2253315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2253315","url":null,"abstract":"U.S. young adults in the 2000s and 2010s entered a national labor market that was highly stratified by education. While the socioeconomic consequences of a four-year bachelor’s degree are well documented during this period, less is known about the consequences of seeking a sub-baccalaureate credential. I analyze the employment, earnings, and student debt outcomes associated with several sub-baccalaureate experiences differentiated by enrollment, credential level, and for-profit attendance using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-1997 Cohort. Using fixed-effects regression models, I find that certificates and associate degrees are associated with employment advantages relative to a high school diploma. However, young adults with some two-year college and no credential or a certificate have no higher earnings than those with a high school diploma. Sub-baccalaureate credentials can also be costly, as those who attend a for-profit college have more student debt than those who do not. Results shed light on labor market inequality among a large but understudied segment of higher education and underscore the importance of considering debt alongside labor market outcomes in analyses of the socioeconomic consequences of higher education.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135814335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394
Juanita Vivas Bastidas, Maria Akchurin, Dana Garbarski, David Doherty
ABSTRACTIn this paper, we examine how structural and social-psychological factors combine to motivate urban environmental activism. Specifically, we argue that residents’ everyday perceptions about environmental, social, and political conditions in their neighborhoods and cities are connected to their likelihood of involvement in environmental collective action. We use logistic regression models and original survey data from the 2021 Cook County Community Survey (n = 1,069) to investigate whether urban residents’ perceptions of the conditions where they live are associated with their likelihood of participating in protests or public meetings around environmental issues. Our findings show that, in the context of the Chicago metropolitan area, residents who perceive worse environmental conditions in their communities, feel a greater sense of belonging to their neighborhoods, and feel they understand local politics and have political power are more likely to mobilize. In contrast, those who are pessimistic about the future of their neighborhoods are less likely to act. The study suggests that participation in urban environmental collective action is partly explained by how people interpret the daily surroundings they routinely navigate and experience where they live.KEYWORDS: Environmental activismlocal perceptionsneighborhoodsurban AcknowledgmentsWe would like to thank the Loyola University Chicago’s Department of Sociology for funding Juanita Vivas Bastidas’s research assistantship with Maria Akchurin, which supported our collaboration on this paper. Next, we would like to thank Keyla Navarrete, Sophia Bardelli, Gabrielle Castro, Miranda Hertzog, Andrew Byrne, and other members of the Cook County Community Survey team for their feedback and encouragement during the development of the survey’s environment block. We would also like to thank audience members from the Center for Urban Research and Learning (CURL), the Midwest Association for Public Opinion Research (MAPOR), and the Midwest Sociological Society (MSS) for their comments and questions. Finally, we would like to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their time spent recommending helpful revisions to this manuscript. The Cook County Community Survey funding came from LUC Office of Research Services (ORS).Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Ethics DeclarationsThe Institutional Review Board at Loyola University Chicago approved the project (#3115).Supplementary dataSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394.Notes1. A limitation of web-based surveys using quota sampling is that they may underrepresent respondents who are harder to reach or have a lower propensity to respond, such as older respondents, those without Internet access, and those who do not speak English.2. We ran our models with the complete dataset, including respondents who identified as non-binary and as Asia
{"title":"How Local Perceptions Contribute to Urban Environmental Activism: Evidence from the Chicago Metropolitan Area","authors":"Juanita Vivas Bastidas, Maria Akchurin, Dana Garbarski, David Doherty","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn this paper, we examine how structural and social-psychological factors combine to motivate urban environmental activism. Specifically, we argue that residents’ everyday perceptions about environmental, social, and political conditions in their neighborhoods and cities are connected to their likelihood of involvement in environmental collective action. We use logistic regression models and original survey data from the 2021 Cook County Community Survey (n = 1,069) to investigate whether urban residents’ perceptions of the conditions where they live are associated with their likelihood of participating in protests or public meetings around environmental issues. Our findings show that, in the context of the Chicago metropolitan area, residents who perceive worse environmental conditions in their communities, feel a greater sense of belonging to their neighborhoods, and feel they understand local politics and have political power are more likely to mobilize. In contrast, those who are pessimistic about the future of their neighborhoods are less likely to act. The study suggests that participation in urban environmental collective action is partly explained by how people interpret the daily surroundings they routinely navigate and experience where they live.KEYWORDS: Environmental activismlocal perceptionsneighborhoodsurban AcknowledgmentsWe would like to thank the Loyola University Chicago’s Department of Sociology for funding Juanita Vivas Bastidas’s research assistantship with Maria Akchurin, which supported our collaboration on this paper. Next, we would like to thank Keyla Navarrete, Sophia Bardelli, Gabrielle Castro, Miranda Hertzog, Andrew Byrne, and other members of the Cook County Community Survey team for their feedback and encouragement during the development of the survey’s environment block. We would also like to thank audience members from the Center for Urban Research and Learning (CURL), the Midwest Association for Public Opinion Research (MAPOR), and the Midwest Sociological Society (MSS) for their comments and questions. Finally, we would like to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their time spent recommending helpful revisions to this manuscript. The Cook County Community Survey funding came from LUC Office of Research Services (ORS).Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Ethics DeclarationsThe Institutional Review Board at Loyola University Chicago approved the project (#3115).Supplementary dataSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2250394.Notes1. A limitation of web-based surveys using quota sampling is that they may underrepresent respondents who are harder to reach or have a lower propensity to respond, such as older respondents, those without Internet access, and those who do not speak English.2. We ran our models with the complete dataset, including respondents who identified as non-binary and as Asia","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"205 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135395210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2252866
Gregory Goalwin
ABSTRACT In 2013 a group of science fiction authors launched a campaign to reform the Hugos, one of science fiction’s most prestigious awards. Dubbing themselves “Sad Puppies,” these activists sought to correct what they viewed as a political imbalance. Science fiction, they argued, had moved away from entertaining story telling in favor of heavy-handed message fiction meant to spread pernicious liberal values. This article draws on an analysis of internet posts by actors involved in the movement to examine the Puppies’ efforts to reform the science fiction field, reclaiming it as a space for conservative authors and fans. I argue that the leaders of the movement were able to build small fan communities into a larger social movement by framing the movement in such a way as to link their efforts to exogenous political and cultural debates occurring in proximate social fields. This analysis demonstrates the processes by which tournament rituals in popular culture can come to serve as contests of values, arenas within which larger political and cultural conflicts are waged.
{"title":"Sad Puppies and SJWs: Symbolic Revolution and Challenges to Field Orthodoxy in the Struggle for Control of Science Fiction’s Hugo Awards","authors":"Gregory Goalwin","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2252866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2252866","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2013 a group of science fiction authors launched a campaign to reform the Hugos, one of science fiction’s most prestigious awards. Dubbing themselves “Sad Puppies,” these activists sought to correct what they viewed as a political imbalance. Science fiction, they argued, had moved away from entertaining story telling in favor of heavy-handed message fiction meant to spread pernicious liberal values. This article draws on an analysis of internet posts by actors involved in the movement to examine the Puppies’ efforts to reform the science fiction field, reclaiming it as a space for conservative authors and fans. I argue that the leaders of the movement were able to build small fan communities into a larger social movement by framing the movement in such a way as to link their efforts to exogenous political and cultural debates occurring in proximate social fields. This analysis demonstrates the processes by which tournament rituals in popular culture can come to serve as contests of values, arenas within which larger political and cultural conflicts are waged.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135982205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-05DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2252897
Matthew L. Turnbough
ABSTRACT The social changes tied to late modernity and an increasingly precarious labor market have facilitated the emergence of fortune as a potentially significant element for understanding contemporary society. This article approaches this contingent, individualized, secularized, and uncertain panorama from the perspective of the young adults tasked with navigating these societal transformations and the effects of a prolonged economic crisis. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults in Spain, it examines how chance/luck is employed by these individuals. A typology is presented and discussed, consisting of four different relationships with fortune. In the participants’ narratives this paper finds a meritocratic approach, which involves an understanding that good luck is attained through individual initiative, but also relationships less concerned with human agentic power where it can be conceived as an explanatory or meaning making device, as a threat or as an element tied to hope. Consequently, the article seeks to address a gap in sociological research, which has tended to overlook the analytical relevance of fortune, arguing that it constitutes a central element to the symbolic frameworks of these vulnerable young adults as they make their way through a changing world.
{"title":"Grappling with Chance in a Changing World: Towards a Typology and Understanding of Fortune","authors":"Matthew L. Turnbough","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2252897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2252897","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The social changes tied to late modernity and an increasingly precarious labor market have facilitated the emergence of fortune as a potentially significant element for understanding contemporary society. This article approaches this contingent, individualized, secularized, and uncertain panorama from the perspective of the young adults tasked with navigating these societal transformations and the effects of a prolonged economic crisis. Based on a discourse analysis of 20 in-depth interviews and three focus groups with young adults in Spain, it examines how chance/luck is employed by these individuals. A typology is presented and discussed, consisting of four different relationships with fortune. In the participants’ narratives this paper finds a meritocratic approach, which involves an understanding that good luck is attained through individual initiative, but also relationships less concerned with human agentic power where it can be conceived as an explanatory or meaning making device, as a threat or as an element tied to hope. Consequently, the article seeks to address a gap in sociological research, which has tended to overlook the analytical relevance of fortune, arguing that it constitutes a central element to the symbolic frameworks of these vulnerable young adults as they make their way through a changing world.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42632001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-25DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2236662
C. Goldberg, M. Movahed
ABSTRACT While previous scholarship highlights the importance of cross-class alliances between intellectuals and workers in past social-democratic and labor movements, the growth of right-wing populism may signal the breakdown of this political alignment today. We investigate the extent to which intellectuals and workers remain politically aligned through a case study of political developments in the state of Wisconsin, which pioneered social-democratic reforms in the US in the early twentieth century and then turned toward right-wing populism in the twenty-first century. We draw on Alvin Gouldner and Pierre Bourdieu to theorize intellectual-worker alliances. We then present historical evidence that an intellectual-worker alliance played an important role in the earlier period. Logistic regression analysis with survey data shows continued political antagonism between the state’s wealthiest and most highly educated citizens in the later period, as well as an enduring political alignment of highly educated and working-class Wisconsinites. Our results demonstrate that right-wing populism prevailed in Wisconsin despite an intellectual-worker alliance, not because the alliance broke down. We conclude with a discussion of what these findings imply about contemporary right-wing populism beyond Wisconsin.
{"title":"The New Class and Right-Wing Populism: The Case of Wisconsin","authors":"C. Goldberg, M. Movahed","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2236662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2236662","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While previous scholarship highlights the importance of cross-class alliances between intellectuals and workers in past social-democratic and labor movements, the growth of right-wing populism may signal the breakdown of this political alignment today. We investigate the extent to which intellectuals and workers remain politically aligned through a case study of political developments in the state of Wisconsin, which pioneered social-democratic reforms in the US in the early twentieth century and then turned toward right-wing populism in the twenty-first century. We draw on Alvin Gouldner and Pierre Bourdieu to theorize intellectual-worker alliances. We then present historical evidence that an intellectual-worker alliance played an important role in the earlier period. Logistic regression analysis with survey data shows continued political antagonism between the state’s wealthiest and most highly educated citizens in the later period, as well as an enduring political alignment of highly educated and working-class Wisconsinites. Our results demonstrate that right-wing populism prevailed in Wisconsin despite an intellectual-worker alliance, not because the alliance broke down. We conclude with a discussion of what these findings imply about contemporary right-wing populism beyond Wisconsin.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42962711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-25DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2236661
Brian Donovan
ABSTRACT As sociologists, we engage in history whether or not we see ourselves, professionally, as historical sociologists. These remarks discuss the varieties of ways sociologists use and approach historical scholarship, including history-as-context, analytic comparative/historical sociology, and interpretive approaches. I also reflect on the first fifty years of Midwest Sociological Society to show that, at different moments, the MSS mirrored, propelled, or lagged behind societal change.
{"title":"The Inevitability and Promise of Historical Sociology","authors":"Brian Donovan","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2236661","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2236661","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As sociologists, we engage in history whether or not we see ourselves, professionally, as historical sociologists. These remarks discuss the varieties of ways sociologists use and approach historical scholarship, including history-as-context, analytic comparative/historical sociology, and interpretive approaches. I also reflect on the first fifty years of Midwest Sociological Society to show that, at different moments, the MSS mirrored, propelled, or lagged behind societal change.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43849595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-07DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2229385
Samuel L. Perry, C. Schleifer, Andrew L. Whitehead, Kenneth E. Frantz
ABSTRACT American “Christian nationalism” is strongly associated with ethno-racial prejudice and xenophobia, particularly among White Americans. Yet research to date ignores the possibility of Christian nationalism operating similarly for ethno-racial minorities depending on the latter’s identification with the in-group vis-à-vis another out-group. Integrating insights from Christian nationalism research with social identity and group threat theories, we theorize racial identity differentially shapes the association between Christian nationalism and attitudes about ethno-racial exclusion or assimilation, contingent on which group is situated as the out-group. Data from the 2014 General Social Survey show Christian nationalism predicts White adults hold more exclusionary and assimilationist views. However, among Black adults (not Hispanic adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of domestic racial/ethnic minorities assimilating. And among Hispanic adults (not Black adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of exclusionary or assimilationist views when immigrants are under consideration. In contrast, when immigrants are the target, Christian nationalism operates identically for Black and White Americans. The same is true for Hispanic and White Americans when domestic minorities are the target. For ethno-racial minorities, Christian nationalism is thus linked with both inclusive/pluralistic views and exclusionary/assimilationist views, contingent on whether it connects them to the in-group or out-group.
{"title":"Our Kind of American: Christian Nationalism, Race, and Contingent Views of Cultural Membership","authors":"Samuel L. Perry, C. Schleifer, Andrew L. Whitehead, Kenneth E. Frantz","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2229385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2229385","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT American “Christian nationalism” is strongly associated with ethno-racial prejudice and xenophobia, particularly among White Americans. Yet research to date ignores the possibility of Christian nationalism operating similarly for ethno-racial minorities depending on the latter’s identification with the in-group vis-à-vis another out-group. Integrating insights from Christian nationalism research with social identity and group threat theories, we theorize racial identity differentially shapes the association between Christian nationalism and attitudes about ethno-racial exclusion or assimilation, contingent on which group is situated as the out-group. Data from the 2014 General Social Survey show Christian nationalism predicts White adults hold more exclusionary and assimilationist views. However, among Black adults (not Hispanic adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of domestic racial/ethnic minorities assimilating. And among Hispanic adults (not Black adults), Christian nationalism is associated with a rejection of exclusionary or assimilationist views when immigrants are under consideration. In contrast, when immigrants are the target, Christian nationalism operates identically for Black and White Americans. The same is true for Hispanic and White Americans when domestic minorities are the target. For ethno-racial minorities, Christian nationalism is thus linked with both inclusive/pluralistic views and exclusionary/assimilationist views, contingent on whether it connects them to the in-group or out-group.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44812705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-05DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2023.2228366
Meiying Li
ABSTRACT One explanation of increasing gender earnings inequality during China’s marketization is the increasing representation of women in industries and occupations in which, on average, earnings are declining. I argue that focusing on the average relationship between feminization and earnings is insufficient to understand complex changes in gender inequality during this period. I hypothesize that the feminization-earnings relationship may vary by industry because of differences in devaluation, social closure, and earnings-setting mechanisms. The hypotheses are tested using data from the China Household Income Project (1988– 2013) in industry-province level fixed-effects models. Results support the hypotheses that focus on industry-specific contexts. Specifically, feminization is not negatively associated with earnings in state-monopolized industries, where earnings are protected, and finance-insurance industries, where high-skilled female-typed skills have been increasingly in demand. I discuss implications for understanding segregation amongst the highly educated.
{"title":"Does Feminization Always Lead to Declines in Earnings? Evidence from China’s Marketization (1988 to 2013)","authors":"Meiying Li","doi":"10.1080/00380253.2023.2228366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2023.2228366","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT One explanation of increasing gender earnings inequality during China’s marketization is the increasing representation of women in industries and occupations in which, on average, earnings are declining. I argue that focusing on the average relationship between feminization and earnings is insufficient to understand complex changes in gender inequality during this period. I hypothesize that the feminization-earnings relationship may vary by industry because of differences in devaluation, social closure, and earnings-setting mechanisms. The hypotheses are tested using data from the China Household Income Project (1988– 2013) in industry-province level fixed-effects models. Results support the hypotheses that focus on industry-specific contexts. Specifically, feminization is not negatively associated with earnings in state-monopolized industries, where earnings are protected, and finance-insurance industries, where high-skilled female-typed skills have been increasingly in demand. I discuss implications for understanding segregation amongst the highly educated.","PeriodicalId":48007,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"676 - 701"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45040759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}