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Citizenship question effects on household survey response 公民身份问题对住户调查反应的影响
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70004
J. David Brown, Misty L. Heggeness

Differential coverage across demographic groups in a census or survey can reduce the accuracy and representativeness of the resulting statistics. Researchers traditionally have used community-level measures to study response behavior and coverage, which can obscure patterns for small population groups. We illustrate this using household-level citizenship and immigration status. We construct household-level characteristics using administrative records for each address in a randomized control trial (RCT) survey that measured the effects of including a citizenship question on a decennial census questionnaire. Our results show that the self-response rate to the questionnaire without the citizenship question ranges from 70.4% in households with only U.S.-born non-Hispanic Whites to 27.5% in those with at least one likely undocumented person (a 42.9 percentage point gap). Including the citizenship question widens the gap by a statistically significant 2.4 percentage points. Compared to households with all U.S.-born non-Hispanic Whites, the household roster omission rate in households with at least one likely undocumented member is 6.0 times higher without the citizenship question and 10.4 times higher with the question. These patterns help explain why administrative record-based population data include more non-citizens than survey-based official statistics.

人口普查或调查中不同人口群体的不同覆盖范围会降低统计结果的准确性和代表性。传统上,研究人员使用社区层面的措施来研究反应行为和覆盖范围,这可能会模糊小群体的模式。我们用家庭层面的公民身份和移民身份来说明这一点。我们使用随机对照试验(RCT)调查中每个地址的行政记录来构建家庭层面的特征,该调查测量了在十年一次的人口普查问卷中包含公民身份问题的影响。我们的研究结果显示,在没有公民身份问题的问卷中,只有美国出生的非西班牙裔白人家庭的自我回复率为70.4%,而至少有一名非法移民的家庭的自我回复率为27.5%(差距为42.9个百分点)。包括公民身份问题在内,差距在统计上显著扩大了2.4个百分点。与所有在美国出生的非西班牙裔白人家庭相比,至少有一名可能无证成员的家庭名册遗漏率在没有公民身份问题的情况下高出6.0倍,在有公民身份问题的情况下高出10.4倍。这些模式有助于解释为什么基于行政记录的人口数据比基于调查的官方统计数据包含更多的非公民。
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引用次数: 0
Green Gentrification and Environmental Injustice: A Complexity Approach to Policy by Heather E. Campbell, Adam Eckerd, and Yushim Kim. Springer Cham, 2024, 202 pp., $179.99 (hardcover). 《绿色中产阶级化与环境不公正:一种复杂的政策方法》作者:希瑟·坎贝尔、亚当·埃克德和尤希姆·金。施普林格Cham, 2024, 202页,179.99美元(精装本)。
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-20 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70006
Shanti Gamper-Rabindran
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引用次数: 0
Erasing History: How Fascists Rewrite the Past to Control the Future by Jason Stanley. Simon & Schuster, 2024, 256 pp. 《抹去历史:法西斯主义者如何改写过去以控制未来》作者:杰森·斯坦利西蒙与舒斯特出版社,2024,256页。
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-17 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70008
Valeria Umanets
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引用次数: 0
Practical issues in conducting distributional weighting in benefit-cost analysis 在效益-成本分析中进行分配加权的实际问题
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-11 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22669
Daniel Acland, David Greenberg

A commonly expressed concern about distributional weighting in benefit-cost analysis is that the informational burden is too high and the practical challenges insurmountable. In this paper, we address this concern by conducting distributional weighting on a number of real-world examples, covering a range of different types of policy impacts. We uncover and explore a number of methodological issues that arise in the process of distributional weighting and provide a simplified set of steps that we believe can be implemented by practitioners with a wide range of expertise. We conduct sensitivity analysis and Monte Carlo simulation to test the robustness of our estimates of weighted net benefits to the various assumptions we make, and find that, in general, distributional weighting is no more vulnerable to modeling assumptions and parameter selection than unweighted benefit-cost analysis itself. We conclude that the concern about the practicability of distributional weighting is, at least in a range of important cases, unfounded.

对于收益-成本分析中的分配加权,人们普遍表达的担忧是信息负担过重,实际挑战难以克服。在本文中,我们通过对一些实际案例进行分配加权来解决这一问题,这些案例涵盖了一系列不同类型的政策影响。我们揭示并探讨了在分配加权过程中出现的一些方法问题,并提供了一套简化步骤,我们相信具有各种专业知识的从业人员都可以实施这些步骤。我们进行了敏感性分析和蒙特卡罗模拟,以测试我们的加权净效益估算对各种假设的稳健性,结果发现,总体而言,分配加权并不比非加权效益成本分析本身更容易受到建模假设和参数选择的影响。我们的结论是,至少在一系列重要情况下,对分配加权的实用性的担忧是没有根据的。
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引用次数: 0
Strengthening police oversight: The impacts of misconduct investigators on police officer behavior 加强警察监督:不当行为调查员对警察行为的影响
IF 2.4 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-03-03 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70002
Andrew Jordan, Taeho Kim

We study how civilian complaint investigators affect officer behavior in Chicago. We exploit quasi-random assignment of complaints to supervising investigators and use variation in whether supervisors tend to acquire sworn affidavits that substantiate the complaints. When the assigned investigator opens more investigations through obtaining affidavits, accused officers accumulate fewer complaints in the first three months of the investigation. We find that, prior to a scandal, assignment to high-investigation supervisors causes officers to make more arrests. However, this reverses after the scandal. Our findings suggest that police watchdogs can improve officer behavior in ordinary oversight environments but may backfire in heightened oversight environments.

我们研究民事投诉调查员如何影响芝加哥警官的行为。我们利用投诉的准随机分配给监督调查人员,并使用变化,监督人员是否倾向于获得证实投诉的宣誓证词。当指派的调查员通过获取证词展开更多调查时,被指控的警官在调查的前三个月积累的投诉就会减少。我们发现,在丑闻发生之前,指派高级调查主管会导致官员逮捕更多的人。然而,在丑闻之后,这种情况发生了逆转。我们的研究结果表明,警察监督机构可以在普通监督环境中改善官员的行为,但在高度监督环境中可能适得其反。
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引用次数: 0
Bias, risk, racism: Reconciling critical and quantitative approaches to understanding racial inequality in child welfare system outcomes 偏见、风险、种族主义:调和批判性方法与定量方法,了解儿童福利制度结果中的种族不平等现象
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.70001
Frank Edwards

In this essay, I seek to reconcile critical and econometric approaches to diagnosing the causes of deep racial inequalities in child welfare system outcomes. Using a series of causal diagrams and critical engagement with the counterfactual causal model, I suggest policy analysts embrace a theoretical framework for quantitative inference that recognizes the complex ways that racism impacts families, places, and policy systems. Common approaches that partition inequalities into risk and bias components normatively imply that some inequalities are legitimate and some illegitimate. As we push toward foundational reform in how policy systems work with children and families, we must embrace analytic approaches that 1) map more convincingly onto real-world processes and 2) take questions of equity and harm as central ethical concerns.

在这篇文章中,我试图调和批判和计量经济学方法来诊断儿童福利制度结果中深刻的种族不平等的原因。通过使用一系列因果关系图和对反事实因果模型的批判性接触,我建议政策分析师采用一个定量推理的理论框架,该框架承认种族主义影响家庭、地点和政策系统的复杂方式。将不平等划分为风险和偏见成分的常见方法在规范上意味着有些不平等是合法的,有些是不合法的。当我们推动政策体系如何与儿童和家庭合作的根本性改革时,我们必须采用分析方法,1)更令人信服地映射到现实世界的过程中,2)将公平和伤害问题作为核心伦理问题。
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引用次数: 0
Racism and racial disparities in Child Protective Services involvement: How can government respond? 儿童保护服务介入中的种族主义和种族差异:政府如何应对?
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22679
Lawrence M. Berger, Brenda Jones Harden
<p>Frank Edwards has written an exceptional essay focused on reconciling critical and quantitative approaches to understanding the role of historic and contemporary racism as drivers of racial disparities in Child Protective Services (CPS) involvement in the United States. Moreover, he proposes an innovative theoretical framework with explicit empirical applications for estimating the magnitude of the effects of racism in producing these disparities. This approach, which we look forward to seeing implemented in future empirical work, holds considerable promise for increasing our understanding of the extent to which racist processes have resulted in and continue to result in Black and Native American/American Indian populations being disproportionately represented in CPS systems.</p><p>We commend Edwards on this endeavor and, on the whole, see no major areas of disagreement between his perspective and ours. We fully agree that historical and contemporary racist processes—that is, the pervasive influence of structural racism in U.S. society, including in its social and governmental institutions and their policies and practices—have ultimately resulted in racial disparities in CPS involvement in the United States, that the magnitude of the effect of racism on these disparities has not been estimated, and that estimating its magnitude will contribute to fully contextualizing the etiology, evolution, and persistence of racial disparities in CPS involvement and informing research, policies, and programs to address them. We also concur with Edwards's assessment that two particularly rigorous quantitative studies (Baron et al., <span>2024a, 2024b</span>) have found convincing evidence of caseworker bias <i>within CPS</i>, specifically with respect to foster care placement. We underscore, however, that these findings indicate that caseworkers are more likely to leave White children than Black children in homes in which they are at especially high risk of being abused or neglected. This evidence suggests that, to the extent that foster care placement of children who are at greatest risk of maltreatment in their home serves to protect those children from abuse and neglect—to promote their safety—<i>CPS may be better serving (protecting) Black children than White children</i>.</p><p>Like that of Edwards, our thinking is “informed by critical race and feminist theories of the welfare state, [which] argue that racial inequalities in CPS exposure are caused by deep structural and institutional processes.” In our view, by limiting the opportunities and resources available to Black and Native American/American Indian populations both throughout our nation's history and in the present, these processes have directly resulted in the social and economic marginalization of these populations. They have also shaped the economic and social contexts in which these populations live, leaving them disproportionately at risk of a wide range of environmental- and individual-le
爱德华兹没有直接论述这些个人和机构在根据具体儿童和家庭的现状做出决定时应如何考虑历史和当代的种族主义,也没有论述这样做如何与 CPS 的主要任务相衔接,即应对当前的虐待和忽视儿童指控并采取相应行动以保护和促进儿童安全,而不管其背后的社会原因是什么。我们对现有证据的审查表明,美国社会的结构,包括持续存在的种族主义,导致黑人遭受虐待的风险本身以及参与 CPS 的风险都高于白人(我们的文章没有直接考虑美国原住民/美洲印第安人)。我们进一步得出结论,与潜在报告人、儿童保护机构个案工作者和儿童保护机构对不同种族家庭采取的不同行动相比,这种风险差异是导致儿童保护机构介入的种族差异的更大决定因素。也就是说,根据我们的评估,社会种族主义对导致边缘化人群过多地参与 CPS 的环境和行为的影响,是导致参与 CPS 的种族差异的更大驱动力,而不是在做出报告和案件决定时机构和个人程序中的种族差异。因此,这些决定在很大程度上反映了在做出此类决定时所掌握的有关儿童安全面临迫在眉睫风险的近似信息。简而言之,尽管在报告和案件决定中可能不乏明显带有种族偏见的决策,但现有的最佳证据表明,在作出报告和案件决定时,黑人家庭中更大的虐待风险(由历史和当代种族主义造成)--而不是当时明显带有种族偏见的报告和案件决定--构成了将种族主义与当代 CPS 参与中的差异联系起来的主要近似机制:它们因未能保护随后被虐待、忽视或杀害的儿童而饱受批评,与此同时,它们又因过于愿意干预家庭--特别是黑人和美洲原住民/美洲印第安人家庭--并将儿童--特别是黑人和美洲原住民/美洲印第安人儿童从家中带走而饱受批评。此外,虽然儿童保护委员会经常被谴责导致其关注的家庭中存在种族差异,但该委员会的任务并不是解决导致虐待和忽视儿童的社会因素,而是对相关指控做出回应。那么,政府可以做些什么来减少儿童虐待、CPS 的介入以及其中的种族差异呢?一个潜在的解决方案是废除 CPS(参见 Dettlaff 等人,2020 年)。这样做肯定会消除参与 CPS 的种族差异。然而,单凭这一点并不能消除在儿童安全方面可能存在的种族差异,也不能消除儿童所面临的造成不安全状况的结构性差异。此外,即使建立或加强了其他系统,以更好地支持家庭和促进儿童安全(参见 Feely 等人,2020 年;Waldfogel,1998 年),仍有一部分儿童无疑会遭受虐待和忽视,而现有证据表明,来自边缘化种族群体的儿童在这部分儿童中所占比例过高。因此,我们认为,保留一个负责对虐待和忽视指控做出反应并以确保儿童安全为目标进行干预的系统(尽管不一定要采取目前的 CPS 形式)对社会有既得利益。虽然这肯定会减少整个系统的参与,但目前还不清楚这是否或如何影响其中的种族差异。此外,这可能会推迟对处于早期挑战或危机阶段的家庭的识别和可能的服务提供,直到他们的情况恶化到发生严重虐待的地步,从而使更多的儿童--可能是来自边缘化种族群体的不成比例的儿童--处于危及其安全的环境中。这种方法可能会有效减少系统参与方面的种族差异,但同样不太可能减少儿童安全方面的种族差异。
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引用次数: 0
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22670
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引用次数: 0
Black–White differences in Child Protective Services involvement: Evidence on the role of differential ‘risk’ 黑人和白人在儿童保护服务参与方面的差异:差异“风险”作用的证据
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22677
Lawrence M. Berger, Brenda Jones Harden
<p>Black children and families are overrepresented in U.S. Child Protective Services (CPS) systems—the state and county systems responsible for receiving and responding to allegations of child maltreatment—relative to their representation in the U.S. population. They experience higher rates of CPS reports, investigations, substantiations, and child removals than White children (Children's Bureau, <span>2023, 2024</span>; Edwards et al., <span>2021</span>) and, conditional on out-of-home placement, spend more time in out-of-home care (Wulczyn, <span>2020</span>). Moreover, while Black–White differences in CPS involvement have declined substantially over the past 2 decades (Myers et al., <span>2018</span>; Roehrkasse, <span>2021</span>; Wulczyn et al., <span>2023</span>), they remain large: Black children are roughly twice as likely as White children to experience investigations, substantiations, and out-of-home placements over the course of childhood (Kim et al., <span>2017</span>; Wildeman & Emanuel, <span>2014</span>; Wildeman et al., <span>2014</span>; Yi et al., <span>2023</span>). Native American/American Indian children and families are also overrepresented at all levels of CPS involvement.1 Yet, because true underlying rates of child maltreatment are unknown, research has not established whether these disparities reflect disproportionate rates of maltreatment and, if not, whether they reflect under- or over-inclusion of either group.</p><p>It is, perhaps, unsurprising to observe disparities in CPS involvement, especially between Black and White populations. Black–White disparities are well documented for most indicators of health and social and economic wellbeing in the U.S., including income, poverty, wealth, employment, educational achievement and attainment, teen and nonmarital childbirth, family complexity and instability, morbidity and mortality, maternal and infant mortality, neighborhood quality, exposure to violence, and criminal justice involvement (Dagher & Linares, <span>2022</span>; Darity & Mullen, <span>2022</span>; Darity et al., <span>2022</span>; Drake et al., <span>2023</span>; National Academy of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, <span>2019</span>; Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, <span>2022</span>; Rothstein, <span>2017</span>). Of particular note, poverty rates for Black children are more than 3 times those for White children (U.S. Census Bureau, <span>2023</span>).</p><p>These disparities stem from historical and contemporary structural and institutional racism, oppression, and discrimination that have pervaded both public policy and social structure in the United States, and have manifested in bias against (differential treatment of or impact on) Black populations, relative to White populations (Darity & Mullen, <span>2022</span>; Darity et al., <span>2022</span>; Rothstein, <span>2017</span>). As a result, compared to their White counterparts, Black populations have a
黑人儿童和家庭在美国儿童保护服务(CPS)系统——负责接收和应对儿童虐待指控的州和县系统——中所占比例高于他们在美国人口中的比例。与白人儿童相比,他们经历了更高的CPS报告、调查、证实和儿童移除率(儿童局,2023年,2024年;Edwards et al., 2021),并且,在有条件的家庭外安置的情况下,在家庭外护理中花费更多时间(Wulczyn, 2020)。此外,虽然在过去20年里,黑人和白人在CPS参与方面的差异已经大幅下降(Myers等人,2018;Roehrkasse, 2021;Wulczyn et al., 2023),他们仍然很大:黑人儿童在童年时期经历调查、证实和户外安置的可能性大约是白人儿童的两倍(Kim et al., 2017;Wildeman,伊曼纽尔,2014;Wildeman et al., 2014;Yi et al., 2023)。土著美洲人/美洲印第安人的儿童和家庭在儿童服务参与的各个层面上也有过多的代表然而,由于真正的潜在儿童虐待率是未知的,研究尚未确定这些差异是否反映了不成比例的虐待率,如果不是,它们是否反映了任何一个群体的纳入不足或过度。观察到儿童护理服务参与的差异,尤其是黑人和白人之间的差异,也许并不令人惊讶。在美国,大多数健康、社会和经济福利指标上,黑人和白人之间的差异都有很好的记录,包括收入、贫困、财富、就业、教育成就和成就、青少年和非婚生育、家庭复杂性和不稳定性、发病率和死亡率、孕产妇和婴儿死亡率、社区质量、暴力暴露和刑事司法参与(Dagher &amp;利纳雷斯,2022;Darity,马伦,2022;Darity et al., 2022;Drake et al., 2023;美国国家科学院、工程院和医学院,2019;规划和评价助理部长办公室,2022年;Rothstein, 2017)。特别值得注意的是,黑人儿童的贫困率是白人儿童的3倍多(美国人口普查局,2023年)。这些差异源于历史和当代结构性和制度性的种族主义、压迫和歧视,这些种族主义、压迫和歧视已经渗透到美国的公共政策和社会结构中,并表现为相对于白人对黑人的偏见(差别待遇或影响)。马伦,2022;Darity et al., 2022;Rothstein, 2017)。因此,与白人相比,黑人更有可能接受劣质教育;隔离和劣质住房;贫困的学校、儿童保育设施和社区;环境毒素、有限和低质量的卫生和精神卫生服务、暴力、警察监视和选民压制政策(Braveman et al., 2022;Yearby et al., 2022)。这些因素反过来又引起了学者、政策制定者、倡导者以及在某些情况下公众的广泛关注。这些领域的不良轨迹和结果与儿童虐待和CPS参与有关(Font &amp;Maguire-Jack, 2020)。此外,研究已经证明收入与儿童虐待和CPS参与之间存在强烈的反比关系(Berger &amp;沃德福格,2011;字体,Maguire-Jack, 2020),大多数参与cps的家庭都是低收入或贫困家庭(Berger &amp;松,2020)。这种黑人与白人之间的差异导致黑人人口在公共系统中的比例过高,包括补充营养援助计划(Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program);医疗补助;妇女、婴儿和儿童特别补充营养计划;贫困家庭临时援助计划;启智计划和早期启智计划;早期干预计划;补充安全收入计划;和儿童抚养计划。黑人在刑事司法系统中的比例也过高。尽管种族差异在导致这些系统不成比例参与的因素中引起了严重关注,但在刑事司法系统中,不成比例的参与除外(例如,Blumstein, 2014;杜,2021;Roberts, 2007),儿童保护服务(例如,Dettlaff等人,2020;罗伯茨(Roberts, 2022),以及在较小程度上,儿童抚养制度(Edin et al., 2019)本身并没有被广泛认为是有问题的,也没有引发广泛的拆除、破坏或废除它们的呼吁(尽管许多人引发了关于其成本和收益的持续辩论,并呼吁改革)。 那么,为什么CPS参与的不成比例可能被视为CPS系统对黑人家庭偏见和歧视的初步证据,而大多数其他社会系统中不成比例的参与并没有被广泛视为这些系统偏见或歧视的证据?我们认为,这反映了对CPS的取向和(感知的或实际的)影响的关注,而不是对不均衡本身的关注。也就是说,就像刑事司法系统一样,CPS经常被视为惩罚性的。事实上,CPS被描述为家庭警务和家庭监视系统(Dettlaff等人,2020;罗伯茨,2022)。相比之下,大多数其他社会福利制度——尽管对其方面存在批评——通常被视为补偿性(至少在其目的上)尝试解决先前和持续的劣势和边缘化的来源和影响。因此,我们认为,一个人是否认为CPS参与的不成比例——本身——是由CPS特定的问题驱动的,还是由整个社会驱动的,偏见在很大程度上取决于一个人是否认为CPS是惩罚性的还是补偿性的;换句话说,一个人认为它是帮助还是伤害(在帮助或惩罚的意义上)孩子和家庭。种族不成比例的系统参与是适当的和富有成效的,当它补偿了以前和现在的边缘化、压迫、劣势及其来源;当它增加边缘化、压迫和不利地位,或以其他方式伤害相关人群时,它是不适当和无益的。因此,了解CPS参与的差异是否与实际儿童虐待的差异一致,以及CPS是惩罚性的还是补偿性的,对于理解和解决这些问题至关重要。学者、政策制定者、倡导者、儿童和家庭参与CPS,以及公民对这两个因素的评估各不相同。我们承认,儿童福利文献涉及双方的争论:CPS对儿童和家庭是有益的还是有害的。然而,对CPS参与(主要是户外安置)的因果影响的最严格估计在方向、幅度和统计显著性方面产生了不一致的估计(Bald等人,2022;Berger et al., 2017;Doyle, 2007, 2008, 2013;Font等人,2018,2019,2021;Grimon, 2023;总,男爵,2022)。因此,总的来说,我们认为关于CPS是帮助还是伤害儿童的证据是不确定的。此外,我们怀疑CPS的参与对短期和长期儿童安全和福祉有异质影响,这种影响因儿童和家庭环境、行为和功能,以及CPS的参与程度(调查、证实、案件开启、服务接收、儿童转移)而有很大差异,儿童和家庭的经历,他们参与的时间,他们接受的服务的类型和质量,以及这些服务满足他们需求的程度。他们的参与,以及当地儿童福利制度本身的特点。然而,值得注意的是,定量研究几乎只关注CPS参与对儿童的影响。据我们所知,只有一项严谨的研究可以估计父母幸福感的合理因果关系。Grimon(2023)发现,CPS的参与增加了孕产妇对精神健康和药物滥用治疗的参与,减少了短期CPS的再转诊,但也发现,户外安置在短期内增加了孕产妇监禁,在长期内增加了CPS的再转诊。她发现很少有证据表明CPS的参与会在这些领域影响父亲,除了减少再推荐。尽管严格的定量证据并没有最终确定CPS是帮助还是伤害儿童和家庭,但越来越多的严格定性证据表明,父母认为CPS通过对抗性、污名化和创伤性的互动,以及参与种族主义、歧视和偏见的做法,对他们和他们的孩子、家庭和社区造成了
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引用次数: 0
Towards a shared understanding of the causes, consequences, and policy implications of racial disparities in child welfare involvement 就儿童福利方面种族差异的原因、后果和政策影响达成共识
IF 2.3 3区 管理学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-02-28 DOI: 10.1002/pam.22675
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Policy Analysis and Management
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