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Synchronized elections strengthen party salience: Evidence from a decentralized democracy 同步选举加强了政党的突出性:来自分散民主的证据
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-08-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.07.004
Vimal Balasubramaniam , Apurav Yash Bhatiya , Sabyasachi Das
Voters participate in multiple elections across governance tiers, often on the same day. We investigate how synchronizing two salient elections influences voter behavior and electoral outcomes, leveraging variation in the timing of national and state elections in India. We find that synchronized elections, compared to closely timed but asynchronous elections, increase political parties’ salience among voters, boosting straight-ticket voting with a small increase in turnout. These effects result in a 21% higher probability of the same political party winning across tiers, without altering candidate composition. While synchronization significantly influences state government formation, it does not affect development outcomes. We provide suggestive evidence that voters’ cognitive constraints and increased party campaigning are likely mechanisms. A synchronized election design in decentralized democracies like India can therefore affect the relative importance of parties vis-a-vis candidates during elections and potentially shape the nature of political decentralization.
选民通常在同一天参加跨治理层的多次选举。我们利用印度全国和各邦选举时间的变化,研究同步进行的两场重要选举如何影响选民行为和选举结果。我们发现,与时间紧但不同步的选举相比,同步选举增加了政党在选民中的知名度,在投票率小幅增加的情况下促进了直接投票。这些影响导致同一政党在不改变候选人构成的情况下,跨层级获胜的概率提高21%。虽然同步性显著影响州政府的组成,但并不影响发展成果。我们提供了启发性的证据,表明选民的认知约束和政党竞选活动的增加可能是机制。因此,在印度这样的分权民主国家,同步选举设计可能会影响选举期间政党相对于候选人的相对重要性,并可能塑造政治分权的本质。
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引用次数: 0
Calamities, common interests, shared identity: What shapes social cohesion in Europe? 灾难、共同利益、共同身份:是什么塑造了欧洲的社会凝聚力?
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-08-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.07.009
Cevat Giray Aksoy , Antonio Cabrales , Mathias Dolls , Ruben Durante , Lisa Windsteiger
We conduct a large-scale incentivized survey experiment in nine EU countries to study how priming common economic interests (EU trade), a shared identity (EU common values), and a major health crisis (COVID-19), influences altruism, reciprocity and trust of EU citizens. We find that the COVID-19 treatment increases altruism and reciprocity towards compatriots, as well as altruism towards citizens of other EU countries. The EU common values treatment has similar effects and in addition also boosts reciprocity towards fellow Europeans. The EU trade treatment has no tangible impact on behavior. Trust in others is not affected by any treatment. Our results suggest that both a shared identity and a shared crisis can have a unifying effect among EU citizens, while shared economic interests (alone) do not significantly affect European cohesion.
我们在9个欧盟国家进行了一项大规模激励调查实验,研究共同经济利益(欧盟贸易)、共同身份(欧盟共同价值观)和重大健康危机(COVID-19)如何影响欧盟公民的利他主义、互惠和信任。我们发现,新冠肺炎治疗增加了对同胞的利他主义和互惠主义,也增加了对其他欧盟国家公民的利他主义。欧盟共同价值待遇也有类似的效果,此外还促进了对欧洲同胞的互惠。欧盟的贸易待遇对行为没有实际影响。对他人的信任不受任何待遇的影响。我们的研究结果表明,共同的身份认同和共同的危机都能在欧盟公民之间产生统一效应,而共同的经济利益(单独)对欧洲凝聚力没有显著影响。
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引用次数: 0
(Market) power is (political) power! The pressure of declining competition on democracy (市场)力量就是(政治)力量!竞争减弱对民主的压力
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-08-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.07.010
Seda Basihos
I study how the concentration of market power among a restricted set of corporates leads to a concentration of political power that ultimately undermines democracy. Despite being a topic of longstanding discussion, this type of mechanism lacks empirical confirmation or rejection. My paper addresses this gap by shedding light on two global trends: increasing aggregate markups and democratic backsliding. Using panel data covering 80 countries (1990–2019), I identify a negative relationship between market power and democracy. After correcting for potential endogeneity, counterfactual estimates reveal that around a quarter of the recent democratic decline can be attributed to the concentration of market power. A detailed firm-level analysis confirms that the democracy-weakening effect is driven by the increasing political influence of high-markup firms at the very top of the size distribution. The findings show that this concentration of power undermines democracy directly through institutional erosion—by increasing corruption in electoral processes and across multiple dimensions of democratic governance, such as policy-making, implementation, and regulation.
我研究的是,市场力量集中在少数公司手中,如何导致政治力量集中,最终破坏民主。尽管这是一个长期讨论的话题,但这种机制缺乏经验证实或拒绝。我的论文通过揭示两种全球趋势来解决这一差距:不断增加的总加价和民主倒退。使用覆盖80个国家(1990-2019)的面板数据,我确定了市场力量与民主之间的负相关关系。在对潜在的内生性进行校正后,反事实的估计显示,近期民主衰落的大约四分之一可归因于市场力量的集中。一项详细的公司层面分析证实,民主弱化效应是由规模分布最顶端的高利润率公司日益增长的政治影响力所驱动的。研究结果表明,这种权力集中通过制度侵蚀直接破坏民主——通过增加选举过程中的腐败以及民主治理的多个维度,如决策、实施和监管。
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引用次数: 0
Intergenerational impact of early life exposure to trauma: Maternal exposure to the Korean War and risk aversion 早期生活暴露于创伤的代际影响:母亲暴露于朝鲜战争和风险厌恶
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.06.002
Young-Il Albert Kim , Dongyoung Kim
This paper investigates the intergenerational effects of the Korean War exposure on risk aversion. We find that, in the first generation, the Korean War exposure made only mothers more risk-averse. However, the children of the affected mothers show significant negative intergenerational effects on risk attitudes. Parent-child attachment emerges as the key mechanism, consistent with the psychology literature. Both disassortative mating and differential fertility are ruled out as potential mechanisms, given that the treatment group neither exhibits disassortative mating nor has a different number of siblings. The adverse effects of early-life Korean War exposure on health capital may explain the poor parent–child attachment.
本文研究了朝鲜战争暴露对风险厌恶的代际影响。我们发现,在第一代中,朝鲜战争的影响使只有母亲更厌恶风险。然而,受影响母亲的子女对风险态度表现出显著的负代际影响。亲子依恋是主要的机制,与心理学文献一致。鉴于治疗组既没有表现出异种交配,也没有不同数量的兄弟姐妹,因此排除了异种交配和差异生育作为潜在机制的可能性。幼年时期接触朝鲜战争对健康资本的不利影响可能解释了较差的亲子依恋。
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引用次数: 0
Did Industrialization increase support for the radical left? Evidence from the 1917 Russian revolution 工业化是否增加了对激进左派的支持?1917年俄国革命的证据
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-08-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.07.001
Paul Castañeda Dower , Andrei Markevich
We analyze the 1917 Constituent Assembly elections – the only free universal elections in Russia before the 1990s – to estimate the effect of industrialization on the radicalization of the electorate in a late industrializing economy. Our empirical strategy exploits IV estimation based on the proximity of Carboniferous strata and other initial conditions of industrialization. We find that a larger share of industrial workers increases voting for the radical left, and the effect is stronger in places that exhibited more pronounced features of late industrialization. We also show that industrialization increases electoral polarization rather than simply shifting the electorate to the left.
我们分析了1917年的制宪会议选举——20世纪90年代之前俄罗斯唯一的自由普选——以估计工业化对晚期工业化经济中选民激进化的影响。我们的经验策略利用了基于石炭系地层接近度和其他工业化初始条件的IV估计。我们发现,更大比例的产业工人增加了对激进左翼的投票,并且在表现出更明显的晚期工业化特征的地方,这种影响更强。我们还表明,工业化加剧了选举两极分化,而不是简单地将选民转向左翼。
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引用次数: 0
Biting the hand that teaches: Unraveling the economic impact of banning private tutoring in China 咬老师的手:揭示中国禁止私人辅导的经济影响
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.07.002
Zibin Huang , Yinan Liu , Mingming Ma , Leo Yang Yang
Shadow education in China is a significant social issue and a leading factor in exacerbating education inequality that fosters over-competition. In July 2021, the Chinese government implemented the Double Reduction Policy, which banned for-profit academic private tutoring. We estimate the economic consequences of this policy on the education industry in China by employing two novel datasets containing online job postings and firm registration information. We find that within four months after the policy implementation, online job postings for tutoring-related firms decreased by 89%, tutoring-related firm entries decreased by 50%, and their exits tripled. Cities with 10,000 (2%) more children lost 50 (2.2%) more education-related job opportunities, experienced 0.4 (2.8%) fewer firm entries, and 0.03 (0.8%) more firm exits per month. Surprisingly, not only academic tutoring firms were impacted, but also untargeted businesses involving in arts and sports tutoring were heavily struck, although they were encouraged by the policy to promote children’s non-academic ability. This negative spillover can be partly explained by the interconnected ownership structure among academic and non-academic tutoring firms. Back-of-the-envelope calculations show that this policy led to 3 million job losses in four months and at least 11 billion RMB Value Added Tax losses in 18 months nationally.
在中国,影子教育是一个重要的社会问题,也是加剧教育不平等、助长过度竞争的主要因素。2021年7月,中国政府实施了双减政策,禁止营利性学术家教。我们通过使用两个包含在线招聘信息和公司注册信息的新数据集来估计这一政策对中国教育行业的经济影响。我们发现,在政策实施后的4个月内,辅导相关企业的在线招聘信息减少了89%,辅导相关企业的入职人数减少了50%,退出人数增加了两倍。拥有1万(2%)多孩子的城市每月多失去50个(2.2%)与教育相关的工作机会,每月少0.4个(2.8%)公司进入,多0.03个(0.8%)公司退出。令人惊讶的是,不仅学术辅导公司受到了影响,涉及艺术和体育辅导的非目标企业也受到了严重打击,尽管这些企业受到了促进儿童非学术能力的政策的鼓励。这种负面溢出效应可以部分解释为学术和非学术辅导公司之间相互关联的所有权结构。粗略计算,这项政策导致全国4个月内失业300万人,18个月内增值税损失至少110亿元。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 and health inequality: Evidence from risky behaviors COVID-19与卫生不平等:来自危险行为的证据
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.06.001
Chen Huang , Cong Li , Feng Liu , Sijie Wei , Ruofei Xu
The COVID-19 pandemic has created unprecedented disruption along many dimensions, yet we do not fully understand how it might shape health inequalities. This paper studies the impact of COVID-19 outbreak on health inequality from the perspective of risky behaviors. We adopt the novel synthetic difference-in-differences approach based on longitudinal data in China. The uniqueness of China’s COVID-19 outbreak in 2020 helps disentangle the demand-side reasons from supply-side restrictions. Results show that people with more advantaged backgrounds reduced cigarette and alcohol consumption following the pandemic, while the disadvantaged were little affected. The disparities in risky behaviors are unlikely driven by unequal income reduction and we find null pandemic effect on mental health. However, there is suggestive evidence of heterogeneous responses in social activities and health attention. While social activities may eventually return to the pre-pandemic level, enlarged gap in attention to personal health likely persists, leading to widened health inequality.
2019冠状病毒病大流行在许多方面造成了前所未有的破坏,但我们尚未完全了解它可能如何形成卫生不平等。本文从危险行为的角度研究新冠肺炎疫情对健康不平等的影响。我们采用了基于中国纵向数据的新型综合差中差方法。2020年中国新冠肺炎疫情的独特性有助于将需求侧原因与供应侧限制区分开来。结果显示,在疫情爆发后,背景较好的人减少了香烟和酒精的消费,而背景较差的人则几乎没有受到影响。危险行为的差异不太可能是由不平等的收入减少造成的,我们发现心理健康没有大流行效应。然而,有暗示的证据表明,在社会活动和健康注意异质性反应。虽然社会活动最终可能恢复到大流行前的水平,但对个人健康的关注差距可能会继续扩大,从而导致健康不平等扩大。
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引用次数: 0
Judicial venality in Old Regime France: A rational choice analysis 法国旧政权下的司法腐败:理性选择分析
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-06-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.05.005
Bertrand Crettez , Bruno Deffains , Olivier Musy , Ronan Tallec
Venality, i.e., the sale of public positions, was widely used in the judicial sector in France between the 16th and 18th centuries. In a venal system, litigants finance the justice system by paying the judges directly. In France, moreover, the right to judge was sold by the ruler, who indirectly levied part of the legal costs. Here, instead of the state funding justice, justice funds the state. The cost to the King was a loss of control over the judiciary and biased legal decisions. We develop a model of judicial venality and build on this model to provide an analytical narrative of the rise and decline of judicial venality in Old Regime France. Historically, judicial venality enhanced legal capacity whereas the French kings faced with limited opportunities to raise taxes and to borrow. Lack of control over the judiciary, however, led to overly costly and time-consuming trials, resulting in its final demise during the 1789 Revolution.
在16至18世纪之间,法国司法部门广泛使用贪污,即出售公职。在贪污制度中,诉讼当事人通过直接付给法官报酬来为司法系统提供资金。在法国,审判权是由统治者出售的,统治者间接收取部分诉讼费。在这里,不是国家资助司法,而是司法资助国家。国王的代价是失去了对司法的控制和有偏见的法律裁决。我们建立了一个司法腐败的模型,并以此模型为基础,对旧政权法国司法腐败的兴衰进行分析。从历史上看,司法腐败提高了法律能力,而法国国王面临着有限的机会来提高税收和借贷。然而,由于缺乏对司法的控制,导致审判过于昂贵和耗时,最终在1789年大革命中灭亡。
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引用次数: 0
Globalization raises intergenerational inequality transmission in chinese villages 全球化加剧了中国农村代际不平等的传递
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-05-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.05.004
Yewen Yu , Liutang Gong , Junjian Yi
Using China’s accession to World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, an epoch in the globalization process in recent decades, as a quasi-experiment, this paper studies the impact of globalization on intergenerational transmission of inequality in Chinese villages. Based on nationally representative rural household survey data, this study documents that the trade shocks brought about by China’s WTO accession has amplified economic inequality across generations in Chinese villages. The WTO accession enhanced international trade between China and the rest of the world by reducing trade barriers. The booming of the export-oriented manufacturing located in coastal and urban areas led to unprecedented rural-to-urban migration in human history. We find that migration leads to large income benefit. We also find that sons from wealthy and better-educated families in rural areas are more likely to grab the job opportunities brought about by the WTO accession and are more likely to migrate, compared with sons from less-wealthy and less-educated families. Policies are called for to address the concern that inequality would be persisting across generations along with globalization.
本文以2001年中国加入世界贸易组织(WTO)为准实验,研究全球化对中国农村不平等代际传递的影响。基于具有全国代表性的农户调查数据,本研究证明了中国加入WTO带来的贸易冲击加剧了中国农村代际经济不平等。加入世贸组织减少了贸易壁垒,促进了中国与世界其他国家之间的国际贸易。沿海和城市地区出口导向型制造业的蓬勃发展,导致了人类历史上前所未有的农村向城市迁移。我们发现移民带来了巨大的收入收益。我们还发现,在农村地区,富裕和受教育程度较高的家庭的儿子比不富裕和受教育程度较低的家庭的儿子更有可能抓住加入WTO带来的工作机会,更有可能迁移。人们担心不平等会随着全球化而在几代人之间持续存在,因此需要制定政策来解决这一问题。
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引用次数: 0
The journey to formality: How credit market access shapes informal workers' choices 正式之旅:信贷市场准入如何影响非正式工人的选择
IF 3.1 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-05-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.jce.2025.05.003
Alina Malkova , Klara Peter
We analyze how credit market accessibility affects the transition of informal workers to the formal sector in Russia. Formal lenders determine credit limits based on verified income and incentivize informal workers to formalize their income in order to qualify for a loan. Better credit accessibility increases the likelihood of transitioning from informal to formal work. It also decreases tax evasion and raises the share of income being declared for tax purposes. Findings are robust across different model specifications, including dynamic multinomial logit model and event study approach. Simulated interventions suggest that more bank competition and a shorter distance to banks reduce the size of the informal sector and increase the tax-declared share of income.
我们分析了信贷市场的可及性如何影响俄罗斯非正规工人向正规部门的过渡。正规贷款人根据核实的收入确定信贷限额,并鼓励非正规工人将其收入正式化,以便有资格获得贷款。更容易获得信贷增加了从非正式工作过渡到正式工作的可能性。它还减少了偷税漏税,并提高了申报用于税收目的的收入份额。研究结果对不同的模型规范具有鲁棒性,包括动态多项逻辑模型和事件研究方法。模拟干预表明,更多的银行竞争和更短的银行距离减少了非正规部门的规模,增加了收入中税收申报的份额。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Comparative Economics
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