Pub Date : 2025-11-22DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103025
Abelardo Gómez Díaz
This study explores the extent to which political violence influences levels of invalid voting, a common form of electoral protest. It also explores the extent to which this relationship is consistent across different levels of electoral competitiveness. With a focus on Mexico, this study relies on a sample of over 2000 municipalities across three consecutive elections. The results from a time-series cross-sectional analysis show that (1) political violence is strongly associated with an increase in invalid voting, and that (2) invalid voting is more likely in violent but competitive electoral environments, where voters can make their protest ‘count.’ These results contribute to a broader understanding of electoral behaviour in violent contexts and underscores the role of electoral competitiveness in shaping the impact of political violence on voter behaviour.
{"title":"Political violence and invalid voting: A case study","authors":"Abelardo Gómez Díaz","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103025","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103025","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study explores the extent to which political violence influences levels of invalid voting, a common form of electoral protest. It also explores the extent to which this relationship is consistent across different levels of electoral competitiveness. With a focus on Mexico, this study relies on a sample of over 2000 municipalities across three consecutive elections. The results from a time-series cross-sectional analysis show that (1) political violence is strongly associated with an increase in invalid voting, and that (2) invalid voting is more likely in violent but competitive electoral environments, where voters can make their protest ‘count.’ These results contribute to a broader understanding of electoral behaviour in violent contexts and underscores the role of electoral competitiveness in shaping the impact of political violence on voter behaviour.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"99 ","pages":"Article 103025"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145579881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite extensive work on local campaign spending, existing research has mostly focused on campaign expenditures in majoritarian systems, while disregarding spending patterns under other institutional arrangements. To help fill this gap, we study how parties allocate their funds in mixed member systems. Based on the notion of contamination between the electoral tiers, we argue that spending is less targeted toward winning the district mandate under mixed electoral rules than would be expected in a pure majoritarian system, as parties stand to benefit from a visible district contender even when they lose the race. Studying candidate survey data collected over the course of four German federal elections between 2009 and 2021, this expectation is confirmed. While the general pattern is evident in all four elections, the shifting political and institutional context of campaigning in Germany has changed party strategies. A more proportional electoral system, along with a more fragmented party system has put a nominal mandate within reach of smaller parties, while larger parties are less sure about winning in their former strongholds, prompting parties to move to more targeted spending on competitive seats.
{"title":"Campaign spending in mixed member proportional systems: How political and institutional context shapes party strategy","authors":"Dominic Nyhuis , Sebastian Block , Morten Harmening , Tilko Swalve","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103027","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103027","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Despite extensive work on local campaign spending, existing research has mostly focused on campaign expenditures in majoritarian systems, while disregarding spending patterns under other institutional arrangements. To help fill this gap, we study how parties allocate their funds in mixed member systems. Based on the notion of contamination between the electoral tiers, we argue that spending is less targeted toward winning the district mandate under mixed electoral rules than would be expected in a pure majoritarian system, as parties stand to benefit from a visible district contender even when they lose the race. Studying candidate survey data collected over the course of four German federal elections between 2009 and 2021, this expectation is confirmed. While the general pattern is evident in all four elections, the shifting political and institutional context of campaigning in Germany has changed party strategies. A more proportional electoral system, along with a more fragmented party system has put a nominal mandate within reach of smaller parties, while larger parties are less sure about winning in their former strongholds, prompting parties to move to more targeted spending on competitive seats.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"99 ","pages":"Article 103027"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145624480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-19DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103021
Sania Akter , Yann Kerevel , Austin S. Matthews
Do political parties discriminate against working-class candidates? Several studies indicate political parties may disadvantage working-class candidates by marginalizing them during the nomination process. In this study, we examine one way in which party leaders may marginalize working-class candidates through list placement under closed-list proportional representation (PR). Using the occupational background of candidates from national parliamentary elections in Moldova, and national and sub-national elections in Germany, we find working-class candidates are systematically ranked lower on PR lists, even after accounting for other known factors that influence list placement. We also explore heterogeneous class effects by party and sex, and examine possible mechanisms to explain workers' lower list placement. Our results suggest part of the reason for workers’ disadvantage is due to their lack of political experience and the organizational weakness of unions. This study finds parties disadvantage candidates based on their class background which further contributes to their underrepresentation in legislatures.
{"title":"Party gatekeeping of working-class candidates under closed-list proportional representation","authors":"Sania Akter , Yann Kerevel , Austin S. Matthews","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103021","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103021","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Do political parties discriminate against working-class candidates? Several studies indicate political parties may disadvantage working-class candidates by marginalizing them during the nomination process. In this study, we examine one way in which party leaders may marginalize working-class candidates through list placement under closed-list proportional representation (PR). Using the occupational background of candidates from national parliamentary elections in Moldova, and national and sub-national elections in Germany, we find working-class candidates are systematically ranked lower on PR lists, even after accounting for other known factors that influence list placement. We also explore heterogeneous class effects by party and sex, and examine possible mechanisms to explain workers' lower list placement. Our results suggest part of the reason for workers’ disadvantage is due to their lack of political experience and the organizational weakness of unions. This study finds parties disadvantage candidates based on their class background which further contributes to their underrepresentation in legislatures.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"99 ","pages":"Article 103021"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145579880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-14DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103008
Alena Teplyshova
This paper investigates the impact of internet voting (i-voting) on voter turnout in Russia's 2024 presidential election. While i-voting has been widely studied in democratic contexts, its effects in authoritarian regimes remain underexplored. To address this gap, the study combines a difference-in-differences design with pre-matching to estimate the causal impact of i-voting across Russian regions. The hypothesis is grounded in a theoretical framework that identifies how i-voting can serve authoritarian strategies of turnout management—through controlled mobilisation, reduced visibility of coercion, and potential for covert manipulation. Contrary to the initial expectation, the findings reveal that, while positive, the impact of i-voting on turnout is not statistically significant, with robustness checks confirming the reliability of these results. Rather than driving a significant rise in participation, i-voting may have played a more subtle, stabilising role in managing turnout, aligning with the regime's strategic goals targeting the regions with historically lower turnout. Additionally, the shifting of the same loyal voters from offline to the online platform and demobilisation of certain voter segments may have limited its impact on increasing turnout. These results open up new avenues for understanding how digital technologies are deployed in authoritarian regimes, not necessarily to expand participation but to ensure tighter control over electoral processes.
{"title":"Assessing the impact of internet voting on voter turnout in the 2024 Russian presidential elections","authors":"Alena Teplyshova","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103008","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103008","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper investigates the impact of internet voting (i-voting) on voter turnout in Russia's 2024 presidential election. While i-voting has been widely studied in democratic contexts, its effects in authoritarian regimes remain underexplored. To address this gap, the study combines a difference-in-differences design with pre-matching to estimate the causal impact of i-voting across Russian regions. The hypothesis is grounded in a theoretical framework that identifies how i-voting can serve authoritarian strategies of turnout management—through controlled mobilisation, reduced visibility of coercion, and potential for covert manipulation. Contrary to the initial expectation, the findings reveal that, while positive, the impact of i-voting on turnout is not statistically significant, with robustness checks confirming the reliability of these results. Rather than driving a significant rise in participation, i-voting may have played a more subtle, stabilising role in managing turnout, aligning with the regime's strategic goals targeting the regions with historically lower turnout. Additionally, the shifting of the same loyal voters from offline to the online platform and demobilisation of certain voter segments may have limited its impact on increasing turnout. These results open up new avenues for understanding how digital technologies are deployed in authoritarian regimes, not necessarily to expand participation but to ensure tighter control over electoral processes.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"99 ","pages":"Article 103008"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145528103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-11DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103010
Andrew Saab
Can losses to political allies expose the limits of party loyalty? This study examines how intragroup competition affects candidacy dropout and party disloyalty in Brazilian local elections under open list proportional representation. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find that candidates who narrowly lose to political allies—whether from the same party or coalition—are more likely to withdraw from future municipal races, renounce party memberships, and switch party affiliations. These behaviors appear rooted in opportunism: candidates are more likely to defect when their parties fail to convert within-group popularity into electoral office. This effect persists even within stronger and more disciplined parties, although the rates of disaffiliation and switching are comparatively lower. The results also reveal significant geographic variation in the impact of intragroup losses, as well as down-ballot effects: elected mayors reduce dropout and disloyalty among losing candidates from their own parties.
{"title":"Fickle loyalties: Intragroup competition in open list elections","authors":"Andrew Saab","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103010","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103010","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Can losses to political allies expose the limits of party loyalty? This study examines how intragroup competition affects candidacy dropout and party disloyalty in Brazilian local elections under open list proportional representation. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find that candidates who narrowly lose to political allies—whether from the same party or coalition—are more likely to withdraw from future municipal races, renounce party memberships, and switch party affiliations. These behaviors appear rooted in opportunism: candidates are more likely to defect when their parties fail to convert within-group popularity into electoral office. This effect persists even within stronger and more disciplined parties, although the rates of disaffiliation and switching are comparatively lower. The results also reveal significant geographic variation in the impact of intragroup losses, as well as down-ballot effects: elected mayors reduce dropout and disloyalty among losing candidates from their own parties.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"99 ","pages":"Article 103010"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145479057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-03DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103000
Zeth Isaksson
By the early 1990s, millions across Central and Eastern Europe mobilized against socialist regimes. Despite their pivotal role in democratization, little is known about the long-term political trajectories of those who participated in these movements. Using three decades of intergenerational panel data from the former German Democratic Republic (GDR), I trace the partisan alignments of 1989 protest participants—over time and across generations. I find that former protesters are consistently less likely to support the successor party of the socialist regime (Die Linke) and more likely to support its historical opponent (CDU) as well as the protest-origin party (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen). Crucially, they do not show increased support for the far-right (AfD), despite the party's efforts to appropriate the legacy of 1989. They also display more right-leaning orientations, higher satisfaction with democracy, and substantially less nostalgia for the GDR. Among their children, patterns of partisan alignment—particularly rejection of Die Linke and support for the CDU—are evident only when parents are politically engaged, underscoring the conditional nature of intergenerational transmission. Together, these findings show that protest participants constitute an important segment of the electorate in societies that transitioned through non-violent means and are vital to analyze for understanding political behavior in post-authoritarian settings.
{"title":"Persistent breeze from the winds of change: Partisan alignments of protest participants after democratic transition","authors":"Zeth Isaksson","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103000","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103000","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>By the early 1990s, millions across Central and Eastern Europe mobilized against socialist regimes. Despite their pivotal role in democratization, little is known about the long-term political trajectories of those who participated in these movements. Using three decades of intergenerational panel data from the former German Democratic Republic (GDR), I trace the partisan alignments of 1989 protest participants—over time and across generations. I find that former protesters are consistently less likely to support the successor party of the socialist regime (Die Linke) and more likely to support its historical opponent (CDU) as well as the protest-origin party (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen). Crucially, they do not show increased support for the far-right (AfD), despite the party's efforts to appropriate the legacy of 1989. They also display more right-leaning orientations, higher satisfaction with democracy, and substantially less nostalgia for the GDR. Among their children, patterns of partisan alignment—particularly rejection of Die Linke and support for the CDU—are evident only when parents are politically engaged, underscoring the conditional nature of intergenerational transmission. Together, these findings show that protest participants constitute an important segment of the electorate in societies that transitioned through non-violent means and are vital to analyze for understanding political behavior in post-authoritarian settings.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"98 ","pages":"Article 103000"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145465949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-03DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103007
Simon Otjes
There is a growing literature that examines how subnational assembly size affects policy outcomes like turnout and women's representation, but also infant mortality and school enrollment. Political scientists know little about what shapes subnational assembly size, however. In this article, I analyse three possible explanations: firstly, building on the work of Taagepera, I propose that population size and assembly size are related: larger populations require greater assemblies following some power relationship. Secondly, I propose that the level of autonomy a subnational entity enjoys may be correlated with the size of the assembly: if a region or municipality has more autonomy, its assembly is likely to be larger. Thirdly, I propose that municipal councils that can determine their own size, will be larger, as representatives seek to ensure re-election. I test these explanations on over 600 regional assemblies in 31 OECD and EU countries and 80,000 municipalities in 31 European countries. I find that population size is the strongest predictor of council size and that the autonomy of the subnational entity is also a significant predictor and that freedom to determine assembly size is not consistently related to assembly size.
{"title":"Patterns of regional and local council size","authors":"Simon Otjes","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103007","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103007","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>There is a growing literature that examines how subnational assembly size affects policy outcomes like turnout and women's representation, but also infant mortality and school enrollment. Political scientists know little about what shapes subnational assembly size, however. In this article, I analyse three possible explanations: firstly, building on the work of Taagepera, I propose that population size and assembly size are related: larger populations require greater assemblies following some power relationship. Secondly, I propose that the level of autonomy a subnational entity enjoys may be correlated with the size of the assembly: if a region or municipality has more autonomy, its assembly is likely to be larger. Thirdly, I propose that municipal councils that can determine their own size, will be larger, as representatives seek to ensure re-election. I test these explanations on over 600 regional assemblies in 31 OECD and EU countries and 80,000 municipalities in 31 European countries. I find that population size is the strongest predictor of council size and that the autonomy of the subnational entity is also a significant predictor and that freedom to determine assembly size is not consistently related to assembly size.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"98 ","pages":"Article 103007"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145465948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-29DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103006
Federico Trastulli
What should the left do strategically to retain workers' vote? This paper provides extensive empirical evidence on the relationship between left parties' different programmatic strategies and workers' electoral support in 19 Western European countries over the past 2 decades (2002–2020), focussing on economic and cultural positions, salience, and party-system polarisation. Multilevel analyses of ESS data show that, most of all, working-class respondents' probability of voting for a left party has been significantly higher in contemporary Western Europe when such parties put greater emphasis on cultural issues, regardless of position. The left's engagement with increasingly important cultural matters is rewarded by working-class voters, rather than seen as compromising on its class roots. Whilst this finding applies across left parties, more disaggregated analyses show that support for social democratic parties is considerably more sensitive to different supply-side strategies than support for radical left parties: i.e., both on cultural and economic issues.
{"title":"Left parties’ strategies and working-class vote in contemporary Western Europe (2002–2020)","authors":"Federico Trastulli","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103006","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103006","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>What should the left do strategically to retain workers' vote? This paper provides extensive empirical evidence on the relationship between left parties' different programmatic strategies and workers' electoral support in 19 Western European countries over the past 2 decades (2002–2020), focussing on economic and cultural positions, salience, and party-system polarisation. Multilevel analyses of ESS data show that, most of all, working-class respondents' probability of voting for a left party has been significantly higher in contemporary Western Europe when such parties put greater emphasis on cultural issues, regardless of position. The left's engagement with increasingly important cultural matters is rewarded by working-class voters, rather than seen as compromising on its class roots. Whilst this finding applies across left parties, more disaggregated analyses show that support for social democratic parties is considerably more sensitive to different supply-side strategies than support for radical left parties: i.e., both on cultural and economic issues.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"98 ","pages":"Article 103006"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145415966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-28DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103004
Yuya Endo, Yoshikuni Ono
Do male and female candidates benefit equally from disclosing their political ambition during electoral campaigns? While candidates for elective office are typically ambitious, voters may not reward female candidates to the same extent as male candidates for openly expressing such ambition. This may be because prevalent stereotypes portray women as modest and reserved, potentially clashing with the ostensibly masculine traits associated with political office. To examine this issue, we conducted a vignette experiment in Japan in which we randomly varied a candidate’s gender and stated motivation for seeking office. Our findings reveal that disclosing political ambitions, when framed as a personal choice, benefits both male and female candidates. However, male candidates who openly display ambition are perceived as more popular among the public, whereas female candidates do not receive the same benefit—even though they are rated as equally likable. This subtle disadvantage points to a nuanced gender bias mechanism: rather than stemming from direct voter disapproval, it arises from second-order beliefs that ambitious female candidates are less likely to attract broad voter support. Such perceptions may constrain women’s electoral success, deter them from openly expressing ambition, and reinforce gender disparities in political representation. These results suggest that efforts to reduce gender gaps in political leadership must address not only overt stereotypes but also voters’ perceptions of the electoral viability of ambitious female candidates.
{"title":"Emphasizing or downplaying political ambitions: Exploring the role of candidate gender in shaping voter perceptions","authors":"Yuya Endo, Yoshikuni Ono","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103004","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103004","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Do male and female candidates benefit equally from disclosing their political ambition during electoral campaigns? While candidates for elective office are typically ambitious, voters may not reward female candidates to the same extent as male candidates for openly expressing such ambition. This may be because prevalent stereotypes portray women as modest and reserved, potentially clashing with the ostensibly masculine traits associated with political office. To examine this issue, we conducted a vignette experiment in Japan in which we randomly varied a candidate’s gender and stated motivation for seeking office. Our findings reveal that disclosing political ambitions, when framed as a personal choice, benefits both male and female candidates. However, male candidates who openly display ambition are perceived as more popular among the public, whereas female candidates do not receive the same benefit—even though they are rated as equally likable. This subtle disadvantage points to a nuanced gender bias mechanism: rather than stemming from direct voter disapproval, it arises from second-order beliefs that ambitious female candidates are less likely to attract broad voter support. Such perceptions may constrain women’s electoral success, deter them from openly expressing ambition, and reinforce gender disparities in political representation. These results suggest that efforts to reduce gender gaps in political leadership must address not only overt stereotypes but also voters’ perceptions of the electoral viability of ambitious female candidates.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"98 ","pages":"Article 103004"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145415967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-16DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103001
Luana Russo
We still know little about levels of negative partisanship in Western Europe, what it consists of, how it relates to important key attitudinal variables, and its relation to the radical-right. This paper addresses these open questions, finding that negative partisanship reaches up to 70 %, which is often more prevalent than positive partisanship, and that it is mainly composed of the rejection of a party's worldviews. Positive and negative partisanship strongly predict one another, while political involvement and the salience of one's political identity are significant predictors of both. Also, being on the left of the ideological spectrum is associated with having a negative partisanship. Finally, observing the relationship between the radical-right and negative partisanship, three elements emerge: disliking a PRRP is associated with higher levels of negative partisanship, which is higher on the left side of the ideological left-right continuum, but the relation is curvilinear, and this distribution varies largely across countries.
{"title":"Negative partisanship in Western Europe","authors":"Luana Russo","doi":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103001","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.electstud.2025.103001","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>We still know little about levels of negative partisanship in Western Europe, what it consists of, how it relates to important key attitudinal variables, and its relation to the radical-right. This paper addresses these open questions, finding that negative partisanship reaches up to 70 %, which is often more prevalent than positive partisanship, and that it is mainly composed of the rejection of a party's worldviews. Positive and negative partisanship strongly predict one another, while political involvement and the salience of one's political identity are significant predictors of both. Also, being on the left of the ideological spectrum is associated with having a negative partisanship. Finally, observing the relationship between the radical-right and negative partisanship, three elements emerge: disliking a PRRP is associated with higher levels of negative partisanship, which is higher on the left side of the ideological left-right continuum, but the relation is curvilinear, and this distribution varies largely across countries.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48188,"journal":{"name":"Electoral Studies","volume":"98 ","pages":"Article 103001"},"PeriodicalIF":2.3,"publicationDate":"2025-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145320538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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