Pub Date : 2024-07-31DOI: 10.1177/13684302241262253
Nur Kassem, Noa Cohen-Eick, Eran Halperin, Anat Perry
Intragroup empathy is vital for resilience. However, it is often impaired in advantaged-dominated environments when one adopts advantaged-group characteristics to climb the social ladder. The current work examines contextual factors that may affect intragroup empathy: the motivation behind adopting the advantaged-group characteristics, and negative encounters with members of the advantaged group. We hypothesized that coercively, versus willingly, adopting advantaged-group characteristics will increase intragroup empathy both when the outcomes are negative and positive. We further hypothesized that a negative encounter with an advantaged-group member would increase intragroup empathy, compared to no encounter. In three studies, Palestinian students in Israeli academia were assigned to read scripts depicting the academic experience of a Palestinian student adopting advantaged-group characteristics. We tested (a) the effects of motivation following a negative outcome ( N = 182); (b) the effects following a positive outcome ( N = 205); and (c) the interaction between a negative encounter with an advantaged-group member and motivation, and its effect on intragroup empathy ( N = 282). Intragroup empathy was higher in the coerced condition compared to the free-willing condition both for negative and positive outcomes. A negative encounter with an advantaged-group member increased intragroup empathy in the willing condition. By illuminating contextual variables that shape intragroup empathy, this research shows that impairment in intragroup empathy is not inevitable. This work may serve as a foundation for future interventions.
{"title":"Bonding versus fragmentation: What shapes disadvantaged intragroup empathy in advantaged contexts?","authors":"Nur Kassem, Noa Cohen-Eick, Eran Halperin, Anat Perry","doi":"10.1177/13684302241262253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241262253","url":null,"abstract":"Intragroup empathy is vital for resilience. However, it is often impaired in advantaged-dominated environments when one adopts advantaged-group characteristics to climb the social ladder. The current work examines contextual factors that may affect intragroup empathy: the motivation behind adopting the advantaged-group characteristics, and negative encounters with members of the advantaged group. We hypothesized that coercively, versus willingly, adopting advantaged-group characteristics will increase intragroup empathy both when the outcomes are negative and positive. We further hypothesized that a negative encounter with an advantaged-group member would increase intragroup empathy, compared to no encounter. In three studies, Palestinian students in Israeli academia were assigned to read scripts depicting the academic experience of a Palestinian student adopting advantaged-group characteristics. We tested (a) the effects of motivation following a negative outcome ( N = 182); (b) the effects following a positive outcome ( N = 205); and (c) the interaction between a negative encounter with an advantaged-group member and motivation, and its effect on intragroup empathy ( N = 282). Intragroup empathy was higher in the coerced condition compared to the free-willing condition both for negative and positive outcomes. A negative encounter with an advantaged-group member increased intragroup empathy in the willing condition. By illuminating contextual variables that shape intragroup empathy, this research shows that impairment in intragroup empathy is not inevitable. This work may serve as a foundation for future interventions.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141870175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-31DOI: 10.1177/13684302241265236
Octavia Ionescu, Frank Mols, Belén Álvarez, Hema Preya Selvanathan, Charlie Crimston, Jolanda Jetten
We examined whether perceived national status threat—i.e., perceiving that one’s country’s status on the international scene is in decline—predicts increased desire for a strong conservative or progressive leader through greater national nostalgia and collective angst. A pilot study on strong leaders’ speeches from the 2017 French presidential election campaign first revealed that both conservative and progressive strong leaders use the status threat narrative, albeit in another form. In four quantitative surveys conducted across France, Malaysia and Chile, we then found that national status threat predicted increased desire for both conservative and progressive strong leaders. In France and Chile, but not Malaysia, the underlying path was contingent on the type of leader, such that nostalgia predicted increased desire for a conservative but not a progressive strong leader. Although correlational, our data suggest that decline narratives might provide a fertile ground for the desire for diverse forms of strong leadership.
{"title":"“We’re not as great as we used to be”: Perceived national status threat and the desire for strong leaders","authors":"Octavia Ionescu, Frank Mols, Belén Álvarez, Hema Preya Selvanathan, Charlie Crimston, Jolanda Jetten","doi":"10.1177/13684302241265236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241265236","url":null,"abstract":"We examined whether perceived national status threat—i.e., perceiving that one’s country’s status on the international scene is in decline—predicts increased desire for a strong conservative or progressive leader through greater national nostalgia and collective angst. A pilot study on strong leaders’ speeches from the 2017 French presidential election campaign first revealed that both conservative and progressive strong leaders use the status threat narrative, albeit in another form. In four quantitative surveys conducted across France, Malaysia and Chile, we then found that national status threat predicted increased desire for both conservative and progressive strong leaders. In France and Chile, but not Malaysia, the underlying path was contingent on the type of leader, such that nostalgia predicted increased desire for a conservative but not a progressive strong leader. Although correlational, our data suggest that decline narratives might provide a fertile ground for the desire for diverse forms of strong leadership.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141870177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-23DOI: 10.1177/13684302241258070
Sarina J. Schäfer, Mathijs Kros, Miles Hewstone, Katharina Schmid, Benjamin F. Fell, Eva Jaspers, Mathias Kauff, Gunnar Lemmer, Oliver Christ
More and more research is considering the effects of both positive and negative intergroup contact on intergroup attitudes. To date, little is known about what factors may differentially influence these effects. We propose that differentiating not only between positive and negative contact (i.e., its valence), but also considering the intensity (i.e., low or high positivity/negativity) of contact valence is critical to understanding contact effects. We predicted that intensifying positivity in the realm of positive contact would have a stronger effect on outgroup attitudes than intensifying negativity. We report evidence supporting this hypothesis from three experiments which manipulated the quality of feedback given during a cooperation task by a confederate who acted as a member of a student outgroup (two online: N = 87, N = 169; one in person: N = 78), summarized in an internal meta-analysis and a large survey of White British majority and Asian British minority members ( N = 2,994). Our results suggest that intensity of valenced intergroup contact may be a key factor for resolving inconsistencies in the current literature on valenced intergroup contact.
{"title":"Differential effects of positive versus negative contact: The importance of distinguishing valence from intensity","authors":"Sarina J. Schäfer, Mathijs Kros, Miles Hewstone, Katharina Schmid, Benjamin F. Fell, Eva Jaspers, Mathias Kauff, Gunnar Lemmer, Oliver Christ","doi":"10.1177/13684302241258070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241258070","url":null,"abstract":"More and more research is considering the effects of both positive and negative intergroup contact on intergroup attitudes. To date, little is known about what factors may differentially influence these effects. We propose that differentiating not only between positive and negative contact (i.e., its valence), but also considering the intensity (i.e., low or high positivity/negativity) of contact valence is critical to understanding contact effects. We predicted that intensifying positivity in the realm of positive contact would have a stronger effect on outgroup attitudes than intensifying negativity. We report evidence supporting this hypothesis from three experiments which manipulated the quality of feedback given during a cooperation task by a confederate who acted as a member of a student outgroup (two online: N = 87, N = 169; one in person: N = 78), summarized in an internal meta-analysis and a large survey of White British majority and Asian British minority members ( N = 2,994). Our results suggest that intensity of valenced intergroup contact may be a key factor for resolving inconsistencies in the current literature on valenced intergroup contact.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141786219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-23DOI: 10.1177/13684302241262252
Sadi Shanaah, Immo Fritsche, Mathias Osmundsen
How does climate change threat affect attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities and climate change refugees? We show that threatening climate change can have deep psychological effects even among social majority groups in relatively prosperous and peaceful societies. Using three survey experiments with self-identified White British participants ( N = 616, N = 587, and N = 535), we demonstrate that social majority members who are exposed to threatening information about climate change (vs. neutral information) and, at the same time, feel little national efficacy over climate change, evaluate more negatively certain ethnic and religious minorities, especially Muslims and Pakistanis. We found the same trend in the evaluation of climate refugees, although it reached statistical significance only in one of the experiments. We explain these reactions as pertaining to groups that are perceived as threatening the salient ingroup and its collective agency. Our research significantly contributes to the literature on the social and political implications of (climate change) threat, especially by focusing on boundary conditions, namely the perception of collective control in case of complex and large threats.
气候变化威胁如何影响人们对种族和宗教少数群体以及气候变化难民的态度？我们的研究表明，即使在相对繁荣与和平的社会中，气候变化威胁也会对社会多数群体产生深刻的心理影响。通过对自我认同的英国白人参与者（N = 616、N = 587 和 N = 535）进行的三次调查实验，我们证明，接触到气候变化威胁性信息（相对于中性信息）的社会多数成员，如果同时对气候变化的国家效能感不强，就会对某些种族和宗教少数群体，尤其是穆斯林和巴基斯坦人，做出更负面的评价。我们在对气候难民的评价中也发现了同样的趋势，尽管这种趋势只在其中一个实验中达到了统计学意义。我们将这些反应解释为与那些被认为威胁到突出的内群体及其集体机构的群体有关。我们的研究为有关（气候变化）威胁的社会和政治影响的文献做出了重要贡献，尤其是通过关注边界条件，即在复杂和大规模威胁情况下的集体控制感知。
{"title":"The Effect of Climate Change Threat on Public Attitudes towards Ethnic and Religious Minorities and Climate Refugees","authors":"Sadi Shanaah, Immo Fritsche, Mathias Osmundsen","doi":"10.1177/13684302241262252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241262252","url":null,"abstract":"How does climate change threat affect attitudes towards ethnic and religious minorities and climate change refugees? We show that threatening climate change can have deep psychological effects even among social majority groups in relatively prosperous and peaceful societies. Using three survey experiments with self-identified White British participants ( N = 616, N = 587, and N = 535), we demonstrate that social majority members who are exposed to threatening information about climate change (vs. neutral information) and, at the same time, feel little national efficacy over climate change, evaluate more negatively certain ethnic and religious minorities, especially Muslims and Pakistanis. We found the same trend in the evaluation of climate refugees, although it reached statistical significance only in one of the experiments. We explain these reactions as pertaining to groups that are perceived as threatening the salient ingroup and its collective agency. Our research significantly contributes to the literature on the social and political implications of (climate change) threat, especially by focusing on boundary conditions, namely the perception of collective control in case of complex and large threats.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141784743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-28DOI: 10.1177/13684302241252403
Anita Lynn Blanchard
Virtual communities are online groups organized around a shared interest within which members exchange information and socio-emotional support. Some virtual communities are positive (e.g., cancer support groups) or at least neutral (e.g., cooking groups). Others, like extremist virtual communities, focus on spreading misinformation and supporting violence. Theory and research have not adequately addressed the creation, maintenance, and face-to-face consequences of pro-social, neutral, or extremist virtual communities. One reason is because the research relies on a definition and model of sense of community for which empirical validation is deficient. Following examples in the organizational sciences and social psychology, I revise the sense of community construct to focus on its core meaning: literally, a person’s perception that a group is a community. Then using entitativity and social identity theories, I develop a new model of sense of community and propose theoretical boundaries (e.g., membership, identity, and self-categorization) to explain why prosocial and extremist virtual communities differ. I end with the challenges facing a research program studying extremist virtual communities.
{"title":"Revising sense of community to study to understand typical and extremist virtual communities","authors":"Anita Lynn Blanchard","doi":"10.1177/13684302241252403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241252403","url":null,"abstract":"Virtual communities are online groups organized around a shared interest within which members exchange information and socio-emotional support. Some virtual communities are positive (e.g., cancer support groups) or at least neutral (e.g., cooking groups). Others, like extremist virtual communities, focus on spreading misinformation and supporting violence. Theory and research have not adequately addressed the creation, maintenance, and face-to-face consequences of pro-social, neutral, or extremist virtual communities. One reason is because the research relies on a definition and model of sense of community for which empirical validation is deficient. Following examples in the organizational sciences and social psychology, I revise the sense of community construct to focus on its core meaning: literally, a person’s perception that a group is a community. Then using entitativity and social identity theories, I develop a new model of sense of community and propose theoretical boundaries (e.g., membership, identity, and self-categorization) to explain why prosocial and extremist virtual communities differ. I end with the challenges facing a research program studying extremist virtual communities.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141170138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-28DOI: 10.1177/13684302241252406
Elisabeth S. Noland, Margo J. Monteith
Social psychological research has used strategies to increase recognition of and motivation to combat personal or systemic bias, but with little attention to whether single strategies might influence both personal and systemic outcomes. We investigated whether single strategies are effective in both bias domains and potential underlying mechanisms. Across two experiments, non-Black participants were exposed to information concerning (a) their personal racial biases, (b) multiple Black individuals’ discrimination experiences across institutional contexts, or (c) race-unrelated information (control condition). Discrimination experiences exposure (vs. control) increased recognition of systemic bias and motivation to combat both systemic and personal bias (Studies 1 and 2), and we found statistical support for empathy as a mediator (Study 2). In contrast, strategies for highlighting personal bias had weaker effects on personal bias outcomes and no effects on systemic bias outcomes. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of discrimination experiences exposure for combatting systemic and personal bias.
{"title":"Understanding the Influence of Single Bias Reduction Strategies on Personal and Systemic Bias Outcomes","authors":"Elisabeth S. Noland, Margo J. Monteith","doi":"10.1177/13684302241252406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241252406","url":null,"abstract":"Social psychological research has used strategies to increase recognition of and motivation to combat personal or systemic bias, but with little attention to whether single strategies might influence both personal and systemic outcomes. We investigated whether single strategies are effective in both bias domains and potential underlying mechanisms. Across two experiments, non-Black participants were exposed to information concerning (a) their personal racial biases, (b) multiple Black individuals’ discrimination experiences across institutional contexts, or (c) race-unrelated information (control condition). Discrimination experiences exposure (vs. control) increased recognition of systemic bias and motivation to combat both systemic and personal bias (Studies 1 and 2), and we found statistical support for empathy as a mediator (Study 2). In contrast, strategies for highlighting personal bias had weaker effects on personal bias outcomes and no effects on systemic bias outcomes. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of discrimination experiences exposure for combatting systemic and personal bias.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141170137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-02DOI: 10.1177/13684302241242095
Ben Davies, Dominic Abrams, Carola Leicht
Transgression credit is a form of deviance credit that occurs when people are more permissive towards transgressions by in-group leaders than by in-group nonleaders and out-group members and leaders. Despite rigorous experimental and simulation evidence for transgression credit, the ability to make such group processes research relevant to organizations and wider policy requires evidence with greater ecological validity. We examine transgression credit using spontaneously arising data from Twitter (now X) to test theoretically specified reactions to instances of transgressive leadership by the UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Studies 1a and 1b compared Conservative and Labour Members of Parliament’s (MPs’) tweets in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament (Study 1a) and his publication of an Internal Market Bill that would break international law (Study 1b) with tweets responding to a nonleader, Dominic Cummings, breaking coronavirus lockdown rules. Conservative, but not Labour, MPs were more permissive of Johnson’s, but not Cummings’, transgression. Study 2 examined the semantic themes occurring among supportive and unsupportive tweets posted by the UK general public in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament. Across studies, the evidence is consistent with propositions from deviance credit and social identity theories.
{"title":"Why leaders can be bad: Linking rigor with relevance using machine learning analysis to test the transgression credit theory of leadership","authors":"Ben Davies, Dominic Abrams, Carola Leicht","doi":"10.1177/13684302241242095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241242095","url":null,"abstract":"Transgression credit is a form of deviance credit that occurs when people are more permissive towards transgressions by in-group leaders than by in-group nonleaders and out-group members and leaders. Despite rigorous experimental and simulation evidence for transgression credit, the ability to make such group processes research relevant to organizations and wider policy requires evidence with greater ecological validity. We examine transgression credit using spontaneously arising data from Twitter (now X) to test theoretically specified reactions to instances of transgressive leadership by the UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Studies 1a and 1b compared Conservative and Labour Members of Parliament’s (MPs’) tweets in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament (Study 1a) and his publication of an Internal Market Bill that would break international law (Study 1b) with tweets responding to a nonleader, Dominic Cummings, breaking coronavirus lockdown rules. Conservative, but not Labour, MPs were more permissive of Johnson’s, but not Cummings’, transgression. Study 2 examined the semantic themes occurring among supportive and unsupportive tweets posted by the UK general public in response to Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament. Across studies, the evidence is consistent with propositions from deviance credit and social identity theories.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140834319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-30DOI: 10.1177/13684302241240689
Agnieszka Golec de Zavala
Collective narcissism is a belief that the ingroup deserves but is denied special treatment and recognition. It is a projection of the narcissistic need to be recognized as better than others on the social level of the self. It is an aspect of ingroup identification, one of the ways group members favour their ingroup. National narcissism is associated with collective narcissism of advantaged national subgroups (e.g., Whites, men). National collective narcissism and collective narcissism of advantaged groups similarly predict discrimination of disadvantaged national subgroups (e.g., racial minorities, women) and legitimization of group-based inequality. Members of disadvantaged groups who endorse national narcissism internalize beliefs legitimizing inequality. Ultraconservative populists propagate national narcissism to undermine the political system that does not sufficiently serve the interests of advantaged groups. National narcissism predicts patriotism and nationalism. Once the three forms of national favouritism are differentiated, it becomes clear that patriotism does not come at the expense of nationalism, discrimination, societal polarization, or erosion of democracy. Instead, it may be a remedy against them.
{"title":"Authoritarians and “revolutionaries in reverse”: Why collective narcissism threatens democracy","authors":"Agnieszka Golec de Zavala","doi":"10.1177/13684302241240689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241240689","url":null,"abstract":"Collective narcissism is a belief that the ingroup deserves but is denied special treatment and recognition. It is a projection of the narcissistic need to be recognized as better than others on the social level of the self. It is an aspect of ingroup identification, one of the ways group members favour their ingroup. National narcissism is associated with collective narcissism of advantaged national subgroups (e.g., Whites, men). National collective narcissism and collective narcissism of advantaged groups similarly predict discrimination of disadvantaged national subgroups (e.g., racial minorities, women) and legitimization of group-based inequality. Members of disadvantaged groups who endorse national narcissism internalize beliefs legitimizing inequality. Ultraconservative populists propagate national narcissism to undermine the political system that does not sufficiently serve the interests of advantaged groups. National narcissism predicts patriotism and nationalism. Once the three forms of national favouritism are differentiated, it becomes clear that patriotism does not come at the expense of nationalism, discrimination, societal polarization, or erosion of democracy. Instead, it may be a remedy against them.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140834400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-30DOI: 10.1177/13684302241242434
S. Alexander Haslam, Catherine Haslam, Tegan Cruwys, Leah S. Sharman, Shaun Hayes, Zoe Walter, Jolanda Jetten, Niklas K. Steffens, Magnolia Cardona, Crystal J. La Rue, Niamh McNamara, Blerina Këllezi, Juliet R. H. Wakefield, Clifford Stevenson, Mhairi Bowe, Peter McEvoy, Alysia M. Robertson, Mark Tarrant, Genevieve Dingle
In recent years, there has been growing recognition of the threats to health posed by loneliness. One of the main strategies that has been recommended to address this is social prescribing (SP). This typically involves general practitioners (GPs) and other health practitioners directing clients who are experiencing loneliness and related conditions to take part in social activities—typically in recreational and community contexts. However, evidence for the effectiveness of SP is mixed—leading some to suggest that enthusiasm for it might be misplaced. In this review, we argue that a core problem with most existing approaches to SP is that they lack a strong theoretical base. This has been a barrier to (a) understanding when SP will work and why, (b) designing optimally effective SP programmes, and (c) developing practitioner skills and appropriate infrastructure to support them. As a corrective to this state of affairs, this review outlines a three-tier social identity framework for SP and five associated hypotheses. These hypotheses predict that SP will be more effective when (a) clients join groups and (b) these groups are ones with which they identify, and when SP is supported by (c) social-identity-enhancing social infrastructure, (d) a social-identity-based therapeutic alliance, and (e) identity leadership that builds and shapes this alliance as well as clients’ identification with prescribed groups. This framework is supported by a range of evidence and provides an agenda for much-needed future research and practice.
{"title":"Tackling loneliness together: A three-tier social identity framework for social prescribing","authors":"S. Alexander Haslam, Catherine Haslam, Tegan Cruwys, Leah S. Sharman, Shaun Hayes, Zoe Walter, Jolanda Jetten, Niklas K. Steffens, Magnolia Cardona, Crystal J. La Rue, Niamh McNamara, Blerina Këllezi, Juliet R. H. Wakefield, Clifford Stevenson, Mhairi Bowe, Peter McEvoy, Alysia M. Robertson, Mark Tarrant, Genevieve Dingle","doi":"10.1177/13684302241242434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302241242434","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, there has been growing recognition of the threats to health posed by loneliness. One of the main strategies that has been recommended to address this is social prescribing (SP). This typically involves general practitioners (GPs) and other health practitioners directing clients who are experiencing loneliness and related conditions to take part in social activities—typically in recreational and community contexts. However, evidence for the effectiveness of SP is mixed—leading some to suggest that enthusiasm for it might be misplaced. In this review, we argue that a core problem with most existing approaches to SP is that they lack a strong theoretical base. This has been a barrier to (a) understanding when SP will work and why, (b) designing optimally effective SP programmes, and (c) developing practitioner skills and appropriate infrastructure to support them. As a corrective to this state of affairs, this review outlines a three-tier social identity framework for SP and five associated hypotheses. These hypotheses predict that SP will be more effective when (a) clients join groups and (b) these groups are ones with which they identify, and when SP is supported by (c) social-identity-enhancing social infrastructure, (d) a social-identity-based therapeutic alliance, and (e) identity leadership that builds and shapes this alliance as well as clients’ identification with prescribed groups. This framework is supported by a range of evidence and provides an agenda for much-needed future research and practice.","PeriodicalId":48099,"journal":{"name":"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2024-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140829306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-20DOI: 10.1177/13684302241237747
Matilde Tassinari, Matthias Burkard Aulbach, Ville Johannes Harjunen, Veronica Margherita Cocco, Loris Vezzali, Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti
Virtual reality (VR) expands the opportunities for meaningful intergroup contact, surpassing the perceived naturalism and emotional salience of other online contact experiences. By embodying an avatar of ingroup characteristics, one can interact with outgroup members in a shared virtual space while maintaining a high sense of body ownership and copresence. Two studies conducted in Finland ( N = 53) and Italy ( N = 134) assessed the impact of intergroup contact in VR on implicit and explicit attitudes towards Black people. Utilizing the VR app AltspaceVR, participants were immersed in a virtual environment as White avatars to play an interactive game with another player represented as a Black (intergroup contact) or White avatar (intragroup contact). In Study 1, the avatars played the game as a team to win against other teams. The participants’ attitudes were assessed both pre- and postcontact using questionnaires and the Implicit Association Test (IAT). In Study 2, participants were randomly assigned to either cooperate (play as a team) or compete (play against each other) in the game. The IAT and explicit attitudes were measured postcontact. The findings from both studies revealed that cooperative contact with a Black avatar led to improved attitudes towards Black people. While Study 1 demonstrated an improvement in explicit attitudes, Study 2 demonstrated positive effects of contact at the implicit level exclusively. Additionally, the positive impact of contact on implicit attitudes was observed following cooperative, rather than competitive, intergroup interactions.
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