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Changes and stagnation in contemporary racial stereotypes 当代种族定型观念的变化与停滞
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-02-17 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231223892
Tory L. Ash, Katharine E. Scott, Megan Bruun, Patricia G. Devine
Generations of researchers have studied the extent to which the content and consistency of stereotypes about Black people have changed over time. At best, the evidence is mixed with some findings suggesting changes in stereotypes and other evidence suggesting that, though belief in stereotypes changed for some people, stereotypes remain negative. Our study adds to the literature by evaluating participants’ stereotype knowledge and personal beliefs about Black people, aligning with recommended practices by Devine and Elliot. Our data reveal a shift in stereotype content overall and greater heterogeneity in trait selections among participants with egalitarian values. However, stereotypes regarding Black people are, if anything, more negative in the present study than in prior research. The stubbornness of valence to change is concerning and reaffirms the need to focus research efforts on improving individuals’ ability to regulate their expression of stereotypes to prevent them from affecting their treatment of others.
几代研究人员都在研究对黑人的刻板印象的内容和一致性在多大程度上随着时间的推移而发生了变化。充其量只是证据参差不齐,一些研究结果表明刻板印象发生了变化,而另一些证据则表明,虽然一些人对刻板印象的信念发生了变化,但刻板印象仍然是负面的。我们的研究通过评估参与者对黑人的刻板印象知识和个人信念,与 Devine 和 Elliot 推荐的做法保持一致,为文献增添了新的内容。我们的数据显示,在具有平等主义价值观的参与者中,刻板印象的内容总体上有所改变,特质选择的异质性更大。然而,与之前的研究相比,本研究中对黑人的刻板印象更加负面。这种固执的价值变化令人担忧,同时也再次证明了有必要将研究重点放在提高个人调节刻板印象表达的能力上,以防止刻板印象影响他们对待他人的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Contributions of group identification and emotional synchrony in understanding collective gatherings: A meta-analysis of 13 studies 群体认同和情感同步对理解集体聚会的贡献:对 13 项研究的荟萃分析
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-02-16 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231223897
Pierre Bouchat, José J. Pizarro, Dario Páez, Larraitz N. Zumeta, Nekane Basabe, Anna Włodarczyk, Fuad Hatibovic, Bernard Rimé
The present research aims to explore the relationship between group identification and emotional synchronization in a series of collective gatherings and evaluate their respective effects on key social-psychological variables. Thirteen studies were conducted in highly varied contexts, studying naturally happening phenomena, and focusing on a wide range of collective gatherings ( N = 2,260 participants). The results of factor analyses and a random-model meta-analysis strongly support the idea that group identification and emotional synchronization constitute two differentiated constructs that are systematically positively associated. At the aggregate level, results of multilevel models show that both group identification and emotional synchronization are significant predictors of key social-psychological variables. These findings suggest that an integrative approach is most needed to capture the experience of collective gatherings.
本研究旨在探讨一系列集体聚会中群体认同与情感同步之间的关系,并评估它们各自对关键社会心理变量的影响。本研究共进行了 13 项研究,研究背景千差万别,研究对象是自然发生的现象,研究对象包括各种集体聚会(人数=2,260 人)。因子分析和随机模型荟萃分析的结果有力地支持了这一观点,即群体认同和情感同步构成了两个不同的建构,它们之间存在系统性的正相关。在总体层面上,多层次模型的结果表明,群体认同和情感同步都能显著预测关键的社会心理变量。这些发现表明,最需要的是一种综合方法来捕捉集体聚会的体验。
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引用次数: 0
Self-esteem, ingroup favoritism, and outgroup evaluations: A meta-analysis 自尊、内群偏爱和外群评价:荟萃分析
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-02-16 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231210496
Luis M. Rivera, H. Annie Vu, Valerie Laws Backstrom
Social identity theory hypothesizes that ingroup positive distinctiveness serves as a source of self-esteem that in turn propels individuals to favor ingroups over outgroups. The current meta-analysis extends past reviews of this hypothesis by testing if (a) self-esteem is differentially related to ingroup versus outgroup evaluations, and (b) the self-esteem–outgroup evaluation relation is moderated by four theoretically driven factors. A total of 103 effect sizes measured the self-esteem and outgroup derogation relation ( N = 15,764) and the self-esteem and ingroup liking relation ( N = 15,741). High self-esteem was associated with strong ingroup liking and, to a lesser extent, strong outgroup liking. Regarding the second goal, moderator analyses of the relation between self-esteem and outgroup evaluations (up to 71 effect sizes) revealed four patterns: the relation emerged when personal self-esteem was measured, real groups were targeted, low-status groups judged high-status groups, and there was no domain match between self-esteem and the outgroup.
社会认同理论假设,内群体的积极独特性是自尊心的来源,而自尊心又反过来推动个体偏爱内群体而非外群体。当前的荟萃分析通过检验以下两个方面,扩展了过去对这一假设的研究:(a)自尊是否与内群评价和外群评价有不同的关系;(b)自尊与内群评价的关系是否受到四个理论驱动因素的调节。共有 103 个效应大小测量了自尊与外群体贬损关系(N = 15,764 )和自尊与内群体喜欢关系(N = 15,741 )。高自尊与强烈的内群喜好相关,其次与强烈的外群喜好相关。关于第二个目标,自尊与外群体评价之间关系的调节分析(最多 71 个效应大小)揭示了四种模式:当测量个人自尊、以真实群体为目标、低地位群体评判高地位群体以及自尊与外群体之间没有领域匹配时,这种关系就会出现。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond “pride or prejudice”: Conservatism, opposition to political correctness, and support for Confederate and other controversial statues 超越 "傲慢或偏见":保守主义、反对政治正确、支持邦联和其他有争议的雕像
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231219672
Mason D. Burns, Erica L. Granz, Kipling D. Williams
Although controversial, numerous memorials venerating the Confederacy of the American Civil War remain standing across America, and removal efforts are met with backlash. Although research has investigated how racial bias and Southerner identification predict Confederate statue/symbol support, we investigated how conservatism and opposition to political correctness (anti-PC attitudes) explain attitudes toward controversial public statues. Across Studies 1a–5 ( N = 885), results revealed that conservatives consistently reported greater anti-PC attitudes than liberals, and anti-PC attitudes predicted support for Confederate statues even after accounting for anti-Black bias. However, conservatives’ anti-PC attitudes were not applied in a principled way. In Studies 2 to 5, conservatives and participants high in anti-PC attitudes opposed the removal of Confederate statues and statues of controversial right-wing figures. However, this pattern was reversed when participants considered statues of controversial left-wing figures. Furthermore, Study 5 investigated how participants’ immediate negative reactions (e.g., moral outrage) predicted their attitudes toward removing controversial statues.
尽管存在争议,但全美仍有许多纪念美国内战南方邦联的纪念碑矗立在那里,拆除这些纪念碑的努力遭到了反弹。尽管已有研究调查了种族偏见和南方人认同如何预测对南方邦联雕像/标志的支持,但我们还是调查了保守主义和反对政治正确(反政治正确态度)如何解释对有争议的公共雕像的态度。在研究 1a-5 中(N = 885),结果显示保守派的反政治正确态度一直高于自由派,即使考虑到反黑人偏见,反政治正确态度也能预测对邦联雕像的支持度。然而,保守派的反PC态度并不是以一种原则性的方式应用的。在研究 2 至 5 中,保守派和反 PC 态度高的参与者反对拆除邦联雕像和有争议的右翼人物雕像。然而,当参与者考虑有争议的左翼人物雕像时,这一模式却发生了逆转。此外,研究 5 还调查了参与者的直接负面反应(如道德义愤)如何预测他们对移除有争议雕像的态度。
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引用次数: 0
The social psychological predictors of men’s backlash responses to the #MeToo movement 男性对 #MeToo 运动反弹反应的社会心理学预测因素
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231210492
Arin H. Ayanian, Özden Melis Uluğ, Helena R. M. Radke, Andreas Zick
Although the #MeToo movement embarked on addressing sexual harassment, it also addressed gender inequality in various domains and demanded a change in the status quo to achieve greater gender equality. Many men around the globe joined the #MeToo movement and supported it. However, the movement also experienced significant backlash. Across a preliminary study and two studies ( N = 667), we examined the gender-based social psychological motivations underlying men’s willingness to take peaceful and violent collective action (a) against the #MeToo movement and (b) promoting men’s movement. In particular, we examined the gender-based attitudinal (i.e., collective responsibility, zero-sum beliefs), ideological (i.e., male entitlement), and emotional (i.e., collective humiliation) antecedents of willingness to engage in different forms of collective action. We also tested whether humiliation is the most proximal predictor of action. Our results highlighted the importance of male entitlement, zero-sum beliefs, and collective responsibility in motivating men to engage in peaceful and violent action, and indirectly affecting both forms of collective action through collective humiliation. We discuss the implications of these findings and suggest future directions for discrimination prevention and gender equality.
尽管 #MeToo 运动的出发点是解决性骚扰问题,但它也涉及各个领域的性别不平等问题,并要求改变现状,以实现更大的性别平等。全球许多男性加入并支持 #MeToo 运动。然而,这场运动也遭遇了巨大的反弹。通过一项初步研究和两项研究(N = 667),我们考察了男性愿意采取和平与暴力集体行动(a)反对 #MeToo 运动和(b)促进男性运动的基于性别的社会心理动机。特别是,我们研究了参与不同形式集体行动意愿的性别态度(即集体责任、零和信念)、意识形态(即男性权利)和情感(即集体羞辱)前因。我们还测试了羞辱是否是预测行动的最直接因素。我们的研究结果凸显了男性权利、零和信念和集体责任在激励男性参与和平与暴力行动方面的重要性,并通过集体羞辱间接影响了这两种形式的集体行动。我们讨论了这些发现的意义,并提出了预防歧视和性别平等的未来方向。
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引用次数: 0
The emotional citizen: Positive affective response towards immigrants predicts meaningful experiences with them and lower COVID-19 perceived threat in nine countries 情感公民:对移民的积极情感反应预示着与他们有意义的经历,并降低了9个国家的COVID-19感知威胁
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231179909
Maria Duque, David De Coninck, Cory L. Cobb, Tara Bautista, Jackson D. Anderson, Pablo Montero-Zamora, Patrizia A. Perazzo, Claudia Lopez-Madrigal, Beyhan Ertanir, Maria F. Garcia, Saskia R. Vos, Aigerim Alpysbekova, Seth J. Schwartz
Mass migration and COVID-19 represent two converging challenges affecting immigrant-receiving countries. Our understanding of intergroup emotion profiles—positive (happiness, hope, and sympathy) and negative (anger, fear, and disgust)—among members of immigrant destination societies in times of global uncertainty remains limited. Drawing from panel samples from nine countries ( N = 13,645), and controlling for relevant covariates, we aimed to extract latent profiles of intergroup emotions and map these profiles onto perceived COVID-19-related threats, immigrant contact, political predispositions, dark triad traits, and prejudice. We identified six latent profiles with patterns suggesting that positive interactions with immigrants are significantly correlated with positive emotional response and lower perceived pandemic threat. Societies facing mass immigration in the wake of COVID-19 may benefit from interventions and policies that promote positive and close experiences with immigrants, thereby reducing negative emotions and fostering positive emotions toward newcomers among citizens.
大规模移民和2019冠状病毒病是影响移民接收国的两大共同挑战。在全球不确定时期,我们对移民目的地社会成员的群体间情绪特征——积极的(快乐、希望和同情)和消极的(愤怒、恐惧和厌恶)——的理解仍然有限。从9个国家(N = 13,645)的小组样本中提取,并控制相关协变量,我们旨在提取群体间情绪的潜在特征,并将这些特征映射到与covid -19相关的感知威胁、移民接触、政治倾向、黑暗三联征特征和偏见上。我们确定了六个潜在特征,这些特征的模式表明,与移民的积极互动与积极的情绪反应和较低的感知大流行威胁显著相关。在2019冠状病毒病之后面临大规模移民的社会可以从促进与移民积极和亲密体验的干预措施和政策中受益,从而减少公民对新移民的负面情绪,培养对新移民的积极情绪。
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引用次数: 0
Old for young: Cross-national examination of intergenerational political solidarity 以老换新:对代际政治团结的跨国考察
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231201785
Theresa de Paula Sieverding, Martin Merten, Karen Kastner
Socioecological crises, such as the climate crisis, place a heavy burden on young and future generations. However, these generations have less influence on political and economic decisions. Older generations will be less affected by most socioecological crises but have a greater impact in terms of contribution and resolution. Therefore, young and future generations depend on older generations to act in solidarity. In a preregistered online survey study, we examined the political solidarity of older adults with young people in three countries (US, N = 399; Germany, N = 401; and Brazil, N = 403). Results show that affinity with young people and legacy motivation directly explained intergenerational political solidarity in all three countries. In the US and Brazil, quantity and quality of intergenerational contact with young people indirectly explained political solidarity through affinity. These findings suggest that increasing the closeness between generations may be a promising lever for intergenerational solidarity.
气候危机等社会生态危机给年轻人和子孙后代带来了沉重的负担。然而,这几代人对政治和经济决策的影响较小。老一代受大多数社会生态危机的影响较小,但在贡献和解决方面有更大的影响。因此,年轻一代和未来几代人依靠老一代的团结行动。在一项预先登记的在线调查研究中,我们研究了三个国家老年人与年轻人的政治团结(美国,N = 399;德国,N = 401;巴西,N = 403)。结果表明,与年轻人的亲和力和遗产动机直接解释了这三个国家的代际政治团结。在美国和巴西,与年轻人的代际接触的数量和质量间接解释了通过亲和力的政治团结。这些发现表明,增加代际之间的亲密程度可能是代际团结的一个有希望的杠杆。
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引用次数: 0
European attachment and restrictive and inclusive policies towards ethnic minorities and immigrants: The mediating role of perceived threat 欧洲对少数民族和移民的依附与限制与包容政策:感知威胁的中介作用
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231199066
Maitane Arnoso-Martínez, Magdalena Bobowik, Nerea González, Mirjana Rupar, Ainara Arnoso-Martínez, Daniel Gómez
Having a strong attachment to Europe might be crucial in understanding support for policies affecting ethnic minorities and migrants arriving in Europe. However, research examining this link is limited. In 4 out of 5 studies ( N = 1,469), including correlational and experimental data, we found that greater European attachment was associated with support for restrictive policies such as border closures or increased security. These relationships were consistently explained by higher perceptions of realistic threat. European attachment did not show a significant association with support for inclusive policies such as those promoting the integration of cultural diversity or granting rights to minorities, in 4 out of 5 studies. However, meta-analytical integration of the data revealed a significant averaged indirect relationship: European attachment was associated with less support for inclusive policies via increased realistic threat. We discuss these findings while considering the sociopolitical context and the practical implications for Europe’s commitment to human rights.
对欧洲有强烈的依恋可能对理解对影响少数民族和抵达欧洲的移民的政策的支持至关重要。然而,研究这种联系的研究是有限的。在五分之四的研究(N = 1469)中,包括相关和实验数据,我们发现,更大的欧洲依恋与支持边境关闭或加强安全等限制性政策有关。这些关系一直可以用对现实威胁的更高感知来解释。在五分之四的研究中,对欧洲的依恋与支持包容性政策(如促进文化多样性融合或赋予少数民族权利)没有显着关联。然而,数据的元分析整合揭示了一个显著的平均间接关系:欧洲依恋与通过增加现实威胁而减少对包容性政策的支持有关。我们在讨论这些发现的同时,考虑到社会政治背景和对欧洲人权承诺的实际影响。
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引用次数: 0
Investigation of gender bias in the mental imagery of faces 面孔心理意象中的性别偏见研究
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231200168
Jonas R. Kunst, Marilena Juettemeier, April H. Bailey, Gulnaz Anjum, Alexander S. English, Milan Obaidi, David L. Sam, Fatma Yaşın-Tekizoğlu, Collins B. Agyemang
People tend to think of the prototypical person as a man more than as a woman, but this bias has primarily been observed in language-based tasks. Here, we investigated whether this bias is also present in the mental imagery of faces. A preregistered cross-cultural reverse-correlation study including participants from six WEIRD and non-WEIRD countries varying in gender equality (i.e., China, Ghana, Norway, Pakistan, Turkey, and the US; N = 645) unexpectedly suggested that people imagine the face of a generic “person” more as a woman than as a man. Replicating this unexpected result, a second preregistered study ( N = 115) showed that U.S. participants imagine the face of a typical person as being more similar to their imagined face of a woman than of a man. We discuss explanations for these unexpected findings, including the possibility that the prototypical person is male-biased—consistent with previous work—but the default face may be female-biased.
人们倾向于认为原型人是男性而不是女性,但这种偏见主要是在基于语言的任务中观察到的。在这里,我们调查了这种偏见是否也存在于面部的心理意象中。一项预先注册的跨文化反向相关研究,包括来自六个性别平等程度不同的WEIRD和非WEIRD国家(即中国、加纳、挪威、巴基斯坦、土耳其和美国)的参与者;N = 645)出人意料地表明,人们更倾向于想象一个普通“人”的脸是女性而不是男性。第二项预先登记的研究(N = 115)重复了这一意想不到的结果,表明美国参与者想象中的典型人物的脸与他们想象中的女性脸更相似,而不是男性脸。我们讨论了对这些意外发现的解释,包括原型人物可能偏向于男性——与之前的研究一致——但默认面孔可能偏向于女性。
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引用次数: 0
Partisanship and divided perceptions of the American and British flags 党派之争以及对美国和英国国旗的分歧看法
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1177/13684302231200138
Vlada Trofimchuk, Jin X. Goh
National flags embody their nations’ core values and beliefs but they may be perceived differently in today’s increasingly polarized societies. We conducted two studies ( N = 768) in the United States to examine partisan differences between Democrats and Republicans, and a third study in the United Kingdom ( N = 509) between supporters of the Labour and Conservative parties. Across all three studies, we consistently found that Democrat and Labour participants (compared to their Republican and Conservative counterparts) associated their respective national flags with less positive and more negative affect and concepts. Studies 2 and 3 further showed that these partisan divides were driven by how much people associated their national flags with their political outgroup. For Democrats and Labour participants, associating their national flags with their political outgroup predicted less positive and more negative affect, but associating the flags with their political ingroup predicted more positive and less negative affect.
国旗体现了国家的核心价值观和信仰,但在当今日益两极化的社会中,人们对国旗的看法可能有所不同。我们在美国进行了两项研究(N = 768),以检查民主党和共和党之间的党派差异,在英国进行了第三项研究(N = 509),在工党和保守党的支持者之间进行了研究。在所有三项研究中,我们一致发现民主党和工党的参与者(与共和党和保守党的参与者相比)将各自的国旗与较少的积极和更多的消极影响和概念联系在一起。研究2和3进一步表明,这些党派分歧是由人们将国旗与政治外群体联系在一起的程度所驱动的。对于民主党和工党的参与者来说,将他们的国旗与他们的政治外群体联系起来预测的积极影响较少,消极影响较多,但将国旗与他们的政治内群体联系起来预测的积极影响较多,消极影响较少。
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引用次数: 0
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations
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