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“Will they assume I’m racist?” How racial ingroup members’ stereotypical behavior impacts White Americans’ interracial interaction experiences "他们会认为我是种族主义者吗?种族内群体成员的刻板行为如何影响美国白人的种族间互动体验
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-08-07 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241265260
Valerie Jones Taylor, Caitlyn Yantis, Juan V. Valladares
Three studies ( N = 1,427) examine White Americans’ threat and stress appraisals and coping strategies in imagined inter- and intraracial interactions when a nearby White person does something racist. White individuals report heightened concern about being stereotyped as racist (i.e., metastereotyping) following an ingroup member’s stereotype-confirming (vs. neutral) behavior (Studies 1–3). Moreover, across studies, these heightened metastereotypes predict greater anxiety, which in turn predicts anticipated coping strategies (e.g., increased motivation to disprove the stereotype). Additionally, relative to imagined interactions with a White partner, these consequences of witnessing a White person’s anti-Black bias are significantly stronger with a Black or Latinx (Studies 1 and 2) but not an Asian (Study 3, preregistered) interaction partner. This work highlights how an ingroup member’s racist behavior is a situational stressor for White people during intergroup encounters, engendering coping strategies to protect the self and manage the ensuing interaction.
三项研究(N = 1,427)考察了美国白人在想象中的种族间和种族内互动中,当附近的白人做出种族主义行为时的威胁和压力评估及应对策略。白人报告说,当内群体成员的刻板印象确认行为(相对于中性行为)发生后,他们会更加担心自己被刻板印象视为种族主义者(即 "元刻板印象")(研究 1-3)。此外,在各项研究中,这些元刻板印象的增强预示着更大的焦虑,而焦虑反过来又预示着预期的应对策略(例如,反驳刻板印象的动机增强)。此外,相对于想象中与白人伙伴的互动,目睹白人反黑人偏见的后果在与黑人或拉丁裔(研究 1 和 2)而非亚裔(研究 3,预先登记)互动伙伴的互动中明显更强烈。这项研究强调了在群体间相遇时,内群体成员的种族主义行为是如何对白人造成情境压力的,从而产生保护自我和管理随后互动的应对策略。
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引用次数: 0
Psychosocial safety and conflict management as resources for reducing workplace bullying of immigrants working in Sweden 社会心理安全和冲突管理是减少在瑞典工作的移民遭受工作场所欺凌的资源
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-08-03 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241264434
Michael Rosander, Stefan Blomberg
The study investigates the risk of bullying for immigrants working in Sweden and resources as possible ways to reduce the risk. Based on self-categorization theory, the concept of nonprototypicality, and conservation of resources theory, we test hypotheses about risks and resources to alleviate the risks. The study is based on a longitudinal probability sample drawn from the whole Swedish workforce ( N = 921). Country of birth was taken from the Swedish population register and categorized as either Swedish-born or foreign-born. The results showed a higher risk for immigrants to be exposed to person-related bullying behaviours, typically insulting remarks, and rumours, and to being humiliated, excluded, and ignored. A strong conflict management climate reduces the risk for immigrants to be exposed to bullying. Person-related bullying behaviours become the means to push a target away from the group, creating the perception of prototypical clarity. A strong conflict management climate, together with psychosocial safety, may form a resource caravan where one may strengthen the other. They may be seen as parts of informal systems building up an ethical infrastructure. Creating conditions for a well-developed ethical infrastructure could be a way for organizations to reduce the risk of bullying for all employees, but especially for immigrants.
本研究调查了在瑞典工作的移民遭受欺凌的风险,以及作为降低风险的可能方法的资源。基于自我归类理论、非原型概念和资源保护理论,我们检验了有关风险和降低风险资源的假设。本研究基于从瑞典全体劳动力中抽取的纵向概率样本(N = 921)。出生国家取自瑞典人口登记册,并分为瑞典出生或外国出生。研究结果表明,移民遭受与个人相关的欺凌行为、典型的侮辱性言论和谣言,以及被羞辱、排斥和忽视的风险较高。强有力的冲突管理氛围可降低移民遭受欺凌的风险。与人有关的欺凌行为成为将目标群体推离群体的手段,使人产生原型清晰的感觉。浓厚的冲突管理氛围与社会心理安全可形成一个资源大篷车,两者相辅相成。它们可以被视为建立伦理基础设施的非正式系统的组成部分。为建立完善的道德基础设施创造条件,可能是各组织降低所有员工,尤其是移民遭受欺凌风险的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
Bonding versus fragmentation: What shapes disadvantaged intragroup empathy in advantaged contexts? 结合与分裂:是什么形成了优势背景下的弱势群体内部移情?
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-07-31 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241262253
Nur Kassem, Noa Cohen-Eick, Eran Halperin, Anat Perry
Intragroup empathy is vital for resilience. However, it is often impaired in advantaged-dominated environments when one adopts advantaged-group characteristics to climb the social ladder. The current work examines contextual factors that may affect intragroup empathy: the motivation behind adopting the advantaged-group characteristics, and negative encounters with members of the advantaged group. We hypothesized that coercively, versus willingly, adopting advantaged-group characteristics will increase intragroup empathy both when the outcomes are negative and positive. We further hypothesized that a negative encounter with an advantaged-group member would increase intragroup empathy, compared to no encounter. In three studies, Palestinian students in Israeli academia were assigned to read scripts depicting the academic experience of a Palestinian student adopting advantaged-group characteristics. We tested (a) the effects of motivation following a negative outcome ( N = 182); (b) the effects following a positive outcome ( N = 205); and (c) the interaction between a negative encounter with an advantaged-group member and motivation, and its effect on intragroup empathy ( N = 282). Intragroup empathy was higher in the coerced condition compared to the free-willing condition both for negative and positive outcomes. A negative encounter with an advantaged-group member increased intragroup empathy in the willing condition. By illuminating contextual variables that shape intragroup empathy, this research shows that impairment in intragroup empathy is not inevitable. This work may serve as a foundation for future interventions.
群体内的同理心对复原力至关重要。然而,在优势群体占主导地位的环境中,当一个人采用优势群体的特征来攀登社会阶梯时,这种同理心往往会受到损害。目前的研究探讨了可能影响群体内同理心的环境因素:采用优势群体特征背后的动机,以及与优势群体成员的负面接触。我们假设,在结果是消极和积极的情况下,被迫而非自愿地采用优势群体特征会增加群体内移情。我们进一步假设,与没有遭遇的情况相比,与优势群体成员的负面遭遇会增加群体内的移情。在三项研究中,以色列学术界的巴勒斯坦学生被指派阅读描述一名具有优势群体特征的巴勒斯坦学生学习经历的剧本。我们测试了:(a) 负面结果后动机的影响(N = 182);(b) 正面结果后的影响(N = 205);(c) 与优势群体成员的负面遭遇和动机之间的相互作用及其对群体内共鸣的影响(N = 282)。无论是消极结果还是积极结果,强迫条件下的群体内移情都高于自由意愿条件下的群体内移情。在自愿条件下,与优势群体成员的负面接触会增加群体内移情。通过揭示影响群体内移情的环境变量,这项研究表明,群体内移情障碍并非不可避免。这项工作可作为未来干预的基础。
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引用次数: 0
“We’re not as great as we used to be”: Perceived national status threat and the desire for strong leaders "我们没有以前那么伟大了":对国家地位威胁的认知和对强势领导人的渴望
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-07-31 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241265236
Octavia Ionescu, Frank Mols, Belén Álvarez, Hema Preya Selvanathan, Charlie Crimston, Jolanda Jetten
We examined whether perceived national status threat—i.e., perceiving that one’s country’s status on the international scene is in decline—predicts increased desire for a strong conservative or progressive leader through greater national nostalgia and collective angst. A pilot study on strong leaders’ speeches from the 2017 French presidential election campaign first revealed that both conservative and progressive strong leaders use the status threat narrative, albeit in another form. In four quantitative surveys conducted across France, Malaysia and Chile, we then found that national status threat predicted increased desire for both conservative and progressive strong leaders. In France and Chile, but not Malaysia, the underlying path was contingent on the type of leader, such that nostalgia predicted increased desire for a conservative but not a progressive strong leader. Although correlational, our data suggest that decline narratives might provide a fertile ground for the desire for diverse forms of strong leadership.
我们研究了感知到的国家地位威胁--即感知到自己国家在国际舞台上的地位正在下降--是否会通过更大的民族怀旧情绪和集体焦虑来预测对保守或进步的强势领导人的渴望是否会增加。一项针对 2017 年法国总统竞选活动中强势领导人演讲的试点研究首次揭示,保守派和进步派强势领导人都使用了地位威胁叙事,尽管是以另一种形式。随后,我们在法国、马来西亚和智利进行了四次定量调查,发现国家地位威胁预示着人们对保守派和进步派强势领导人的渴望都会增加。在法国和智利,但不是马来西亚,潜在的路径取决于领导人的类型,例如,怀旧预示着对保守而非进步的强势领导人的渴望增加。尽管是相关性的,但我们的数据表明,衰落叙事可能为人们对不同形式的强有力领导的渴望提供了肥沃的土壤。
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引用次数: 0
Differential effects of positive versus negative contact: The importance of distinguishing valence from intensity 积极接触与消极接触的不同效果:区分情绪与强度的重要性
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241258070
Sarina J. Schäfer, Mathijs Kros, Miles Hewstone, Katharina Schmid, Benjamin F. Fell, Eva Jaspers, Mathias Kauff, Gunnar Lemmer, Oliver Christ
More and more research is considering the effects of both positive and negative intergroup contact on intergroup attitudes. To date, little is known about what factors may differentially influence these effects. We propose that differentiating not only between positive and negative contact (i.e., its valence), but also considering the intensity (i.e., low or high positivity/negativity) of contact valence is critical to understanding contact effects. We predicted that intensifying positivity in the realm of positive contact would have a stronger effect on outgroup attitudes than intensifying negativity. We report evidence supporting this hypothesis from three experiments which manipulated the quality of feedback given during a cooperation task by a confederate who acted as a member of a student outgroup (two online: N = 87, N = 169; one in person: N = 78), summarized in an internal meta-analysis and a large survey of White British majority and Asian British minority members ( N = 2,994). Our results suggest that intensity of valenced intergroup contact may be a key factor for resolving inconsistencies in the current literature on valenced intergroup contact.
越来越多的研究正在考虑积极和消极的群体间接触对群体间态度的影响。迄今为止,人们对哪些因素会对这些影响产生不同的影响还知之甚少。我们认为,不仅要区分积极和消极接触(即接触的价值),还要考虑接触价值的强度(即积极性/消极性的高低),这对理解接触效应至关重要。我们预测,在积极接触中,积极性的加强会比消极性的加强对外群态度产生更大的影响。我们报告了支持这一假设的证据,这些证据来自三项实验,这些实验操纵了在合作任务中由作为学生外群体成员的共事者所给予的反馈的质量(两项在线实验:N = 87,N = 169;一项当面实验:N = 78),并在一项内部荟萃分析和一项针对英国白人多数群体和英国亚裔少数群体成员的大型调查(N = 2,994)中进行了总结。我们的研究结果表明,有价值的群体间接触强度可能是解决目前关于有价值的群体间接触文献中不一致问题的关键因素。
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of Climate Change Threat on Public Attitudes towards Ethnic and Religious Minorities and Climate Refugees 气候变化威胁对公众对待少数民族、宗教少数派和气候难民态度的影响
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241262252
Sadi Shanaah, Immo Fritsche, Mathias Osmundsen
How does climate change threat affect attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities and climate change refugees? We show that threatening climate change can have deep psychological effects even among social majority groups in relatively prosperous and peaceful societies. Using three survey experiments with self-identified White British participants ( N = 616, N = 587, and N = 535), we demonstrate that social majority members who are exposed to threatening information about climate change (vs. neutral information) and, at the same time, feel little national efficacy over climate change, evaluate more negatively certain ethnic and religious minorities, especially Muslims and Pakistanis. We found the same trend in the evaluation of climate refugees, although it reached statistical significance only in one of the experiments. We explain these reactions as pertaining to groups that are perceived as threatening the salient ingroup and its collective agency. Our research significantly contributes to the literature on the social and political implications of (climate change) threat, especially by focusing on boundary conditions, namely the perception of collective control in case of complex and large threats.
气候变化威胁如何影响人们对种族和宗教少数群体以及气候变化难民的态度?我们的研究表明,即使在相对繁荣与和平的社会中,气候变化威胁也会对社会多数群体产生深刻的心理影响。通过对自我认同的英国白人参与者(N = 616、N = 587 和 N = 535)进行的三次调查实验,我们证明,接触到气候变化威胁性信息(相对于中性信息)的社会多数成员,如果同时对气候变化的国家效能感不强,就会对某些种族和宗教少数群体,尤其是穆斯林和巴基斯坦人,做出更负面的评价。我们在对气候难民的评价中也发现了同样的趋势,尽管这种趋势只在其中一个实验中达到了统计学意义。我们将这些反应解释为与那些被认为威胁到突出的内群体及其集体机构的群体有关。我们的研究为有关(气候变化)威胁的社会和政治影响的文献做出了重要贡献,尤其是通过关注边界条件,即在复杂和大规模威胁情况下的集体控制感知。
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引用次数: 0
Revising sense of community to study to understand typical and extremist virtual communities 修订社区意识,研究了解典型和极端主义虚拟社区
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241252403
Anita Lynn Blanchard
Virtual communities are online groups organized around a shared interest within which members exchange information and socio-emotional support. Some virtual communities are positive (e.g., cancer support groups) or at least neutral (e.g., cooking groups). Others, like extremist virtual communities, focus on spreading misinformation and supporting violence. Theory and research have not adequately addressed the creation, maintenance, and face-to-face consequences of pro-social, neutral, or extremist virtual communities. One reason is because the research relies on a definition and model of sense of community for which empirical validation is deficient. Following examples in the organizational sciences and social psychology, I revise the sense of community construct to focus on its core meaning: literally, a person’s perception that a group is a community. Then using entitativity and social identity theories, I develop a new model of sense of community and propose theoretical boundaries (e.g., membership, identity, and self-categorization) to explain why prosocial and extremist virtual communities differ. I end with the challenges facing a research program studying extremist virtual communities.
虚拟社区是围绕共同兴趣组织起来的在线群体,成员在其中交流信息和社会情感支持。有些虚拟社区是积极的(如癌症支持小组)或至少是中性的(如烹饪小组)。另一些虚拟社区,如极端主义虚拟社区,则侧重于传播错误信息和支持暴力。理论和研究尚未充分探讨亲社会、中立或极端主义虚拟社区的创建、维护和面对面后果。原因之一是研究依赖于社区意识的定义和模型,而这种定义和模型缺乏经验验证。根据组织科学和社会心理学的实例,我修改了社群感的概念,将重点放在其核心含义上:字面意思是,一个人认为一个群体是一个社群。然后,我利用实体性和社会认同理论,建立了一个新的社群感模型,并提出了理论边界(如成员资格、身份和自我分类),以解释为什么亲社会和极端主义虚拟社区会有所不同。最后,我提出了研究极端主义虚拟社区的研究项目所面临的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Influence of Single Bias Reduction Strategies on Personal and Systemic Bias Outcomes 了解减少单一偏见策略对个人和系统偏见结果的影响
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241252406
Elisabeth S. Noland, Margo J. Monteith
Social psychological research has used strategies to increase recognition of and motivation to combat personal or systemic bias, but with little attention to whether single strategies might influence both personal and systemic outcomes. We investigated whether single strategies are effective in both bias domains and potential underlying mechanisms. Across two experiments, non-Black participants were exposed to information concerning (a) their personal racial biases, (b) multiple Black individuals’ discrimination experiences across institutional contexts, or (c) race-unrelated information (control condition). Discrimination experiences exposure (vs. control) increased recognition of systemic bias and motivation to combat both systemic and personal bias (Studies 1 and 2), and we found statistical support for empathy as a mediator (Study 2). In contrast, strategies for highlighting personal bias had weaker effects on personal bias outcomes and no effects on systemic bias outcomes. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of discrimination experiences exposure for combatting systemic and personal bias.
社会心理学研究采用了一些策略来提高人们对个人或系统偏见的认识,并激发人们消除偏见的动力,但很少关注单一策略是否会同时影响个人和系统的结果。我们研究了单一策略是否在两个偏见领域都有效,以及潜在的内在机制。在两个实验中,非黑人参与者被暴露于以下信息中:(a)他们个人的种族偏见;(b)多个黑人在不同机构背景下受到歧视的经历;或(c)与种族无关的信息(对照条件)。接触歧视经历(与对照组相比)提高了对制度性偏见的认识,也增强了消除制度性偏见和个人偏见的动力(研究 1 和 2),我们还发现共情作为中介的统计支持(研究 2)。相比之下,强调个人偏见的策略对个人偏见结果的影响较弱,而对系统偏见结果没有影响。我们讨论了接触歧视经历对消除系统性偏见和个人偏见的理论和实践意义。
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引用次数: 0
Why leaders can be bad: Linking rigor with relevance using machine learning analysis to test the transgression credit theory of leadership 为什么领导者会变坏?利用机器学习分析将严谨性与相关性联系起来,检验领导力的越轨信用理论
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241242095
Ben Davies, Dominic Abrams, Carola Leicht
Transgression credit is a form of deviance credit that occurs when people are more permissive towards transgressions by in-group leaders than by in-group nonleaders and out-group members and leaders. Despite rigorous experimental and simulation evidence for transgression credit, the ability to make such group processes research relevant to organizations and wider policy requires evidence with greater ecological validity. We examine transgression credit using spontaneously arising data from Twitter (now X) to test theoretically specified reactions to instances of transgressive leadership by the UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Studies 1a and 1b compared Conservative and Labour Members of Parliament’s (MPs’) tweets in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament (Study 1a) and his publication of an Internal Market Bill that would break international law (Study 1b) with tweets responding to a nonleader, Dominic Cummings, breaking coronavirus lockdown rules. Conservative, but not Labour, MPs were more permissive of Johnson’s, but not Cummings’, transgression. Study 2 examined the semantic themes occurring among supportive and unsupportive tweets posted by the UK general public in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament. Across studies, the evidence is consistent with propositions from deviance credit and social identity theories.
越轨信用是一种偏差信用,当人们对群体内领导者的越轨行为比群体内非领导者和群体外成员及领导者的越轨行为更宽容时,就会出现这种信用。尽管越轨行为信用有严格的实验和模拟证据,但要使这种群体过程研究与组织和更广泛的政策相关,还需要具有更高的生态有效性的证据。我们利用推特(现在的 X)上自发产生的数据来检验越轨信用,以检验英国首相鲍里斯-约翰逊(Boris Johnson)的越轨领导行为在理论上的具体反应。研究 1a 和 1b 比较了保守党和工党议员(国会议员)针对鲍里斯-约翰逊非法中止议会会议(研究 1a)和发布违反国际法的《内部市场法案》(研究 1b)的推文,以及针对非领导者多米尼克-卡明斯(Dominic Cummings)违反冠状病毒封锁规则的推文。保守党议员对约翰逊的违规行为更为宽容,而工党议员则不然。研究 2 考察了英国公众针对鲍里斯-约翰逊非法中止议会会议所发布的支持和不支持推文中出现的语义主题。在所有研究中,证据与偏差信用和社会认同理论的命题是一致的。
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引用次数: 0
Authoritarians and “revolutionaries in reverse”: Why collective narcissism threatens democracy 专制者和 "反向革命者":为什么集体自恋会威胁民主
IF 4.4 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2024-04-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684302241240689
Agnieszka Golec de Zavala
Collective narcissism is a belief that the ingroup deserves but is denied special treatment and recognition. It is a projection of the narcissistic need to be recognized as better than others on the social level of the self. It is an aspect of ingroup identification, one of the ways group members favour their ingroup. National narcissism is associated with collective narcissism of advantaged national subgroups (e.g., Whites, men). National collective narcissism and collective narcissism of advantaged groups similarly predict discrimination of disadvantaged national subgroups (e.g., racial minorities, women) and legitimization of group-based inequality. Members of disadvantaged groups who endorse national narcissism internalize beliefs legitimizing inequality. Ultraconservative populists propagate national narcissism to undermine the political system that does not sufficiently serve the interests of advantaged groups. National narcissism predicts patriotism and nationalism. Once the three forms of national favouritism are differentiated, it becomes clear that patriotism does not come at the expense of nationalism, discrimination, societal polarization, or erosion of democracy. Instead, it may be a remedy against them.
集体自恋是一种信念,认为内部群体应该得到特殊待遇和认可,但却遭到拒绝。它是自恋需求的一种投射,即在自我的社会层面上被承认比他人更好。它是内群体认同的一个方面,是群体成员支持其内群体的方式之一。民族自恋与优势民族亚群体(如白人、男性)的集体自恋有关。民族集体自恋和优势群体的集体自恋同样预示着对弱势民族亚群体(如少数民族、妇女)的歧视以及基于群体的不平等的合法化。支持民族自恋的弱势群体成员会将不平等合法化的信念内化。极端保守的民粹主义者传播民族自恋,以破坏不能充分服务于优势群体利益的政治制度。民族自恋预示着爱国主义和民族主义。一旦区分了这三种形式的民族自恋,就会发现爱国主义并不以牺牲民族主义、歧视、社会两极分化或民主的侵蚀为代价。相反,爱国主义可能是对这些问题的一种补救。
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引用次数: 0
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Group Processes & Intergroup Relations
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