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Facts Speak Louder? Comparing the attention effects of moral and factual framing of political issues 事实更响亮?比较政治问题的道德框架和事实框架的注意效果
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-09-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102996
Michal Tóth , Tadeáš Celý , Roman Chytilek
The media and political actors play a crucial role in shaping public attention, not only by selecting which issues to highlight but also by framing them in ways that influence public perception and engagement. Given the increasing prominence of moralized discourse in political communication, we examine whether moral framing is more effective in capturing public attention compared to factual framing, which relies on empirical evidence and rational argumentation. To examine this question, we conducted two preregistered experimental studies using different methods to measure attention: an eye-tracking experiment (N = 99) and a large-scale online survey (N = 1563). Participants were exposed to political issues that are not predominantly associated with either type of framing and were randomly assigned to conditions where the issues were framed either morally or factually. Our findings indicate that moral framing does not consistently attract more attention than factual framing. In fact, in some situations, factual frames were associated with slightly higher levels of audience attention. Understanding these dynamics is crucial in an age of information overload, when competition for public attention is intense and public debate is often dominated by emotional or value-driven messages. Additionally, our research contributes to ongoing debates about the implications of moral framing, particularly its potential to polarize audiences or divert attention from evidence-based decision-making.
媒体和政治行为者在塑造公众注意力方面发挥着至关重要的作用,不仅通过选择突出哪些问题,而且通过以影响公众看法和参与的方式构建这些问题。鉴于道德话语在政治传播中的日益突出,我们研究了道德框架是否比事实框架更有效地吸引公众注意力,事实框架依赖于经验证据和理性论证。为了研究这个问题,我们进行了两项预先注册的实验研究,使用不同的方法来测量注意力:一项眼球追踪实验(N = 99)和一项大规模在线调查(N = 1563)。参与者接触到的政治问题与这两种框架都不主要相关,并被随机分配到问题被道德或事实框架的条件下。我们的研究结果表明,道德框架并不总是比事实框架吸引更多的注意力。事实上,在某些情况下,事实框架与观众的注意力水平略有提高有关。在信息超载的时代,理解这些动态是至关重要的,因为争夺公众注意力的竞争非常激烈,公众辩论往往被情感或价值驱动的信息所主导。此外,我们的研究有助于对道德框架影响的持续争论,特别是它可能使受众两极分化或转移对循证决策的注意力。
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引用次数: 0
Learning to vote in democratic and authoritarian elections 学习在民主和专制选举中投票
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-08-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102985
Anja Neundorf , Ksenia Northmore-Ball
High turnout levels are key to legitimacy in new democracies, ultimately contributing to their consolidation. However, little is known about the determinants of long-term electoral participation and how the legacies of authoritarian and democratic elections compare. To investigate these individual-level legacies, we rely on socialization and institutional theories of turnout, which have not been tested in authoritarian settings. We rely on newly harmonized public opinion data covering over 106 countries from 1975 to 2016 to estimate generational differences in propensity to vote. Leveraging within-country variation, we confirm the positive effects of early opportunities on turnout later in life. Generations of voters who experienced their formative years in authoritarian contexts without national elections are less likely to take up opportunities to vote later in life than those with some formative experience of elections, even uncompetitive ones. However, experiencing high numbers of uncompetitive elections, typical in authoritarian elections, can jade voters.
高投票率是新兴民主国家合法性的关键,最终有助于民主国家的巩固。然而,人们对长期选举参与的决定因素以及威权选举和民主选举的遗产如何比较知之甚少。为了研究这些个人层面的遗产,我们依赖于投票率的社会化和制度理论,这些理论尚未在威权环境中得到检验。我们依靠最新统一的民意数据,涵盖了超过106个国家,从1975年到2016年,来估计投票倾向的代际差异。利用国家内部的差异,我们证实了早期机会对以后生活中的投票率的积极影响。那些在没有全国大选的威权主义背景下经历成长期的几代选民,在以后的生活中不太可能抓住机会投票,而那些有过一些选举成长期经历的人,即使是没有竞争的选举。然而,经历大量的非竞争性选举(典型的专制选举)可能会削弱选民。
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引用次数: 0
Issue congruence outweighs geography: Understanding the appeal of Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) in east and west Germany 议题一致性胜过地理:理解BSW在东德和西德的吸引力
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-08-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102986
Jan Philipp Thomeczek , Aiko Wagner
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引用次数: 0
Vote choice under certainty, risk, and uncertainty 确定性、风险和不确定性下的投票选择
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-08-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102972
Guido Tiemann
Voters are thought to be repelled by unclear party communication or all-out uncertainty about their ideological or programmatic positions. Our contribution builds on a series of survey experiments in the alternative states of certainty, risk, and uncertainty. Choice under risk occurs, for instance, when electoral platforms transmit blurred or unclear signals. However, the range of potential positions and their respective probabilities is considered common, exogenous knowledge: we find that these scenarios neither attract nor repel voters. In contrast, choice under uncertainty is given when potential outcomes or their respective probabilities are unknown to the voters and require endogenous cognitive abilities and endogenous signal processing: we demonstrate that choice under uncertainty tends to drive away voters. The experimental setup considers both spatial and non-spatial components of voter utility and their contextual conditions to bolster external validity and arrive at more internally and externally valid assessments of vote choice under various “states of nature”.
选民被认为是被不明确的政党沟通或对其意识形态或纲领立场的全面不确定所排斥。我们的贡献建立在一系列在确定性、风险和不确定性的替代状态下的调查实验之上。例如,当选举平台发出模糊或不明确的信号时,就会出现风险选择。然而,潜在位置的范围及其各自的概率被认为是常见的外生知识:我们发现这些场景既不吸引也不排斥选民。相比之下,不确定性下的选择是在潜在结果或其各自的概率对选民来说是未知的,并且需要内源性认知能力和内源性信号处理的情况下给出的:我们证明了不确定性下的选择倾向于赶走选民。实验设置考虑了选民效用的空间和非空间成分及其上下文条件,以增强外部有效性,并在各种“自然状态”下对投票选择进行更多的内部和外部有效评估。
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引用次数: 0
Do voters on the left show more solidarity behaviour? Novel behavioural evidence from interactive surveys in Austria, West and East Germany 左翼选民表现出更多的团结行为吗?来自奥地利、西德和东德互动调查的新行为证据
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-08-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102980
Achim Goerres, Jakob Eicheler
Voters on the left typically demand more public redistribution than those on the right. While existing research has demonstrated differences in social behaviour by political ideology, we know little on whether left voters are willing to show more costly solidarity towards others. In this study, we test pre-registered hypotheses on whether the MARPOR left-right score of voters’ preferred party and left-right self-placement predict more solidarity behaviour. We introduce a novel Extended Solidarity Game to measure costly solidarity behaviour as contributions to compensate for income losses of others in randomly assigned groups. The behavioural instrument allows for simultaneous group interactions and was embedded in online surveys in the party system contexts of Austria, West and East Germany. We find evidence for the predicted ideological differences in solidarity: while the MARPOR left-right score shows only a non-significant effect in the expected direction, left-right self-placement (as well as the CHES scores) show a strong, robust and significant effect. The strength of this relationship is highly context-dependent: in Austria and West Germany, predicted contributions of leftmost participants are about 8 percentage points higher than those of rightmost participants. In East Germany, this predicted difference amounts to about 30 percentage points. Additional analyses rule out differences in social trust, economic or cultural political orientations as alternative explanations for the context-dependency of the effect. We argue that the East German party system – characterised by clearer programmatic party differences and more intense party competition – leads voters to define their ideological position more clearly and increases the behavioural relevance of political ideology.
左派选民通常比右派选民要求更多的公共再分配。虽然现有的研究已经证明了政治意识形态在社会行为上的差异,但我们对左翼选民是否愿意对他人表现出更昂贵的团结却知之甚少。在这项研究中,我们检验了预先登记的假设,即选民首选政党的MARPOR左右得分和左右自我定位是否能预测更多的团结行为。我们引入了一种新颖的扩展团结博弈来衡量代价高昂的团结行为,作为补偿随机分配群体中其他人收入损失的贡献。行为工具允许同时进行群体互动,并嵌入在奥地利,西德和东德政党制度背景下的在线调查中。我们发现了预测的意识形态团结差异的证据:尽管MARPOR左右得分在预期方向上仅显示出不显著的影响,但左右自我定位(以及CHES得分)显示出强烈、稳健和显著的影响。这种关系的强度是高度依赖于环境的:在奥地利和西德,最左边的参与者的预测贡献比最右边的参与者高8个百分点。在东德,这一预测差异约为30个百分点。额外的分析排除了社会信任、经济或文化政治取向的差异作为影响的背景依赖性的替代解释。我们认为,东德政党制度的特点是更明确的政党纲领差异和更激烈的政党竞争,这导致选民更清楚地定义他们的意识形态立场,并增加了政治意识形态的行为相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Local news, partisanship, and perceptions about election administration 地方新闻、党派关系和对选举管理的看法
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-08-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102970
Murat Abus , Kexin Bai , Johanna Dunaway
How does access to local news shape perceptions of election integrity? While existing research emphasizes the influence of partisanship and motivated reasoning, exposure to observable facts about election administration also affects these perceptions. Traditionally, local news was voters’ main source for such information. However, local news has declined significantly – especially in reporting capacity – due to increased competition in the digital media landscape. As a result, the public has less access to objective information about how elections are run, potentially increasing reliance on partisan cues. In this paper, we use individual-level survey data, measures of local news availability, and county-level election results from the 2016 and 2020 cycles to examine whether and how access to local news moderates the effects of partisanship and the winner/loser gap on voter perceptions of election integrity.
获取本地新闻如何影响人们对选举诚信的看法?虽然现有的研究强调党派关系和动机推理的影响,但暴露于有关选举管理的可观察事实也会影响这些看法。传统上,当地新闻是选民获取此类信息的主要来源。然而,由于数字媒体领域的竞争加剧,地方新闻已经大幅下降,尤其是在报道能力方面。因此,公众获得有关选举运作的客观信息的渠道越来越少,这可能会增加对党派线索的依赖。在本文中,我们使用个人层面的调查数据、地方新闻可用性的度量以及2016年和2020年周期的县级选举结果,来研究地方新闻的获取是否以及如何调节党派关系和赢家/输家差距对选民对选举诚信的看法的影响。
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引用次数: 0
New evidence on citizens’ reactions to democratic norm violations in an advanced democracy 在发达民主国家,公民对违反民主规范的反应的新证据
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-08-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102971
Sirianne Dahlum, Peter Egge Langsæther, Tore Wig
We investigate citizens’ commitments to democratic norms in a democratic “posterchild”, using the case of Norway. Previous research suggests that citizens often accept elite violations of democratic norms. We distinguish between more subtle infractions and explicit rejections of democracy, and we assess how citizens respond when democratic violations are framed as necessary to achieve pressing societal goals. We find that concrete democratic-norm violations, such as accepting violent rhetoric, meet only weakly punitive reactions among citizens. Policy disagreement or party identification are not important moderators. This may suggest significant opportunity space for elite-driven democratic backsliding even in highly advanced democracies. Yet, citizens heavily punish the most outright rejections of democracy, that question democracy itself, even when justified in order to reach desired political and social outcomes. These findings are consistent with the notion that citizens tolerate specific anti-democratic actions because these are not necessarily considered as violating democracy, while statements clearly violating democracy are punished more.
我们以挪威为例,在一个民主的“模范”国家调查公民对民主规范的承诺。先前的研究表明,公民通常会接受精英阶层违反民主规范的行为。我们区分更微妙的违反和对民主的明确拒绝,并评估当违反民主被视为实现紧迫社会目标所必需时公民的反应。我们发现,具体违反民主规范的行为,如接受暴力言论,只会在公民中引起微弱的惩罚性反应。政策分歧或政党认同不是重要的调节因素。这可能意味着即使在高度发达的民主国家,精英驱动的民主倒退也有很大的机会空间。然而,公民们严厉惩罚那些最直接地拒绝民主、质疑民主本身的人,即使是为了达到理想的政治和社会结果而被证明是正当的。这些发现与公民容忍特定的反民主行为的观点是一致的,因为这些行为不一定被视为违反民主,而明显违反民主的言论受到的惩罚更多。
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引用次数: 0
Not just who, but how: Further probing the connection between primary election dissatisfaction and general election voting behavior 不只是谁,而是如何:进一步探讨初选不满与大选投票行为之间的联系
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-07-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102969
Elizabeth N. Simas , Lucas Lothamer
How does divided primary support impact parties and their candidates come the general election? Existing works fail to offer a clear consensus, with some finding evidence of “sour grapes” and defection and others finding that voters ultimately come home to their party. We offer a more recent examination of how support for a losing primary candidate is related to general election voting behavior. In addition, we also hypothesize that dissatisfaction with aspects of how nominating contests are conducted will be related to greater probabilities of defection or abstention. Using original data from the 2020 Cooperative Election Study (CES), we find only mixed evidence that dissatisfaction with Joe Biden lead to a greater probability of defecting to Donald Trump in the 2020 general election. More consistently, we find that dissatisfaction with the process that led to Biden's nomination – especially dislike of the roles of Iowa and New Hampshire -- is associated with defection. These findings suggest that parties should think about both the people running and process by which they are nominated if hoping to maximize general election support among their members.
分裂的初选支持率如何影响政党及其候选人进入大选?现有的研究未能提供一个明确的共识,一些人发现了“酸葡萄”和叛逃的证据,另一些人发现选民最终回到了他们的政党。我们提供了一个更近期的检查如何支持一个失败的初选候选人与大选投票行为有关。此外,我们还假设,对提名竞赛进行方式方面的不满将与更大的叛逃或弃权概率有关。利用2020年合作选举研究(CES)的原始数据,我们发现只有混合证据表明,对乔·拜登的不满导致在2020年大选中投奔唐纳德·特朗普的可能性更大。更一致的是,我们发现,对导致拜登获得提名的过程的不满——尤其是对爱荷华州和新罕布什尔州所扮演角色的不满——与叛逃有关。这些发现表明,如果政党希望最大限度地提高其成员在大选中的支持率,就应该考虑候选人和提名过程。
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引用次数: 0
Election Timing across Autocracy and Democracy (ETAD): A new dataset of national election dates 选举时间跨越专制和民主(ETAD):全国选举日期的新数据集
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-07-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102964
Masaaki Higashijima , Naoki Shimizu , Hidekuni Washida , Yuki Yanai
We introduce the Election Timing across Autocracy and Democracy (ETAD) dataset, which provides comprehensive data on the timing of the national elections in autocracies and democracies between 1945 and 2023. ETAD covers 3,127 legislative and presidential elections in 148 countries. Various research agendas have targeted election timing, but no global dataset measuring precise timing has been available. ETAD provides scholars with detailed information on election timing, including which date an election was held, how many days an election was accelerated or delayed from the initially scheduled date, and why the election timing was changed. ETAD has three distinct features. First, it covers legislative and presidential elections in both autocracies and democracies. Second, it records dates, which allows researchers to operationalize early or delayed elections following their specific purposes. Third, it identifies the major reasons for timing changes, helping us better understand governments’ strategies of changing election timing. ETAD improves our understanding of electoral behavior, institutional constraints, and regime dynamics by bridging gaps in existing research and enabling nuanced analyses. To demonstrate that, we present a research example about opportunistic election timing. The ETAD dataset and its codebook can be downloaded from the author’s website or installed as an R package.
我们介绍了专制和民主国家的选举时间(ETAD)数据集,它提供了1945年至2023年间专制和民主国家全国选举时间的综合数据。ETAD涵盖了148个国家的3127个立法和总统选举。各种各样的研究议程都针对选举时间,但没有全球数据集可以测量精确的时间。ETAD为学者提供了选举时间的详细信息,包括选举举行的日期,选举从最初计划的日期提前或推迟了多少天,以及选举时间改变的原因。ETAD有三个明显的特点。首先,它涵盖了专制国家和民主国家的立法和总统选举。其次,它记录了日期,这使得研究人员能够根据他们的特定目的提前或推迟选举。第三,它确定了时间变化的主要原因,帮助我们更好地理解政府改变选举时间的策略。ETAD通过弥合现有研究中的差距和进行细致入微的分析,提高了我们对选举行为、制度约束和政权动态的理解。为了证明这一点,我们提出了一个关于机会主义选举时机的研究实例。ETAD数据集及其代码本可以从作者的网站下载或作为R包安装。
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引用次数: 0
How nuclear power hurts the Greens: Evidence from German nuclear power plants 核能是如何伤害绿党的:来自德国核电站的证据
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-07-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102959
António Valentim , Heike Klüver , Cornelius Erfort
What are the electoral consequences of nuclear energy for Green parties? Despite the centrality of nuclear opposition to Green party platforms, and the social movements that helped them emerge, little research has examined the electoral impact of this stance. Building on work on energy transitions and local political economy, we propose that the economic benefits of nuclear power can mitigate local public opposition to such otherwise unpopular energy policies. We test this by analyzing the effect of nuclear power plants on electoral support for the German Greens, one of the most vocal opponents of nuclear energy. Using a novel dataset that combines the geolocation of nuclear plants with voting records since the 1980s, and employing difference-in-differences and instrumental variable designs, we find that the opening of nuclear plants correlates with a decrease in Green party vote share. These findings are relevant for understanding Green parties, energy transitions, and unpopular policies.
核能对绿党的选举有什么影响?尽管对绿党纲领的核心反对,以及帮助他们出现的社会运动处于中心地位,但很少有研究调查这种立场对选举的影响。基于对能源转型和地方政治经济的研究,我们提出核电的经济效益可以缓解当地公众对此类不受欢迎的能源政策的反对。我们通过分析核电站对德国绿党选举支持率的影响来检验这一点,德国绿党是核能最直言不讳的反对者之一。利用一个新的数据集,将核电站的地理位置与20世纪80年代以来的投票记录结合起来,并采用差异中的差异和工具变量设计,我们发现核电站的开放与绿党投票份额的下降相关。这些发现有助于理解绿党、能源转型和不受欢迎的政策。
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引用次数: 0
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Electoral Studies
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